66 10 689 http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/2d8f41c2ed6fa97331109309e2cb517e.pdf 80e6c2546d7e94aedcd3e620c0ea2b04 PDF Text Text ������ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Referat sa Drugog plenuma Sreskog odbora AFŽa Zenica Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 368-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 6 str. 1950. Dječija nedelja izbori opismenjavanje Petogodišnji plan plenumi Sreski odbor AFŽa Zenica Ujedinjene nacije http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/cf56dcafce3c8c6e8ef6629938ccb6cf.pdf fcd9d98de62cbeb4c3c0b4421a5da847 PDF Text Text �������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa plenarnog sastanka i sreske izborne konferencije Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sreski odbor AFŽa Zenica Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 04.07.1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 369-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 8 str. 1950. aktivi domaćinski tečajevi Glavni odbor AFŽa BiH izbori izborne konferencije konferencije Narodnooslobodilačka borba plenumi revolucija Sreski odbor AFŽa Zenica Ujedinjene nacije http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/f5e1e5863671bb4222ecfa9ba1ee8c78.pdf 10eb50bb692f496b4fd3a77a498f2e26 PDF Text Text ������ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa plenarnog sastanka Oblasnog odbora AFŽa Tuzla održanog 24.05.1950. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 370-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 6 str. 1950. Oblasni odbor AFŽa Tuzla plenarni sastanak plenumi http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/5c62405e8e9aaae2c3a83c65b5bfdf55.pdf f8bacf8cfb01c31cd8e9e2bbf83ce83f PDF Text Text ������ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa plenuma Oblasnog odbora AFŽa Mostar Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 18.05.1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 371-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 6 str. 1950. aktivi Dječija nedelja izbori kulturno-prosvjetni rad Oblasni odbor AFŽa Mostar plenumi http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/d632886222b2195a85adf0a94f9cf3a9.pdf a2f57e236cff89ef038da6a4a92ae07a PDF Text Text �������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa plenuma Oblasnog odbora AFŽa Tuzla Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 27.02.1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 372-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 8 str. 1950. Glavni odbor AFŽa Sarajevo izbori Oblasni odbor AFŽa Tuzla Osmi mart pioniri http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/75b0ffcfea73b9071d44f1236fdc97d7.pdf 15d6e113ee81d381e9d4c7648c32bbaf PDF Text Text ����������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa savjetovanja gradskih i oblasnih rukovodilaca AFŽa Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 05.05.1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 373-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 11 str. 1950. agitacija gradski odbor Oblasni odbor AFŽ poljoprivreda privreda savjetovanje vaspitanje djece http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/0956cba0083e829e0b18f426e0a964fa.pdf fc13cc9bec4ba24e622043126afa4f8e PDF Text Text ������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa savjetovanja rukovodioca AFŽa sarajevske oblasti Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 13.10.1950. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 374-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 7 str.. 1950. porodilišta savjetovanje skidanje zara školske kuhinje štampa stanje organizacije zadaci zdravstveni rad http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/aea8a9d8cb2f5bed19a1e9007f5cd68a.pdf feed2762025766c41a63f554c8967c2f PDF Text Text �������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dokumenti iz arhiva Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context A Dokument Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zapisnik sa VII plenuma Glavnog odbora AFŽa BiH Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource septembar 1951. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource SH Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 375-A Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 20 str. 1951 analfabetski tečajevi diskusija domaćinski tečajevi Glavni odbor AFŽa BiH opismenjavanje plenumi porodilišta propaganda referati tečajevi učiteljice http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/d192ff602882df6645a8bb15398f1ddb.pdf 9514dfa26f1fdb9d8f98f6d818c364d5 PDF Text Text C n et o tns 2 5 406 / |1 15 adh Clp oSl i Pico Ht y....... A K m 96 nte oa eftis o i f io ........ . l ó ls ant l s s r ........ t i ................... Rks wiC m g H m....................JC B he d ooos oi o e...................... e r ns s k n M m yf 96 nteHna a Ad ns e o o15 adh ug in u ec r r i e o Rd FeErp.......................G D n f a o r u e........................ a y i e o ....................... i Riac adCnso t Sl i P cc ae 15 ......Tkc es n n ocs n oti s r te fr 96.... R aás st e ei s ant ais t .... U pt urDti zin n e a l ean ao s c c a sl i t : . ............. . teC efS vk Wtsae 15.............. JMa u a h a o l a re fr 96............. . rš k s o ir t i Sii E Nw us v eis ................ s L r n oat r e Ygl F mim...............Z óá d cl - a s oa n ............... . Te Hna a Htr a Rv w h ug in i oc e e r s il i 15 ad etn i EtCnaE o 96 n Ria en a e r u p s c s s tl r e 15 ad etn i EtC tl u p 96 n Ria en a e r E o s c s s na r e N wSre o AtH o ia e eis f cai r c st Aa e i S i ni u H n ai æ c d m æ ce t r m u grc a 15 ad etn i EtCtl u p 96 n Rs c n a er E o s a e s na r e i H IS US N 26-67 0384 n me u br vl m ou e 54 21 06 Is tt o Htr R sa hCnr f t Humnt s n iu f i oy e e c ete o h t e s , r r e a i, ie Hu gr nA aeyof cecs n a a cdm i Sin e �The Hungarian Historical Review New Series of Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Volume 5 No. 4 2016 1956 and Resistance in East Central Europe Péter Apor, Sándor Horváth Special Editors of the Thematic Issue Contents Articles Árpád von Klimó 1956 and the Collapse of Stalinist Politics of History: Forgetting and Remembering the 1942 Újvidék/ Novi Sad Massacre and the 1944/45 Partisan Retaliations in Hungary and Yugoslavia (1950s–1960s) 739 Jan C. Behrends Rokossowski Coming Home: The Making and Breaking of an (Inter-)national Hero in Stalinist Poland (1949–1956) 767 Gábor Danyi Phantom Voices from the Past: Memory of the 1956 Revolution and Hungarian Audiences of Radio Free Europe 790 In the Pull of the West: Resistance, Concessions and Showing off from the Stalinist Practice in Hungarian Culture after 1956 814 Unspectacular Destalinization: the Case of Slovak Writers after 1956 834 “Mainstreaming” and “Disengagement”: The Possibilities for Resistance, Critical Opposition and Dissent 854 Róbert Takács Juraj Marušiak http://www.hunghist.org HHR2016_4.indb 1 2016.11.29. 15:41:55 �Contents Book Reviews Slavery in Árpád-era Hungary in a Comparative Context. By Cameron Sutt. Reviewed by János M. Bak 882 Koldulórendi konfraternitások a középkori Magyarországon (1270 k. – 1530 k.) [Mendicant confraternities in medieval Hungary (ca. 1270 – ca. 1530)]. By Marie Madeleine de Cevins. Reviewed by Beatrix F. Romhányi 885 [The Teutonic Order in Prussia: Changes in population and settlement pattern]. Reviewed by Benjámin Borbás 888 Choreographies of Shared Sacred Sites: Religion, Politics, and Resolution. Edited by Elazar Barkan and Karen Barkey. Reviewed by Emese Muntán 892 Brokering Empire: Trans-Imperial Subjects between Venice and Istanbul. By E. Natalie Rothman. Reviewed by Tamás Kiss 895 Setting the Precedent. By Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla. Reviewed by Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics 898 By Robert Nemes. Reviewed by Bálint Varga 902 Globalizing Southeastern Europe: Emigrants, America, and the State since Zionists in Interwar Czechoslovakia: Minority Nationalism and the Politics The Invisible Jewish Budapest: Metropolitan Culture at the Fin-de-Siècle. Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler. By Stefan Ihrig. Reviewed by Péter Pál Kránitz HHR2016_4.indb 2 916 2016.11.29. 15:41:55 �Contents Szálasi Ferenc: Politikai életrajz [Ferenc Szálasi: A political biography]. The State, Antisemitism, and Collaboration in the Holocaust: The Borderlands of Romania and the Soviet Union. By Diana Dumitru. Reviewed by Vladimir Solonari 924 By Marcin Zaremba. Reviewed by Markus Krzoska 929 HHR2016_4.indb 3 2016.11.29. 15:41:55 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism between “Mainstreaming” and “Disengagement”: The Possibilities for Resistance, Critical Opposition and Dissent1 Through a focus on early publications by feminist intellectuals in Yugoslavia during the practice of women’s emancipation in the context of a state socialist (in this case selfmanaging socialist) country in East Central Europe. After a brief overview of feminist organizing in Yugoslavia until the late 1980s, this paper looks at conferences and journal publications, which also provides the opportunity to better understand the workings of the Yugoslav public space and publishing processes. The text, written with a conceptual and intellectual historical focus, analyzes the discursive interventions and reformulations of matters related to women’s emancipation. The new Yugoslav feminist approaches feminism in North America and Western Europe, feminists in Yugoslavia searched for in its own context. “Criticism of the family and marriage […] is already the criticism of the 2 This sentence reveals the essential role of feminism in post-Second World War East Europea[n socialist states, which, however, was an underrepresented discourse amid the variety of dissent, dissidence and countercultural criticism. The close reading of the work of feminists during the 1970s and 1980s in Yugoslavia, where feminism reappeared in a semi-organized form and with a wide range of activities—from intellectual discussion through artwork to explicit political activism—tells us a lot about the History of Feminism in Yugoslavia in the 1970s and 1980s,” submitted and defended at the Central European University in 2015. I also rely extensively on my articles “‘Nem osztálykérdés, nem biológiai meghatározottság.’ A feminista ellenzék elméleti keretei a Tito alatti Jugoszláviában” and another one entitled “New Feminist Identity and Politics through Conceptual Transfers and Activist Inspirations in Yugoslavia in the 1970–80s” in the collective volume edited by Joachim Haeberlen and Mark Szajbel Keck (to be published in 2017). 