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Partizanke - Dangerous Women Project

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Partizanke

Their dangerous legacy in the post-Yugoslav space
1st April 2016

Chiara Bon glioli is currently Newfelpro post-doctoral fellow at the Centre for
Cultural and Historical Research of Socialism (CKPIS), Juraj Dobrila University of
Pula, Croatia. From 2012 to 2014, she has been a research fellow at the University
of Edinburgh, within the framework of the CITSEE project (The Europeanisation of
Citizenship in the Successor States of the former Yugoslavia). Her doctoral
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dissertation dealt with women’s political and social activism in Cold War Italy and
Yugoslavia (1945-1957). She has published extensively on gender history in the
post-Yugoslav space, and is currently researching women’s labour in the garment
industry during socialism and after post-socialist transition.

The contribution of partizanke, or female partisan ghters, to the Yugoslav
liberation war was unprecedented in occupied Europe: of cial statistics of
the socialist period report 100,000 women ghting as partisans, and two
million participating in various ways to the support of the National Liberation
Movement. Approximately 25,000 women died in battle, 40,000 were
wounded, and 2,000 of them acquired the of cer’s rank, while 92 women
were designated as national heroes.
Women of all nationalities and ages performed a variety of tasks, particularly
as ghters and nurses in the army, but also as couriers, cooks and typists.
Women also played a very important role away from the front, working in
agriculture, bringing supplies to the troops and taking care of the wounded
and the orphans, especially within the framework of the Antifascist Women’s
Front (AFŽ). [1]
The Antifascist Women’s Front was founded in an attempt to mobilise large
masses of women in the struggle against the occupation. Since the majority of
the population lived at the time in rural areas, the National Liberation
Movement strived to gain consensus among peasant women, which were the
majority at the time in Yugoslavia. The support of the female population in
the villages became crucial for partisans’ victory. [2]
The rst generation of AFŽ leaders – who were also former partisans and
communist party members – included many outstanding women from all over
Yugoslavia, generally highly educated and from families with a tradition of
leftist engagement. They took part in illegal revolutionary activities in the
interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia, after the banning of the communist party in
1921. They often joined legal women’s and youth organizations, spreading
socialist and antifascist ideas.
Women in the communist leadership embodied a radically different
femininity than the majority of peasant women living in Yugoslavia at the
time, as made evident by this photograph of Judita Alargić, Mitra Mitrović
and Vera Zogović, resting between battles in summer 1944 on the Adriatic
island of Vis, where the headquarters of the Yugoslav Army had been located
after the capitulation of Italy.
During World War II, partisan women were dangerous rst of all for their
enemies, namely Nazi and Fascist troops and local collaborationist forces,
whom they fought with incredible courage and sacri ce, incurring in torture,
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deportation to concentration
camps, losses of loved ones and
death. They were portrayed as ugly,
dirty and promiscuous by enemy
propaganda, which saw women’s
participation to the liberation
struggle as something that went
against the natural gender order.
Partisan women were indeed
dangerous for existing patriarchal
gender norms. Their participation
in the struggle carved new
subjectivities for women, whose

Judita Alargic, Mitra Mitrovic and
Vera Zogovic on the Island of Vis.
(Wikipedia – Muzej Istorije
Jugoslavije, inv. br. 12011)