854 HHR2016_4.indb 854 http://www.hunghist.org 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism is relevant for the region of state-socialist Eastern Europe, while it also allows us on the early, mostly academic, publications by feminists in Yugoslavia in order to show some of the possibilities and actual meanings of feminist opposition in the context of a socialist state. I argue that their activity is somewhere in policies and self-organizing critical, external discourses and actions.3 My approach comes from intellectual and conceptual history. While conceptual history focuses on the meanings of the texts through a contextual reading, for feminist historiography, there is always an explicit political stake in recovering events of the past. In my reading, the two support each other in the sense that it is in the interest of feminist historiography to have meanings of concepts central to certain recovered ideologies, while the contextualism of intellectual history implicitly and often even explicitly subscribes to the importance of the personal within the political. The strategies behind feminist movements always necessarily involve an intervention with language and a struggle for meanings, the reconstruction of which is the primary aim of conceptual and intellectual history—which at the very same time respects the importance of the role of the personal and the individual as well. published (articles in newspapers, magazines, journals, as well as books) and unpublished (primarily archival documentation of activist work), artworks and videos, and also oral history interviews with the participants of the feminist groups. I base my analysis on the work and discourse of the members of feminist groups called [Woman and Society] and their allies. I call the phenomenon in focus new Yugoslav feminism. Some publications and some members of the use the term “neofeminizam,” that is “new feminism”—a name that not all participants, however, acknowledged. “New feminism” is also a general name widely used to describe that version of feminism, which in its diversity emerges in the 1960s in Western Europe and North America. This is what is concepts of “ethical civil society” and “political society.” In that framework, which was applied to Central European dissent by Alan Renwick, new Yugoslav feminism would be closer to political society in which Problems of Democratic Transition; Renwick, “Anti-Political or Just Anti-Communist?,” 287. 855 HHR2016_4.indb 855 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 mostly known today as the “second wave,” another problematic term I will try to avoid using, because it blends an at least 100-year-long complex history of feminist movements and discourses into one “wave.”4 However, for the Yugoslav feminists of the 1970s, the designation “new” refers to the pre-Second World War feminist history of the country, and this conscious admittance of continuity is important to highlight. The women and few men active in and around the group throughout the almost 20 years in focus in this paper. The individual stakes and life trajectories, the different intellectual approaches, the inherent differences within the local scenes intellectually and in the actual infrastructures make this a loose network, connected, however, by the shared fascination of a The Return of Feminism and a few university professors. As we can see from the interviews and from their biographies, these women came from a rather homogeneous social background and, with two exceptions, were from the same generation. This generation was and were themselves very often active participants of the partisan movement. Unlike their mothers, they were puzzled by the contradiction between the promise of the regime and their own experience of their own emancipation. 5 about “what is happening to American women.”6 The interest, of course, was not only in women in the United States: Europe and the “Third World” were on the radar too, especially Italy, England, France, Germany and India. 4 Davis, Moving the Mountain, 27–28, and Hewitt, “Introduction,” 1–2. 5 Cf. Sharon Zukin about Praxis: “For several older members of this group, the collective odyssey in dissent began in an unlikely way, in teenage heroism with the Partisans during World War II. […] They Dissent and Nondissent in Yugoslavia,” 131. 856 HHR2016_4.indb 856 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism The new feminists in Yugoslavia could explore the possibilities of a They started with meetings in each other’s homes, which later moved to the student centers and research institutes until they formed their own semiinstitutions with the foundation of the SOS helplines and the shelters. There is a difference between the activities in the three major cities in which the groups were organized. University seminars or talks took place were 7 the [Students’ Cultural and Art Center], was countercultural and political groups, such the punk and green movements. The straight or still closeted lesbian women worked together in the same group from the beginning. In the mid-1980s, the lesbian members played an increasingly new feminism was the SKC, the Students’ Cultural Center, where the director of the Gallery of the SKC, later the director of the whole institution, was conference in Yugoslavia took place in 1978. Many women joined the feminist circles after attending this conference called [Comradeess Woman: a New Approach]. This famous and canonical conference, however, was preceded by many publications (already in 1972)8 and a lot of brainstorming, even feminist presentations at the conferences organized by the state women’s organization, the [Conference for the Social Participation of 9 In Belgrade, the SKC offered a series of discussions, the tribine. The conferences (the 1978 international one 7 Even though most literature does not refer to Yugoslav self-managing socialism as “state socialism,” I use the term to differentiate the political regimes in post-Second World War Eastern Europe from socialist relevant for the entire region. for feminist or proto-feminist discussions, though these were not related to the work of the new Yugoslav and Dobos, “The Women’s Movement in Yugoslavia.” 857 HHR2016_4.indb 857 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 in Belgrade, and then the Yugoslav feminist conferences in 1987, 1988, 1989 and 1990) and the summer schools at the Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik beginning in 1987 were attracting the largest audiences and opened up to women who would otherwise not have attended the feminist meetings. After 1985, the small group meetings returned: these were a space in which personal experiences were emphasized (very similar to the consciousness-raising groups elsewhere) and the training groups for the SOS helplines for abused women because of the SOS helpline and the activities around it, the feminists reached a much wider audience, which could have even served as a basis for a wider grassroots movement had the war not broken out. The women and few men in the three cities cooperated very closely in the creation of these helplines, sharing knowledge and experience. During the early phase that is the focus of this paper, journal publications and men could participate in the conferences and editorial work of the journal [Woman]. As we shall see and as research shows, some of the women indeed were dedicated to the betterment of women’s position in society, to such an extent that they were willing to give space to the feminist ideas of young women—ideas with which they themselves did not agree. This makes an interesting case study of inter-generational and inter-ideological encounters. Meanwhile, the array of journals accepting feminist articles was extended such as Pitanja [Questions], [Our topics], Argumenti [Arguments], Ideje [Ideas], Socijalizam u svetu [Socialism in the World], Republika [Republic], etc., and in the 1980s Problemi [Problems] in Slovenia. The student journals Mladina in Student and Vidici [Views] in Belgrade also provided important forums for new feminist discussions, which is not by accident: the youth organizations enjoyed relative freedom from state control in their activities.10 With time, the feminist articles reached a wider audience through newspapers and weeklies, such as Danas [Today] and Start, as well as women’s magazines, such as 11 Bazar published in Belgrade, Svijet [World] in Zagreb and Jana 10 The reasons and explanations behind this widely repeated statement are explored in detail in the work of Zubak, “The Yugoslav Youth Press (1968–1980).” were: Svijet (published in Zagreb from 1953 to 1992); (Belgrade, 1956 to 1993); Bazar 858 HHR2016_4.indb 858 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism on the spectrum between the more serious , which still followed the party of which, such as Bazar and Svijet, occasionally did publish feminist articles). The full picture of the feminist discussions, however, includes art, literature, as well as literary and art theory, besides the academic discussions and the activist work. Because of the curators at the SKC, art and literature were extensively present among others. The history of the new Yugoslav feminism has its own periodization, while it was running parallel with the new or second wave feminisms in the “West” after the beginnings in the early 1970s, which was characterised by private (kitchen table) conversations and academic publishing, there was a turn around the years 1985–86, called a “second wave” by many, when group members wanted a change in the work of the groups that would serve to focus more on activism and consciousness-raising in small, women-only groups. The next phase in their story started around 1990, when more and more new and much more diverse groups were born out of the circles and went in different directions. These directions ranged from political and anti-war activism through a more of feminist knowledge through the creation of women’s studies or gender studies centers and departments at universities or parallel to them.12 is hard to compare to any other form of opposition in the region at the time. While there is a temptation to attribute the phenomenon to the exceptionality of Yugoslav self-managing socialism,13 the situation is more complex than that. as the journals and magazines (those in various constellations) were working under the umbrella of the SSRNJ [ – (Belgrade, 1964 to 1990); Nada (Belgrade, 1975 to 1993 and re-launched in 2001); and Una (Sarajevo, 1974 , 78. 12 With regard to wartime, cf. eg.: Mladjenovic and Hughes, “Feminist Resistance to War and Violence The Body of War We Were Gasping for Air Resisting the Evil; Helms, Innocence and Victimhood; Miškovska-Kajevska, Taking a Stand in Times of Violent Societal Changes. 13 From the abundant literature on Yugoslav self-management, cf. Pavlowitch, Yugoslavia (esp. from p. 175); Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia; Mezei, et al. Samoupravni socijalizam. 859 HHR2016_4.indb 859 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia].14 This, as I explain later in this paper was, however, far from a complete freedom of the press, but there were just enough cracks in the wall that a wide selection ideas, including feminist ones, could reach the public. In addition to the legal and infrastructural circumstances, there is a crucial source of historical inspiration that is also part of the explanation: the large numbers of women involved in the partisan movement,15 the basis this gave to the extensive emancipation of women after the Second World War, which indeed did entail substantial societal change.16 (Although it is beyond the scope of this paper, there is important current research on the state violence exerted against women in Yugoslavia in addition to the literature on women’s emancipation.)17 Besides these two factors, I would emphasize the importance of contingency: that these women in the groups met, decided to like each other, decided to focus on feminism, decided to organize the women-only discussion forums and made smaller- and larger-scale decisions liberalism, deconstruction, Marxist revisionism, nationalism, to mention a few despite the prevailing censorship, despite the lack of a partisan tradition and despite the closed borders.18 Dissent, Resistance, Mainstreaming and Disengagement The new Yugoslav feminists held a position vis-à-vis the state that was between world’ and ‘second world’,” thus ignoring the ethical and aesthetic complexities 14 Thompson, Forging War, 13. 15 Wiesinger, Partisaninnen; Jancar-Webster, Women & Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941–1945 and Yugoslav Partisans. Women . Jugoslovenski feminizma. Dom i svijet. Political Thought and Falk, The Dilemmas of Dissidence. 860 HHR2016_4.indb 860 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism of socialist life.19 For various reasons, new Yugoslav feminism is a case par excellence of the productive encounter of discourses. Engaging in a dialogue feminists do not directly oppose the Yugoslav state, but see the place of women there as constant opposition. The disappointment of this new generation of young women is similar to the experience of the feminists in the United States and Western Europe and this aspect should be constantly kept in mind when we discuss the difference between the so-called East and the so-called West. Despite the differences in the economic and political systems, the new feminist movement and ideology was born out of a disappointment with the promises of left politics, that is, with the socialist regime in Yugoslavia and the new left, the civil rights movements and the anti-war movements in Western Europe and North America.20 The new Yugoslav feminists learned about the situation of women in the West and the criticism of existing democracies through the inner, feminist dissidence,21 thus they were inspired and critical of Western capitalist democracies at the same time, unlike, for example, the liberal dissident groups in Central Europe. The new Yugoslav feminism, as we shall see, voiced strict criticism through pointing out the systemic nature of the oppression of women, thematizing women’s women endure without the intervention of the system. Their claim is that the state did not change the status quo, one of their conclusions being that once the regime was built on patriarchy it became ideologically impossible for women to I call the new feminist discourse in Yugoslavia a critical one, more similar in its attempt to engage the state in a dialogue than refusing it per se as most dissidence does. In the meantime, it makes sense to look at this new feminism in light of dissenting discourses because of the dissenting status of feminism elsewhere and because of the windows the dissidents themselves offer for this.22 The new feminists in Yugoslavia did not publish in samizdat nor were they imprisoned for their writings. However, they were in search of critical 19 Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, 9. 20 Cf. e.g., Hartmann, “The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism” and Sargent, ed., Women and Revolution i feminizma.” 21 Sparks, “Dissident Citizenship”; Graycar, ed., Dissenting Opinions. Also, cf. Crow, The Rise of the Sixties. 22 The political scientist Tihomir Cipek and the historian Katarina Spehnjak provide a list of all the non-researched possible forms of “opposition,” “dissent,” “antipolitics” and “resistance” in the former 861 HHR2016_4.indb 861 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 or oppositional positions within the state’s mainstream. They created a micro space in which nonconformist ideas could be discussed and critical thoughts done despite the resistance of the institutions. Sharon Zukin, looking at “possibilities of dissent” in Yugoslavia, argues that “[i]n states that claim to operate on the basis of a Marxist ideology, there is an enormous vulnerability to dissent because of the gap between theory and practice. In capitalist states, dissent arises in more limited institutional contexts, notably over the excesses of administrative agencies or the dishonesty of executive authorities.”23 Zukin claims that due to the framework, the activity of to East European dissidence. In the meantime, she also debates the “liberalism” of the Yugoslav state, suggesting rather discussing different strategies of control, such as creating a controlled space within the state: “neither self-management nor market socialism is as central to Yugoslav development as the relatively non-coercive strategies of labor mobilization and capital accumulation that the leadership established in response to internal and external pressures beginning in 1947 and 1948. And it is wrong to characterize these strategies as liberalism.”24 Even for critical intellectual positions, a publication in a scholarly journal or 25 Editors of journals could also be dismissed by the “publisher” of the journal, i.e., the associations, companies, social, political, educational and other specialized professional institutions26 that were working under the umbrella of the SSRNJ.27 Besides the organizational aspect, according to the data provided by Pedro (Sabrina) Ramet, 80 per cent of journalists were party members and the regarding “freedom of criticism in various Yugoslav elites,” journalists tend to Yugoslav member state of Croatia, and in their categorization, new Yugoslav feminism belongs under these labels. Cipek and Spehnjak, “Croatia.” 23 Zukin, “Sources of Dissent and Nondissent,” 119. 24 Ibid., 120. 25 Cf. the dismissal of the Praxis professors, and in 1971, during the era of the so-called liberalization, Saviours of the Nation; Miller, The Nonconformists; and Gállos, Szlovéniai változások. 26 Zukin, “Sources of Dissent and Nondissent,” 122. 27 Thompson, Forging War, 13. 862 HHR2016_4.indb 862 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism be less critical than other groups of the Yugoslav decision-making élite.28 Part of the explanation for this tendency lies in the highly political process of their selection. Furthermore, there were annual reviews of the media products and the supervising body, like the publisher’s councils under the authority of the SSRNJ, which could issue warnings, impose penalties on editors, or even dismiss them and the journalists who wrote articles the council found unacceptable. In In the case of those newspapers, journals or magazines that were funded by the SKJ or the SSRNJ, the end of funding meant the end of the medium as well, the most famous example being the journal Praxis.29 The new Yugoslav feminists, therefore, did not face the same level of persecution that the dissidents of Central European countries or the Soviet Union did.30 On the other hand, there is barely any talk about the situation of women in the work of dissidence in Central Europe and the Soviet Union: they overlook the shortcomings of state socialism in this regard, which largely East Central Europe have been raised by many authors.31 In countries that offer a rich and compelling discussion of human rights, freedom of speech and social justice, the violation of women in the private sphere and exclusion of women from the public gets little attention, an issue that, with few exceptions, has not been examined by existing scholarship until very recently. The new Yugoslav feminist criticism of the state, although it was not a dissident group per se, but something between cooperation and dissidence, helps us to understand what would have been the opportunities in other East European countries to develop a feminist dissidence. The case of new Yugoslav feminism explains to us how the ambivalent emancipation offered by the state socialist regimes made it impossible for dissidents who by the 1980s almost entirely gave up on Marxism 28 Robinson, Tito’s Maverick Media, 125. 29 Ramet, “The Yugoslav Press in Flux,” 110. 30 Falk, The Dilemmas of Dissidence; Csizmadia, A magyar demokratikus ellenzék; Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-Politics; Pollack and Wielgohs, eds., Dissent and Opposition in Communist Eastern Europe; Skilling, Samizdat and an Independent Society; Satterwhite, Varieties of Marxist Humanism; Shore, Caviar and Ashes. We All Fought for Freedom and Penn, Solidarity’s Secret. 863 HHR2016_4.indb 863 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 to relate to a feminism that had to at least partly acknowledge some of the improvements in the situation of women in socialist countries.32 Investigating Possibilities of a Feminist Critique of Marxian Thought and Yugoslav Socialism Through their textual interventions, the new Yugoslav feminists not only opposed the state, they also stretched the boundaries of the ways academia thinks of itself and the ways the state presents the position of women in Yugoslavia. Through the reading of new feminist texts from the United States and Western Europe as well as critical Marxist texts from different schools of thought and sometimes even through philosophy from India, the new feminist discourse in Yugoslavia attributes new meanings to the concept of feminism itself. Their political action in academic discussions is rather a discursive one: balancing between disengagement and mainstreaming,33 they try to create a new language to talk about women’s emancipation and the relations between men feminism means, but also the reconceptualization of consciousness, women’s universal experience, patriarchy, family, work, “homosexuality,”34 the relationship between the private and the public as well as the introduction of the concept of gender. The theme of the relations between the communists and the women’s movement is paradigmatic for the focus of the discourse, inasmuch that leftist, Marxist and socialist feminisms from all over the world prevail in the new Yugoslav feminist intertexts. This always linked the feminist discussions to the broader frame of Yugoslav state socialist ideology. Both the context and the audience, i.e., the community of the text’s implied readers (including the fellow authors in this very issue of the journal Dometi [Throw], mostly from 32 About Marxism and what happens to it, cf. Miller, “Where Was the Serbian Havel”; Judt, “The 33 Briskin, “Feminist Practice,” 26, 29. Probably no one even dreamed that the movement of people with a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual/ name. In the research material, the most advanced texts make mention of gej [gay] and lezbejka [lesbian] people, although the most common is homoseksualci [homosexuals]. Since the current position of the 864 HHR2016_4.indb 864 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism the group), support this interpretation. There is a debate about a new approach (novi pristup ) in Yugoslavia, which for the protagonists of my text is more or less explicitly the new feminism, neofeminizam. In several introductions of journal special issues, the editors openly it the negative examples that teach about paths not to be taken. Therefore, it is Student in 1976 (cf. below), but also several articles in and other journals, such as Argumenti (publishing a documentation of the legendary 1978 conference) Dometi “that even today, in all societies to a smaller or greater extent, women are ‘second rate citizens.’”35 pitanje), investigations of the ideas of the new feminism bring along a conceptual replacement of the former with the latter. Texts started to emerge only in the early 1970s: reports on the