political, social and economic rights
were recognized for the rst time in the Yugoslav constitution of 1946.
Through the local and national activities of the Antifascist Women’s Front,
moreover, antifascist leaders reached out to the most underdeveloped
territories of the Federation, promoting women’s alphabetization and
education, healthcare for mothers and children, as well as women’s equal
engagement in the processes of postwar reconstruction and industrialisation.
Their activities on the ground met the frequent opposition of men and local
authorities, including party members, as well as women’s reticence to
abandon their traditional customs. [3]
At times, prominent female partisans became dangerous for the socialist
system they had contributed to create, especially in the aftermath of the
Soviet-Yugoslav split of 1948, when alleged pro-Stalin supporters, including
women, were subjected to political repression, prison camps and political
ousting. [4] Of the women portrayed in the picture, only Judita Alargić
continued to have a relevant political career in socialist institutions, while
translator Vera Zogović suffered the consequences of political repression
together with her husband, poet Radovan Zogović. Mitra Mitrović was also
ousted from politics because of her closeness to Yugoslavia’s most famous
dissident, her ex husband Milovan Đilas.
Cold War times were complex and dangerous, as exempli ed by Želimir
Žilnik’s recent documentary, One Woman One Century (2010). Dragica
Vitolović Srzentić (1912-2015), former partisan, rst Yugoslav BBC speaker
and diplomat at the Ministry of Foreign affairs, was the one who brought
Tito’s letter of insubordination to Stalin in 1948, only to be incarcerated for
Stalinism together with her husband three years later. As the movie shows,
however, she never regretted her leftist choice nor denied socialism’s
progressive tenets.
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And here is a dangerous element of the partizanke’s legacy: the complexity of
their engagement and of their life trajectories, or, in other words, their
irreductible agency during World War II and in its aftermath. While many
scholars are keen to study women’s participation in the antifascist resistance,
very few are ready to recognise women’s agency in socialist Europe, or the
importance of women’s state socialist organisations such as the Antifascist
Women’s Front. These organisations and their leaders, in fact, are often seen
as too dependent from party politics or the socialist state.
The very idea of women’s agency during socialism seems indeed dangerous for
some feminist scholars, since it challenges their engrained representation of
state socialism as inherently totalitarian and patriarchal, as well as the liberal
equation between feminism and women’s autonomy from the state. [5] As
other feminist scholars have shown, however, it is time to question preexisting historical interpretations in unced by long-standing Cold War
paradigms, which risk reducing women to the mere victims of state socialism,
without understanding their actual political contribution in such complex and
dangerous times. [6]
To silence the legacy of women’s participation to the antifascist Resistance,
and their engagements in socialist times, would mean to undermine the
struggles against patriarchy that were waged through state socialist women’s
organisations, as well as the progressive legacy of such struggles in the
contemporary post-Yugoslav space. As Lydia Sklevicky wrote in her
pioneering study of the Antifascist Women’s Front, “Listening today to the
voices of women from the past, one sees not only the mistaken choices which
should not to be repeated, but also the unspent reserves of utopian energy.”
And then she added, quoting Walter Benjamin’s Fifth thesis on the concept of
history, ‘For it is an irretrievable picture of the past, which threatens to
disappear with every present, which does not recognize itself as meant in it’.
[7]
In the contemporary post-Yugoslav space, young activist women recognize
themselves in antifascist women’s struggles for women’s rights and
emancipation, particularly now that many of the social and economic rights
gained during socialist times have been deteriorating due to the Yugoslav
wars and the post-socialist privatization process, which led to widespread
deindustrialisation and unemployment. [8]
In 2010, for instance, architect and curator Ana Džokić revisited the story of
her grandparents, Rajka and Vukašin Borojević, two former partisans and
social entrepreneurs who founded a juice factory in Banja Luka, as well as
cooperative of women weavers in the village of Donji Dubac. The project was
signi cantly titled Taking Common Matters into Your Own Hands, as an homage
to the socialist legacy of collective solidarity and workers’ self-management.
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[9]
The gure of Rajka Borojević is exemplary of the idealist spirit carried by
partisan women well into the Cold War. A teacher and partisan from
Herzegovina, she took shelter with her two children in rural Serbia during the
war, and felt indebted to the local peasant population. She moved to the
village in the early 1950s, and started her rst workshops with peasant
women in 1954, teaching basic hygiene, nutrition, housekeeping and sex
education, and overcoming many dif culties, including the mistrust of male
villagers. [10] Later she founded the Dragačevo weavers’ cooperative, which
employed 420 women in the early 1960s. Women’s position in the village
gradually improved, and in 1967, the newly founded House of Culture even
hosted the nals of the ‘best husband’ competition. The building itself had
been funded with self-organised ‘best husband’ parties in the surrounding
villages. [11]
Young activists, archivists and scholars are putting renewed efforts in
preserving the dangerous legacy of partisan women across the former
Yugoslavia. The legacy of workers’ self-management, inter-ethnic solidarity
and women’s struggles for emancipation has been taken up as a form of
counter-memory by local activists in different post-Yugoslav states, against
new hegemonic national narratives centered on ethnic homogeneity and
based on the rehabilitation of anti-communist collaborationist forces. Such
counter-memories are also serving as a repertoire against the post-socialist
retraditionalisation of gender relations and workers’ gradual loss of social
rights. [12]
The reaf rmation of antifascist values happens through archiving, exhibitions
and activist initiatives. Two recent examples of such efforts are the
digitalisation of the existing archive of the Antifascist Women’s Front located
in Sarajevo by a collective of women artists, [13] and an exhibition on the AFŽ
recently organized in Banja Luka, which featured former partisan Branka
Bjelajac as a guest. [14]
Another example is the Zagreb Antifascist Network (Mreža antifašistkinja
Zagreb, MAZ) founded in 2007, which organises antifascist parties,
commemorations and solidarity marches. [15] The subversive legacy of
workers’ solidarity, women’s struggles and antifascism is also revived by a
number of antifascist, feminist and queer choirs across the region, such as
Kombinat in Slovenia, Horkestar in Serbia, Le Zbor and Zbor Praksa in
Croatia. [16]
Such choirs have been performing different local partisan songs, together
with other international protest songs (The Internationale, Bella Ciao, Bread
and Roses), as a way of protest against current neo-liberal and neohttp://dangerouswomenproject.org/2016/04/01/partizanke-dangerous-legacy/