new feminist movement in the United States and various countries of Western Europe, from time to time even South America and emancipation in Yugoslavia, there are at least two parallel stories about feminisms “elsewhere” with emphasis on the “new feminism.” Telling the story of new feminisms in the world involves evaluation and therefore reveals the opinion of the authors, in the manner of which these can be read as manifestos on behalf of the authors. Especially in case of those Yugoslav new feminists who, either as competing ideology for which the innocent-looking informative introductions to the currents of “new feminism” in other countries proved to be a good strategy. In exploring the different strategies aimed at gaining a place in the discourse review on Italian feminism as an implicit programmatic text for the new endeavors to understand the new feminist phenomena, the time being mature 36 865 HHR2016_4.indb 865 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 feminism is presented through the history of the Italian communists, which bears many similarities to the history of Yugoslav communists. What makes the text programmatic is the way the author makes an attempt to reconcile the relationship between the women’s movement and the communists – in Italy. the relationship of feminism and the communist party should take shape in Yugoslavia. It does tell the story without explicitly pointing out the similarities, though these similarities nevertheless stand out. The article begins with the emphasis on the proletarian roots of the women’s movement, which outweigh the traditions of the civil-rights-based bourgeois Party of Italy (SPI), which in 1911 severed the ties with the bourgeois women’s was otherwise also supported by the revolutionary feminists. The SPI’s argument was that this issue did not concern either the class struggle or the working class and thus the paths of the communists and the women’s movement parted for along the recognition that there was need for a separate proletarian women’s movement, because the working class is ruled by conservative prejudice against women. However, not much changed in the interwar period, when the major issue was the struggle against fascism and women’s emancipation was present only as a remnant from the previous century (“instead of the swing of the After the overview of the changes after the Second World War, including the laws having been changed “in bourgeois society,” the patriarchal mentality prevailed, proving to be the main barrier to women’s liberation (37). This conclusion is followed by a positive evaluation of the appearance of neofeminizam in Italy in the years 1968–69, which stemmed from the new left movements and student protests, from the experience that even within the student movement women face the same marginalization and discrimination. Feminism in Italy, oppositional movement in relation to the existing social order” as “masses of women, mostly young ones, cannot identify with a single existing political party, not even in the left” (39, emphasis mine). 866 HHR2016_4.indb 866 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism in other texts I analyze below, addressing the juxtaposition of “good” and “bad” feminisms. neofeminizam in Italy lay in highlighting various topics, which repeatedly return as central concepts of the new Yugoslav feminist discourse: women’s creativity in the arts and the humanities, the debates about sexuality (in Italy mostly with regard to the right to contraception and abortion), consciousness-raising – and through this, the relations between the public and the private, domestic violence and sexual violence. The article ends with the optimistic conclusion: “It is encouraging [to see] that all women with a leftist orientation in Italy are in accord in their struggle, regardless of whether they belong or do not belong to regular parties. Because they all belong to the women’s movement in a broad sense. This way, today even communist women with the closure about the success of the feminists, makes the reader think of this as a path to follow. The implied conclusions for the new Yugoslav feminism are manifold. The argument that the roots of the women’s movement, both in the late nineteenth in the worker’s movement and the in the political left in general addresses both the state establishment and those who want to join the new groups and share the ideas. Further elements of the analysis, which can be directly translated into the current Yugoslav context, are those of the relations between the SPI and the women’s movements in the interwar period and during the Second World War, highlighting the parallel between the NOB ( – [Alliance of the Women’s Movements] and the feminist examination of the reasons for which terms women’s movement and feminism throughout the article, here she makes a distinction. To her, the two concepts are synonymous—women’s movements 867 HHR2016_4.indb 867 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 new feminism along themes and concepts that are recurrently present in the Yugoslav case as well. The recognition of different women’s movements and, therefore, feminisms leads to the description of the different currents of feminism through opposing pairs in the early Yugoslav publications. These texts categorize feminism according to the distinction between radical revolutionary women’s movements (Marxist) and bourgeois movements, on the one hand, and extremist (radical, hyper-feminist) movements as opposed to the moderate (socialist, Marxist) movements on the other hand. The two oppositions are clearly contradict one another and represent a certain socialist conservatism when it comes to selfexpression. who lived both joined the feminist group , initiated a series of articles introducing American feminism. The “series” ended after two articles and feminism as a topic returns on the pages of only in 1975 with the United Nations’ “Year of Women” in 1975, which was followed by the “Decade of Women”, lasting Happening to the American Woman?”37 Her claim is that she wants to demystify the way this “socially-ideationally relevant phenomenon” (57) had been presented in the media up to then. She emphasizes that new feminism is not only relevant in the society in which it originates, alluding to the Yugoslav situation, and adds that her aim is not to judge, rather to represent based on the work of other researchers. Using analyses from economics and sociology, the author shows the economic and social problems American women face, including employment communist and capitalist modernized societies legitimizes feminist claims. women in which the new Yugoslav feminists participated, Gordana Cerjanto information about new feminism in Yugoslavia. To her, this is the reason for 868 HHR2016_4.indb 868 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism feminist movement.”38 In this other publication from the same year, Cerjanin feminism.39 Summarizing the past ten years of American new feminism, she politicize “the most human and most hidden spheres of human life–such as the family, marriage, sexuality”(8). Other authors approached American radical feminists with much more caution. A selection of texts by the members of the group was published in a 1978 issue of Pitanja entitled “Women, or about Freedom.” The issue claims to be about the and not feminism, while most of the provoking new theoretical-methodological framework based on a critical reading Yugoslavia. The selection of authors is colorful and while she is dismissive of Shulamith Firestone for her “extremeness,” “overvaluation of women’s characteristics” and for overemphasizing “women’s nature,”40 she is appreciative of Betty Friedan. Whereas Friedan is often criticized by left-wing feminists feminist Firestone more problematic: authors like Firestone are “mistakenly” called “radical,” reclaiming “radicalism” as a synonym for “revolutionary” (21). Jasna Tkalec also welcomed “radical legislative change,” in this case in France. She embraced the French “new feminism” born in the aftermath of May sexual morals for men and women, loudly seeking rehabilitation from a Freudian position of women’s erotica, the sexuality of children and adolescents and even of homosexuality.”41 This text, inspired by Edgar Morin’s essay in the volume La Femme majeure42 interprets the new French feminism as a human-rights movement (1162), whereas it realizes that, despite the similarities between the feminist discourse and those of Marxism and “decolonialism,” women cannot be treated 39 Idem, “Feminizam – na tragu radikalizma,” 6–8. La Femme majeure. 869 HHR2016_4.indb 869 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 either as a class or as an ethnic group. Tkalec suggests looking at women as a “bio-social class” and valorizes the potential of the radical demands within the revolution to the West (1167). The radical demand of the new feminism involves “a reanalysis of the entire social system with regard to the past and future as well. and rephrases them in a completely new way” (1167). A colorful image of feminism unfolds from this range of highly different texts. Revolution in feminism has the appreciation of the authors, while radicalism is already ambiguous. The attributed meanings vary from positive, for example in the sense of “revolutionary,” to problematic as much as it is “bourgeois.” Bourgeois feminism is unanimously criticized by all authors. Another characteristic of the early steps the new feminists in Yugoslavia took is the strategy of suggesting that at the new manifestations of feminism be regarded as relevant due to the “universal experience” of women from the perspective of the ideas presented and from the perspective of “our still patriarchal environment.”43 Universality is useful not only as a “disguise” of the dissenting ideas, but as a category countering the idea that the solution to the One of the early examples appears in an issue of Student presented in translation). It includes texts from Robin Morgan’s edited volume Sisterhood is Powerful by Zoe Moss and Pat Mainardi (from the Redstockings group, La Nouvelle Critique, one text by Marie-Thérèse Baudrillard from Politique Hebdo and an excerpt from Shulamith Firestone’s The Dialectic of Sex. What they state in the introduction may not look extremely complicated: “problem” of women, her speech (govor), agency (delanje) and living ( ), and this through a mosaic of broad elements, from analytical-theoretical approaches to personal statements. Though here it is seemingly only about “foreign experience,” a lot of this experience of women is universal.44 44 Ibid. 870 HHR2016_4.indb 870 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism The introduction does not identify the selection of texts as feminist, but it also avoids the term through use of “the ‘problem’ of women,” who consider women a “problem.” The terms agency and speech point toward the language of the new feminism as does the selection from the more avantgarde or radical texts, which, by other authors in the Yugoslav publications, are dismissed for various reasons. The reasons for this can be well organized around the evaluation of and reservation to a stream of feminism as radical, revolutionary or extremist on the one hand, and reactionary-bourgeois on the rather divergent and needs to be treated in the “revolutionary Yugoslav” context. stream of American feminism as well as of the more theoretical, but rather Western feminists and thus legitimate the introduction of these ideas into the local context prevails in the Yugoslav new feminist context, however, in this case there is also an attempt to reconcile the complex theoretical approach of Irigaray (and elsewhere, Hélène Cixous and Julia Kristeva) with an expectation that writing about society serves the revolutionary change in that very society. The cross-reading of radical feminism with French post-structuralism is an “invention” of the Yugoslav feminists and here is made explicit by the choice of an interview with Irigaray, conducted by Catherine Clément, instead of an excerpt from her Speculum de l’autre femme45 with regard to which the interview was made.46 For discussing the social use of theories, writings and artworks, Clément returns to the concept of struggle (borba in Serbo-Croatian and lutte/ combat in French). Clément’s choice of the word has a new relevance in the managing socialism. Clément contextualizes Irigaray within 1968 as a movement: “Where, what all the more important since your book was not a book which we would usually 45 46 Irigaray, Speculum de l’autre femme. Irigaray’s texts are later also published in translation, in thematic journal issues, accompanied by 871 HHR2016_4.indb 871 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 call as one designed for struggles?”47 Irigaray explains her position, which she begins with the assertion that to her, all philosophical discussions have political implications: Maybe we should go that far that we say there is no “politics” of women that does not take shape either in the form of apolitical statements or disavowal of the political, this is already a demand (zahtjev) which struggle (borba) is simply to get to the steering wheel of power, then women wanted what they don’t [want] to be subordinated to the phallic order. […] However, we need to be constantly and without mistakes alert. Phallocracy most probably still has not exhausted all its resources. ( )? It is important for them to be able to keep the initiative within the[ir] discourse.48 What Irigaray does in her Speculum is political and radical. Her radicalism is read into a Yugoslav context in which radicalism is read as revolutionary struggle. Through this reading in Student, Irigaray is brought into a dialogue with American second-wave radicalism (even though radicalism assumes different meanings in the need for radical (down to the roots) change in the discourse conveying power relations. Getting positions in the existing phallic [phallogocentric] order does not change the discourse and the place of women within that discourse. The into the existing order; Irigaray does not spell it out here, however—her train of thought reminds of the dichotomy between the use of the concept of the of the patriarchal context, it means taking the initiative and means intervention into the discourse. change of meanings in translation. translation because my interest lays in the language (in the sense of discourse) the Yugoslav readers were presented with. 872 HHR2016_4.indb 872 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism Radicalism, and in relation to that, revolution and the revolutionary nature of an ideology or movement, is a recurrent theme in the new Yugoslav feminist writings of the 1970s and early 1980s and is a crucial factor in their selfpositioning within the Yugoslav discursive space, simultaneously adjusting to of Italian feminism as progressive and points it out as exemplary; however, she refrains from calling it “radical.” One of the articles in the hereby analyzed issue of Student, from Sisterhood is Powerful by Pat Mainardi, discusses the “politics of housework,” which is not only relevant from the point of the relations between liberation movement” as “revolution.”49 distinction between radical revolutionary women’s movements and bourgeois women’s movements, on the one hand, and extremist (radical) ones as opposed to the moderate (socialist) ones on the other. Clément and Irigaray agree on the need for a radical change of discourse and Irigaray points out that this is exactly the reason for which radical change is around and suggests that class be translated into “men and women” and then adds: “Or, we should admit that today’s praxis of Marxism is not willing to acknowledge this difference and this exploitation of women.”50 This takes us Year of Women, when the problems women faced were thematized, or the , which treat the work of Marx, Engels and the early Marxists as not very detailed, but in principle the back to the realization of . 873 HHR2016_4.indb 873 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 not hold the same place as 1978, looking at the documentation of the debate we 51 At conference. Members of the editorial board apparently had to explain themselves for the appearance of the at the meeting, offering a variety of understandings of what feminism is: “it is important to differentiate between against the male sex and the […] progressive movement of women who search for a way for their own action […] for the political, economic, cultural and other forms of development in their own country.”52 The introduction, however, emphasizes the importance of the Marxist stakes in the issue of women and the family, especially the contributions of Vranicki and Šoljan to the conference. So one hand, many of the demands of the Western feminists have been provided to women in Yugoslavia and, on the other hand, that if feminists want to achieve their goals, they have to return to Marx.53 This happens only to a certain extent: there is a left-wing, most often Marxist, inclination in the feminist theories written by the new Yugoslav feminists, but they almost unanimously refuse to feminist participants, they claim the legitimacy of new feminism. Sklevický, in highlighting the importance of the “history of forgotten sisters,” describes the transition from the “old” feminism to the new wave, which realizes that basic gender roles through various actions.54 The English-language new or secondargued for the alignment of feminism with socialism: “the goal of a nonrepressive civilization is there within all heterogeneous left-wing movements,” 54 Sklevický, “Od borbe za prava do prave borbe.” 874 HHR2016_4.indb 874 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism while refusing to treat women as a class.55 This, in her reading, makes feminism explosive—it may even be accused of theoretical incoherence; “however, if we approach it as a manifestation of one broad, global theory, we will much more easily get the dimension of the universality it contains. In other words, even if it is not a theory in itself, it presents a manifestation and is integral part of one broad theory of social change and dialectical development of society.”56 By the time the 1978 conference took place in Belgrade, the new Yugoslav feminists became more and more conscious of radical feminism being closer to their own vision of feminism, revaluation what “radical” and “military” means, with reference to the revolutionary partisan tradition as a source of legitimacy. Start is to compare the feminist movement to the workers’ movement. The comparison is triggered epitheton ornans of all feminisms in all times, also present in the state representatives’ discussion of feminism. While here is a “re-vindication of one’s rights.”57 Clearly, a political system supporting the workers in all places to stand up for their rights and heralding the workers cannot afford labelling women voicing the exact same “militant” demands. In challenges of feminism “as a revolutionary movement.”58 even reclaims “radical” for those revolutionary leftist ideas she agrees with: due to its essentialism, she suggests that Shulamith Firestone’s The Dialectic of Sex from 1970 is incorrectly categorized as “radical” and that it is rather “extreme” feminism.59 875 HHR2016_4.indb 875 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 Conclusion ideas for change—slow and transitional or radical change—in the position of women in Yugoslavia lies behind the early intellectual endeavors of the new Yugoslav feminists. Whether looking at Italian feminism in historical perspective or investigating recent feminist theories and movements, the aim is always to see the relevance of these for the Yugoslav case. The theoretical criticisms shed light on the contradictions within the emancipation project promised by the socialist state and its implementation. It is, however, this promise on behalf of the state that makes the relationship with the feminist groups multi-layered and instead of being dissident (which many radical feminist groups become in other countries),60 the position of the new Yugoslav feminists vis-à-vis the state is Yugoslav regime as much as the access to institutions and publication possibilities is concerned. The systematic reading of theories, especially their discussion and their publication, was made possible at least in part by these infrastructures and the discursive practices and linguistic interventions paved the way for activism. group could. Thus they reformulated the relevance of feminism in the region and by challenging the policies and institutions introduced by the socialist Bibliography Allcock, John B. Explaining Yugoslavia Women and Yugoslav Partisans: A History of World War II Resistance. New York, NY: Cambridge UP, 2015. . We Were Gasping for Air: [Post-]Yugoslav Anti-War Activism and its Legacy. 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Dobos, Manuela. “The Women’s Movement in Yugoslavia: The Case of the Conference for the Social Activity of Women in Croatia, 1965–1974.” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 7, no. 2 (1983): 47–55. Saviours of the Nation?: Serbia’s Intellectual Opposition and the Revival of Nationalism. prohibition]. Start, February 9, 1985, 68–70. Echols, Alice. Daring to be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967–1975. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989. Falk, Barbara J. The Dilemmas of Dissidence in East-Central Europe: Citizen Intellectuals and Philosopher Kings. Budapest: CEU Press, 2002. Gállos, Orsolya. Szlovéniai változások [Changes in Slovenia]. Pécs: Pro Pannonia, 2012. Graycar, Regina, ed. Dissenting Opinions: Feminist Explorations in Law and Society. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1990. [Women in Socialism: The position of women in Serbia in the second half of the 20th century]. Belgrade: INIS, 2006. 877 HHR2016_4.indb 877 2016.11.29. 15:41:59 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 Harms, Victoria E. “Destined or Doomed? Hungarian Dissidents and Their Western Friends, 1973–1998.” PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 2015. Hartmann, Heidi I. “The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism: Towards a More Progressive Union.” In Feminist Frameworks: Alternative Theoretical Accounts of the Relations between Men and Women, edited by Alison M. Jaggar and Paula S. Rothenberg, 172–89. New York: McGraw Hill, 1993. jedništvu.” Marksizam u svetu 9, no. 3 (1983): 179–217. Helms, Elissa. Innocence and Victimhood: Gender, Nation, and Women’s Activism in Postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2013. Hewitt, Nancy A. “Introduction.” In No Permanent Waves: Recasting Histories of U.S. Feminism, 2010. Izraz 36, no. 2–3 (1990): 298–304. Republika, no. 11–12 (1983): 107–11. V. and R. I. Marksizam u svetu 8. no. 8–9 (1981): 443–86. Speculum de l’autre femme Aleksandar Zistakis. no. 1–2 (1990): 9–16. women]. Delo 27, no. 4 (1981): 88–108. women’s movement]. Dometi 13, no. 2 (1980): 31–44. Grguru” [Communist totalitarian violence: Women on Goli otok and St. Grgur]. In [The memories of women victims of Nazism and non-democratic regimes], edited by Sandra Prlenda, 47–67. Zagreb: socialism]. In a [Home and the world: On 878 HHR2016_4.indb 878 2016.11.29. 