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conservative politics, for instance in support of workers of bankrupted
factories, or as part of pride marches for LGBT rights.
The ‘unspent reserves of utopian energy’ contained in the antifascist heritage
are thus re-appropriated and re-signi ed, in multiple dangerous ways, by the
nieces and nephews of partizanke, seventy years after the end of World War
II.
 

 
[1] Barbara Jancar-Webster. Women &amp; Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945
(Denver: Arden Press, 1990)
[2] Jelena Batinić. Women and Yugoslav Partisans: A History of World War II
Resistance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015)
[3] Chiara Bon glioli, ‘Women’s Political and Social Activism in the Early Cold
War Era: The Case of Yugoslavia’, Aspasia, The International Yearbook of
Central, Eastern, and Southeastern European Women’s and Gender History, 8
(2014): 1-25.
[4] Renata Jambrešić-Kirin, ‘Yugoslav Women Intellectuals: From a Party Cell
to a Prison Cell’, History of Communism in Europe 5 (2014): 36-53.
[5] Nanette Funk, ‘A very tangled knot: Of cial state socialist women’s
organizations, women’s agency and feminism in Eastern European state
socialism’, European Journal of Women’s Studies, 21, no. 4 (2014): 344-360.
[6] On this discussion, see the two Forums published on the journal Aspasia,
The International Yearbook of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern European
Women’s and Gender History: Is ‘Communist Feminism’ a Contradictio in
Terminis? 1 (2007); Ten Years After: Communism and Feminism Revisited, 10
(forthcoming 2016).
[7] Lydia Sklevicky, Konji, Žene, Ratovi (Zagreb: Ženska Infoteka, 1996), 69.
[8] Igor Štiks and Srečko Horvat (eds.), Welcome to the Desert of Post-Socialism:
Radical Politics After Yugoslavia (London: Verso, 2014).
[9] See the documentation of the STEALTH research archive (last accessed
18.3.2016).
[10] Rajka Borojević, Iz Dubca u svet (Beograd: Etnografski muzej, 2006), rst
edition 1964. See also Natalja Herbst, ‘Women in Socialist Yugoslavia in the
1950s. The Example of Rajka Borojević and the Dragačevo Women’s
Cooperative’, in Roswita Kersten-Pejanić, Simone Rajilić, and Christian Voß,
(eds.), Doing Gender-Doing the Balkans (München, Berlin, Washington D.C.:
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Verlag Otto Sagner, 2012)
[11] STEALTH documentation.
[12] Chiara Bon glioli, ‘Gender, labour and precarity in the South East
European periphery: the case of textile workers in Štip’, Contemporary
Southeastern Europe, 1 no. 2 (2014): 7-23.
[13] http://www.afzarhiv.org/
[14] “Uspostavljanje izgubljenje veze: AFŽ u Bosanskoj krajini“, Narodna i
Univerzitetska Biblioteka Republike Srpske, Banja Luka, Bosnia Herzegovina.
[15] www.maz.hr
[16] Ana Hofman, Glasba, politika, afekt. Novo življenje partizanskih pesmi v
Sloveniji (Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 2015)

 

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    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="576">
        <name>Chiara Bonfiglioli</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="571">
        <name>Partisan women</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="570">
        <name>World War II</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="572">
        <name>Yugoslavia</name>
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    </tagContainer>
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</itemContainer>