15:42:00 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism Jancar-Webster, Barbara. Women & Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941–45. Denver, Colorado: Arden Press Inc., 1990. Judt, Tony. “The Dilemmas of Dissidence: The Politics of Opposition in East-Central Europe.” East European Politics & Societies 2, no. 2 (1988): 185–240. Start, August 28, 1982. 74–75. and the Return of History in East Central Europe, 1968–1989.” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 38, no. 4. (2012): 573–602. Political Thought in Eastern Europe after 1989. Budapest: CEU Press, 2014. La Femme majeure, nouvelle féminité, nouveau féminisme. Paris: Seuil, 1973. identity of women]. Pitanja 10, no. 7–8 (1978): 21. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1996. We All Fought for Freedom: Women in Poland’s Solidarity Movement. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996. ellenzék elméleti keretei a Tito alatti Jugoszláviában” [“Neither class nor nature:” The theoretical frameworks of feminist opposition in Tito’s Yugoslavia]. Translated by Éva Cserháti. Eszmélet 27, no. 108 (2015): 131–50. Student no. 9 (1976): 7. Mezei, Stevan, et al. Samoupravni socijalizam [Self-managing socialism]. Belgrade: Savremena administracija, 1976. American woman?]. 30, no. 6 (1972): 57–62. Miller, Nick. The Nonconformists: Culture, Politics, and Nationalism in a Serbian Intellectual Circle, 1944–1991. New York: Central European University Press, 2007. Miller, Nick. “Where Was the Serbian Havel?” In The End and the Beginning: The Revolutions of 1989 and the Resurgence of History, edited by Vladimir Tismaneanu and Bogdan C. Iacob, 363–79. Budapest–New York: CEU Press, 2012. Miškovska-Kajevska, Ana. “Taking a Stand in Times of Violent Societal Changes: Belgrade and Zagreb Feminists’ Positionings on the (Post-)Yugoslav Wars and Each Other (1991–2000).” PhD diss., Universiteit van Amsterdam, 2014. 879 HHR2016_4.indb 879 2016.11.29. 15:42:00 �Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881 University Center (Dubrovnik) from 1986 to 1990.” ProFemina, Special Issue, no. 2 (2011): 157–66. in Serbia.” In Frontline Feminisms: Women, War, and Resistance, edited by Marguerite R. Waller and Jennifer Rycenga, 247–74. New York: Garland Publications, 2000. Dometi 13, no. 2 (1980): 4. Ost, David. Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-Politics: Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968. New York: Columbia UP, 1990. 1953 [Partisan women as citizens: Social emancipation of partisan women in Serbia, 1945–53]. Belgrade: Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2011. Instead of an introduction]. Student, no. 9. 1976. 7. contemporary feminism]. 34, no. 3 (1976): 129–45. Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Yugoslavia Penn, Shana. Solidarity’s Secret: The Women Who Defeated Communism in Poland. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005. [Women and children 4. Serbia in the modernisation processes of the 19th and 20th centuries]. Beograd: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2006. Jugoslovenski feminizmi [Yugoslav feminisms]. ProFemina Special Issue, no. 2 (2011). Pollack, Detlef and Jan Wielgohs, eds. Dissent and Opposition in Communist Eastern Europe: Origins of Civil Society and Democratic Transition. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, c2004. Popov, Nebojša, ed. The Road to War in Serbia: Trauma and Catharsis. English version ed. few aspects of the position of feminism in contemporary society]. 34, no. 3 (1976): 120–24. Ramet, Pedro. “The Yugoslav Press in Flux.” In Yugoslavia in the 1980s, ed. idem, 100–27. 34, no. 3 (1976): 2–6. 880 HHR2016_4.indb 880 2016.11.29. 15:42:00 �Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism Renwick, Alan. “Anti-Political or Just Anti-Communist? Varieties of Dissidence in EastCentral Europe and their Implications for the Development of Political Society.” East European Politics and Societies, 20, no. 2 (2006): 286–318. Robinson, Gertrude Joch. Tito’s Maverick Media: The Politics of Mass Communications in Yugoslavia. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977. Women and Revolution: A Discussion of the Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1981. Satterwhite, James H. Varieties of Marxist Humanism: Philosophical Revision in Postwar Eastern Europe. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992. Shore, Marci. Caviar and Ashes: A Warsaw Generation’s Life and Death in Marxism, 1918– 1968. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006. Skilling, Gordon H. Samizdat and an Independent Society in Central and Eastern Europe. Houndmills–Basingstoke–Hampshire: Macmillan, 1989. 34, no. 3 (1976): 52–9. Sparks, Holloway. “Dissident Citizenship: Democratic Theory, Political Courage, and Activist Women.” Hypatia 12, no. 4 (1997): 74–110. Thompson, Mark. Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina Article 19. International Centre against Censorship, 1994. 21, no. 5 (1977): 1160–67. [Women’s press and the Wiesinger, Barbara. Partisaninnen: Widerstand in Jugoslawien, 1941–1945. Vienna: Böhlau, 2008. Yurchak, Alexei. Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More: The Last Soviet Generation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006. [The social position of women and the development of the family in the socialist self-managing society]. 34, no. 3 (1976). Zubak, Marko. “The Yugoslav Youth Press (1968–1980): Student Movements, Subcultures and Communist Alternative Media.” PhD diss., Central European University, Budapest, 2013. Zukin, Sharon. “Sources of Dissent and Nondissent in Yugoslavia.” In Dissent in Eastern Europe The Body of War: Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break-Up of Yugoslavia. Durham: Duke University Press, 2007. 881 HHR2016_4.indb 881 2016.11.29. 15:42:00 �C n et o tns 79 3 77 6 70 9 84 1 84 3 84 5 2 5 406 / |1 15 adh Clp oSl i Pico Ht y....... A K m 96 nte oa eftis o i f io ........ . l ó ls ant l s s r ........ t i ................... Rks wiC m g H m....................JC B he d ooos oi o e...................... e r ns s k n M m yf 96 nteHna a Ad ns e o o15 adh ug in u ec r r i e o Rd FeErp.......................G D n f a o r u e........................ a y i e o ....................... i Riac adCnso t Sl i P cc ae 15 ......Tkc es n n ocs n oti s r te fr 96.... R aás st e ei s ant ais t .... U pt urDti zin n e a l ean ao s c c a sl i t : . ............. . teC efS vk Wtsae 15.............. JMa u a h a o l a re fr 96............. . rš k s o ir t i Sii E Nw us v eis ................ s L r n oat r e Ygl F mim...............Z óá d cl - a s oa n ............... . Te Hna a Htr a Rv w h ug in i oc e e r s il i 15 ad etn i EtCnaE o 96 n Ria en a e r u p s c s s tl r e 15 ad etn i EtC tl u p 96 n Ria en a e r E o s c s s na r e N wSre o AtH o ia e eis f cai r c st Aa e i S i ni u H n ai æ c d m æ ce t r m u grc a 15 ad etn i EtCtl u p 96 n Rs c n a er E o s a e s na r e i H IS US N 26-67 0384 n me u br vl m ou e 54 21 06 Is tt o Htr R sa hCnr f t Humnt s n iu f i oy e e c ete o h t e s , r r e a i, ie Hu gr nA aeyof cecs n a a cdm i Sin e � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Istraživački radovi Ostalo Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism between “Mainstreaming” and “Disengagement”: The Possibilities for Resistance, Critical Opposition and Dissent - Zsofia Lorand Description An account of the resource Through a focus on early publications by feminist intellectuals in Yugoslavia in the 1970s, this paper aims at showing ways of feminist critiques of the theory and practice of women’s emancipation in the context of a state socialist (in this case, self-managing socialist) country in East Central Europe. After a brief overview of feminist organising in YU till the late 1980s, the paper looks at conferences and journal publications, which also gives a chance to understand a bit better the workings of the Yugoslav public space and publishing processes. The text, written with a conceptual and intellectual historical focus, analyses the discursive interventions and reformulations of matters related to women’s emancipation. The new Yugoslav feminist approaches rethink and reformulate the “women’s question”. Reading the recent currents of feminisms in North America and Western Europe, the feminists in Yugoslavia are in a search for ways to reframe this question into a critique that is constructive as well as innovative in their own context. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Zsofia Lorand Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://www.academia.edu The Hungarian Historical Review New Series of Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Volume 5 No. 4 2016 1956 and Resistance in East Central Europe Péter Apor, Sándor Horváth Special Editors of the Thematic Issue Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource https://www.academia.edu The Hungarian Historical Review Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 11-IR Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant pages 854-881 Central and Eastern Europe dissent Eastern European Studies Feminism Feminist political theory Gender History of Political Thought Marxism sisterhood socialism women’s question Yugoslavia Yugoslavia (History) http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/a66a7031509bd0253d46e002208fe4e9.pdf 1eab15e929ef5d1a656dd2ddbf6d23fc PDF Text Text Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 4 COLD WAR INTERNATIONALISMS, NATIONALISMS AND THE YUGOSLAV–SOVIET SPLIT The Union of Italian Women and the Antifascist Women’s Front of Yugoslavia Chiara Bonfiglioli Introduction In the Italian and in the Yugoslav context, similarly to other European contexts,1 the geography and timing of women’s political movements after 1945 had deep connections to the geographies, temporalities and utopian imaginaries of the antifascist Resistance, of communist internationalism, of working-class and New Left movements.2 These radical geographies and imaginaries, however, were also extraordinarily ambivalent when it came to gender.3 After the partial disruption of the gender order provoked by women’s participation in the Resistance, the beginning of the Cold War implied the ‘exclusion of radical possibilities’ and a return to the consensual signifiers of home and family, ‘suturing an idealised domesticity to the threatened security of the nation and its way of life’.4 In two countries divided by a major Cold War fault line and by a contested border between ‘West’ and ‘East’, gendered bodies and allegorical female figures served as key discursive devices to re-signify ideological and ethnic boundaries.5 At the same time, as Helen Laville points out in her Cold War Women, ‘however important this use of women as symbols [ … ] it should not elide the actual contribution of women to international relations as active participants’.6 My current research project consists of a transnational and diachronic study of encounters and connections between Italian and Yugoslav women active in antifascist and left-wing politics in the early Cold War period (1945–57). I am interested mainly in two internationalist women’s organisations, the Unione Donne Italiane (Union of ˇ Italian Women, UDI) and the Antifašisticki Front Žena (Antifascist Women’s Front of Yugoslavia, AFŽ), and in their role in fostering women’s rights before the emergence of second-wave feminist groups after 1968. I explore the ambivalent linkages between women’s history and Cold War political history, in an attempt to locate women’s agency not outside but within changing geopolitical and historical settings. Scholars have pointed to the scarcity of transnational comparisons when it comes to �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 60 Transnational women’s activism the ‘transitional years’ that followed the Second World War.7 Studies of women’s political activism during the Cold War are now in the making, and are starting to address women’s international organisations as well as the interactions between international and national women’s movements.8 Writing on the history of the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF), Francisca de Haan has singled out ‘one of the most tenacious Cold War assumptions’ about left-wing internationalist women’s mobilisations, namely the idea that Communist women ‘were merely using the notion of women’s rights for reasons of Communist political propaganda’.9 Struggles for women’s rights were perceived as impossible behind ‘the Iron Curtain’. This metaphor revived a pre-existing Orientalist framework, indicating a separation between an enlightened West, the ‘Eastern Bloc’, and ‘the Rest’.10 In the Italian context, the persistence of the ethnicised label of ‘Slavo-communists’ best exemplifies the entanglement of ideological and racist labelling during the twentieth century and beyond.11 My aim, therefore, is not only to overcome Cold War assumptions about ‘communist’ women’s lack of agency, but also to challenge the negative coupling of ‘communism’ with the non-European, non-Western Other. Communists existed in Western Europe, too: ‘In Italy, a few years ago, more than one third of the citizens declared themselves as such. Now most of them are silent, their past is erased in the [collective] memory.’12 In addition, my research seeks to explore the effects of the way in which new geopolitical configurations were grafted upon previous political and historical legacies originating from Fascism, antifascism and the Second World War as a civil war.13 In the Italian and Yugoslav cases, in fact, the usage of ‘communism’ as a disparaging label not only is a lasting effect of Cold War legacies, but also is connected to the long-lasting legacies of fascism and imperialism, legacies that have resurfaced after 1989 within revisionist historiography.14 In the following sections I focus on transnational encounters between antifascist Italian and Yugoslav women who were leaders of the UDI and of the AFŽ between 1945 and 1957, in three different political phases and constellations.15 While focusing on transnational encounters, I also refer to the way in which geopolitical changes affected women’s organising in the multi-ethnic Italian–Yugoslav border area. The formation of the AFŽ and UDI during the antifascist Resistance (1941–45) Both the AFŽ and the UDI were founded in the midst of the Second World War to mobilise women in the struggle against Nazi-Fascism. The two organisations were open to all women of antifascist belief, and were created mainly as part of the strategy of ‘national fronts’ developed by the Yugoslav and the Italian communist parties under the directives of the Soviet Union.16 As a result of women’s wide participation in the conflict, Italian and Yugoslav women obtained the right to vote and to be elected one year after the end of the war, in 1946.17 The Yugoslav AFŽ was founded in 1942 as part of the National Liberation Movement. Its basic goal was to provide clothing, shoes and food supplies to the army. The first �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 61 national conference of the AFŽ took place in Bosanski Petrovac in December 1942, and in November 1943, 243,000 women were reportedly members of the AFŽ in Croatia alone. Officially, 2 million women had joined the organisation by the end of the war and 100,000 fought as partisans in the Liberation Front.18 In the immediate aftermath of the Liberation, the AFŽ became very important, organising women’s reconstruction work in a country left in ruins by four years of Nazi-fascist occupation and civil war. The country was mainly rural, with great differences in wealth between the northwestern and south-eastern republics as well as between urban and rural areas. The AFŽ councils ran hospitals, orphanages, schools, nursing and first-aid courses, and a great number of alphabetisation courses for illiterate women in the rural areas.19 Women who had become politicised in the interwar period constituted the core of the AFŽ leadership.20 This first generation of leaders (mostly in their thirties and forties at the end of the war) was composed of outstanding women from all over Yugoslavia, generally highly educated, mainly with an urban background, and born within families that had a tradition of leftist engagement. They took part in illegal communist activities in the 1930s, during the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and often joined legal women and youth organisations in the pre-war period. Many of these women fought as partisans, and often had been imprisoned or tortured, or had suffered terrible personal losses during the Second World War.21 Without having the same widespread character as in Yugoslavia, women’s participation in the struggle in northern Italy was nonetheless significant. According to sources of the National Association of Italian Partisans, there were 35,000 female partisans enrolled in the partisan brigades; 20,000 ‘patriots’, with auxiliary functions; and 70,000 women organised by the Gruppi di difesa della Donna e per l’assistenza ai Combattenti della Libertà (Groups for the defence of women and for the assistance to freedom fighters, GDD). The GDD was created in November 1943 in Milan at the initiative of the Communist Party, but also included women from other political currents (Liberal, Socialist, Christian-Democrat and Action party).22 On 12 September 1944, in liberated Rome, women leaders belonging to different political parties (Communist, Socialist, Christian-left) met under the form of a temporary steering committee and launched an appeal for the creation of a unitary association of women, the UDI, with the idea of unifying antifascist women of different political backgrounds, as well as antifascist women in northern and southern Italy. Later, and not without some resistance, the northern GDD merged with the UDI, which became a nationwide organisation. The UDI had 400,000 members in 1945, and grew to approximately 1 million members in the late 1940s.23 The UDI leadership included two generations of militants in 1945: one was the generation of older communist women, who had experienced antifascism, clandestine activities and exile in France or the USSR in the 1920s and 1930s; the other was the generation of younger antifascists who had joined the Resistance after 1943. As for the ‘base’ of local militants, it included many women who had suffered extreme social injustice as workers and peasants and political repression under Fascism, as well as personal losses as wives and mothers during the war. They found a way to express their discontent and to organise through the GDD and UDI. From 1945 onwards, �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 62 Transnational women’s activism UDI women were engaged in the urgent tasks of reconstruction, assistance to destitute children and war orphans, fighting for equal salaries for female workers and peasants, and organising welfare provision for working mothers and housewives. UDI leaders also played an important role in getting the Constituent Assembly to pass women’s equal right to vote and to be elected.24 The AFŽ, UDI and the ‘Yugoslav example’ (1945–48) In 1945, immediately after the Liberation, both the UDI and the AFŽ had their founding Congresses. In late November–early December 1945, the UDI and AFŽ took part in the Paris founding meeting of the Women’s International Democratic Federation. Already in 1945, however, it was evident that the geopolitical situation in Italy and Yugoslavia was very different, and that the destiny of left-wing forces was deeply tied to their respective geopolitical positions within the new West/East spheres of influence. While the Yugoslav Communist Party managed to liberate the country with very limited external support, and to seize power with little opposition from the side of the Allies, the Italian Communist Party belonged to an antifascist national unity government, and had to take into account the large-scale presence of Anglo-American troops on Italian soil, which made any revolutionary effort too risky, even potentially leading to civil war, as in Greece.25 The situation was particularly complicated in the border area between Italy and Yugoslavia, affected by old and new ideological and national divisions. This area, and particularly the city of Trieste, previously under Fascist occupation, was liberated in May 1945 by the Yugoslav Army, and placed since June 1945 under the Allied Military Government (AMG).26 The territories of Istria and Dalmatia, annexed by Italy in 1919, were liberated from Nazi-fascist occupation by the Yugoslav Army, and definitively assigned to socialist Yugoslavia by the Paris Peace Treaties of 1947. Between 200,000 and 350,000 ethnic Italians – as well as Slovenes and Croats – left Istria for fear of reprisals by Yugoslav partisans, in what came to be known in Italy as the Istrian exodus.27 The pro-Italian and conservative press opposed the Slavic rule of formerly Italian lands, emphasised the cruelty of Partisans’ retaliations, and strove to portray Trieste as ‘a bulwark of democracy and of Western civilisation’ in the Mediterranean.28 On the other hand, working-class Slovenes, Croats and Italians welcomed the Yugoslavs as liberators, and favoured the idea of Trieste becoming the ‘seventh’ Yugoslav Socialist Republic, following the Yugoslav government’s claim over the city. Pro-Yugoslav associations spoke of Italo-Yugoslav brotherhood and emphasised the joint effort of all antifascists in the area. They included the Unione ˇ Donne Anti-fasciste Italo Slovene/Slovensko-italijanske antifašisticne ženske zveze (Union of Antifascist Italian and Slovenian Women, UDAIS/SIAŽZ),29 created in August 1945, which affiliated the Italian Donne Antifasciste Triestine (Antifascist Women of Trieste, DAT) ˇ and the Slovene Antifašisticki Front Žena (Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ) of Trieste. However, the leadership of the Italian Communist Party resented post-war Yugoslav hegemony over the Triestine leftist movement, as well as Yugoslav’s leaders’ plan to annex Trieste. Other conflicting issues were the presence of Italian war prisoners still �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 63 detained in Yugoslavia, as well as the protection the Italian government and Allied troops offered to Italian Fascist and local collaborators who had committed war crimes during the occupation of the Balkans. The internationalist engagements of the Yugoslav and Italian communist parties, therefore, were at odds with reciprocal national interests, and with the attempt of each communist party to legitimate itself not only in internationalist but also in patriotic terms.30 The first post-war encounters between Italian and Yugoslav women must be placed within this complex framework of antifascist solidarity and internationalism, and potential national and ethnic conflicts due to the historical legacies of Fascism and the Second World War. A delegation of four Italian women from the UDI attended the first national AFŽ congress in June 1945 in Belgrade. Jole Lombardi, an UDI member from the socialist party, assured the Yugoslav comrades ‘that the Italian people and the Italian women are sincerely antifascist’.31 During the first national UDI congress, held in Florence in October 1945, a representative of the UDAIS of Trieste32 reminded her audience that Slovene and Italian women faced the gallows together, and helped fighters of all nationalities as mothers, spouses and sisters. She also stressed the positive aspects of the Yugoslav liberation of Trieste, against the allegations of the pro-Italian press, which described the presence of the Yugoslav Army as a fate worse than the German occupation.33 The theme of motherhood as a basis for antifascist solidarity and struggle for peace would be a constant of WIDF campaigns in the early Cold War years, coexisting with images of women as Resistance fighters and heroes, bravely facing enemy trials and torture. When looking at the names and biographies of women who were sentenced by the Fascist Tribunale Speciale, it is evident that many came from the multi-ethnic areas of Trieste, Fiume and Pola. For Slovenian and Croatian women, antifascist resistance coincided with the patriotic struggle for national recognition, against twenty years of Fascist domination of Slavic national minorities in the border area.34 Even before official encounters between UDI and AFŽ women, the echo of Resistance struggles in Yugoslavia and within the Italian–Yugoslav border area had reached Italian antifascists. Marisa Rodano, UDI leader and antifascist militant in Nazi-occupied Rome during her youth, for example, recalled an encounter with a group of Slovene girls while in prison, and in particular her sense of ‘unconditional admiration: they, they were the real revolutionaries, they ran the risk of the death penalty and had done important things for the cause’.35 The ‘Yugoslav example’ thus had a strong influence on Italian antifascists – including women – in the immediate years after the conflict.36 The Yugoslav partisans started to fight much earlier, and had managed to successfully liberate the country and to establish a revolutionary socialist government afterwards. Moreover, the Yugoslav National Liberation Movement – differently from the Italian Resistance groups – was keen to glorify its female partisan heroes, and to emphasise that the fight for liberation had brought women’s full equality.37 Along these lines, a letter sent by Pina Palumbo, from the UDI National Directive Committee, to the AFŽ Central Committee in February 1946 after a visit to Yugoslavia stated: ‘We, Italian women, have a lot to learn from you since, despite the great sacrifices of our glorious partisan struggle, fascism, internal capitalism and American �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 64 Transnational women’s activism imperialism still dominate in our country; so with your example we must work and strenuously fight in order to end this forever.’38 The idea that the revolutionary Slovene women could be an example for their Italian sisters was also present in 1945 UDAIS documents from Trieste and Monfalcone, which portrayed Slovene women as more ‘mature and more experienced in the struggle’, and closer to the emancipated Soviet women.39 The ideal of fratellanza Italo-Slovena, Italo-Slovene brotherhood, moreover, was supposed to overcome ethnic and national tensions that persisted on the ground.40 The strength of the Yugoslav ‘example’ is also proved by some plans for summer trips to Yugoslavia made by the UDI in summer 1948. Around ninety UDI members were to be selected for the travel, and the leadership asked each UDI section to choose the right representatives: ‘representatives of a factory, or of an agricultural firm, and anyway [ … ] worthy of the highest trust from all the workers, for their morality and their merits’. The reason was that the ‘Yugoslav friends have the desire to receive mainly female workers from the basis (factory workers, peasants, teachers, clerks), the most interested in [women’s] labour rights in Yugoslavia’.41 On their side, as their texts show, the AFŽ leaders were keen to present themselves as successful followers of Soviet-style emancipation.42 But these summer trips to Yugoslavia never took place: on 28 June 1948, the Cominform – the Communist Information Bureau founded in September 1947 and affiliating the communist parties of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Romania, Italy, France and Yugoslavia under the direction of the Soviet Union – published its infamous ‘Resolution’ against the Yugoslav Communist Party, and Yugoslavia was expelled from the Socialist Bloc.43 After the Cominform Resolution (1949–54) Recent studies on the basis of Soviet archives have substantially confirmed the main motives behind the Cominform Resolution of June 1948, which marked the beginning of the Soviet–Yugoslav conflict and had a number of consequences in the rest of the Soviet satellite states: Stalin could barely tolerate the Yugoslavs’ attempt to annex Trieste and their open support of communist forces in the Greek Civil War, and felt challenged by Tito’s plan to create an independent Balkan Federation, together with Albania and Bulgaria.44 The split with the Soviet Union has been the key factor determining Yugoslavia’s unique geopolitical position between the two blocs, and its subsequent foreign politics of Non-Alignment with either side. Following the Second Cominform Resolution of November 1949, which definitively excluded the Yugoslav Communist Party from the socialist bloc, the Antifascist Women’s Front of Yugoslavia was expelled from the W IDF, which was aligned by then on Soviet foreign politics.45 One astonishing example of how previous internationalist discourses could be reversed is Spanish Pasionaria Dolores Ibarruri’s speech at the WIDF Moscow Council of November 1949: Those who were included as representatives of Yugoslav women no longer participate in [the Council’s] work. If they are gone, it’s because under their �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 65 mask of antifascists they were hiding their true face of deceitful, vile spies and creatures of fascist leaders. Even in the era of the Yugoslav people’s liberation ´ war against the Nazi invaders, these ‘representatives’, Mitra Mitrovic and Vida ´ Tomšic, were agents of the Gestapo and of the Italian police.46 The Cominform declarations, in fact, did not target the Yugoslav people as a whole, but instead appealed to the ‘masses’ (occasionally to ‘women’) and incited them to overthrow their illegitimate representatives.47 The split reverberated most strongly within the Yugoslav Federation, where a number of antifascist militants and leaders sided with the Soviet Union. The pro-Soviet attempts to overthrow the Yugoslav leader general Tito did not succeed, however, but were followed within Yugoslavia by a violent wave of political repression, often indiscriminate, against alleged ‘IBeovci’ – followers of the Cominform (Inform Bureau, IB). Thousands of party members and former partisans, men and women, were arrested and sent to prison camps, notably to the infamous island of Goli Otok.48 Many Italian workers and militants residing in zone B and in Yugoslavia, faithful to the Soviet Union, were incarcerated as well, and so were many women identified as wives, sisters and mothers of the ‘enemy’.49 On the other side of the border, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) broke its relations with the Yugoslav party and diffused Cominform propaganda against ‘Tito-fascism’ – albeit in a less violent form than other European communist parties.50 In 1951 the PCI expelled two prominent leaders from Emilia-Romagna – Valdo Magnani and Aldo Cucchi – and accused them of being ‘Titoist traitors’.51 The polarisation was particularly fierce in the border area, where ideological tensions overlapped with pre-existing national and political ones, and where proCominform, anti-Tito activities often coincided with patriotic agendas, and with the goal to maintain Trieste within Italian borders.52 In the Free Territory of Trieste53 ´ the communist forces were divided between pro-Tito forces led by Branko Babic, and pro-Cominform forces led by Vittorio Vidali (both groups included Italian and Slovene militants). Although we don’t have enough research yet, there are hints that women’s organisations were an active component of these struggles, and that, in turn, these ideological struggles deeply affected the lives of women who were engaged in politics, particularly in the Italo-Yugoslav border area.54 Similarly to what was happening among Triestine communists, after the Cominform Resolution the UDAIS was divided between a pro-Tito UDAIS, which retained the old name, and a pro-Cominform Unione Donne Democratiche (Union of Democratic Women, UDD). The two rival organisations tried to gather support from worker and peasant families through, for example, competing over social work activities such as the organisation of summer colonies or the distribution of presents to children for Christmas.55 The AFŽ was also clearly ‘embedded’ in the struggle against Cominform supporters on the Yugoslav territory: a 1949 Resolution by the AFŽ Central Committee instructed militants on the necessity to ‘actively unmask those among women who are kulak, war-kulak and Inform Bureau spokespersons’.56 The AFŽ leadership also �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 66 Transnational women’s activism promoted numerous ‘popularising’ meetings across the country in which women were instructed about the WIDF’s unjust behaviour towards Yugoslavia, and encouraged to send letters of protests. Conversely, UDI leaders followed the WIDF decision, and as a national branch of the Federation broke off their relations with Yugoslav representatives. Similarly to the AFŽ leadership, UDI and PCI leaders also expressed concern about the presence of possible dissidents within their organisations.57 At the same time, AFŽ and UDI reports on the Cominform controversy suggest that most of the local militants (peasant women, factory workers and housewives) were scarcely interested in ideological debates, or did not seem to understand the core of the dispute. The main reason for this ‘lack of interest’, particularly in Yugoslavia, was probably the fear of political repression, and of being imprisoned for having said ´ something ‘wrong’.58 Dissident and former prisoner Eva Grlic reported in her memoirs that politicised teachers, journalists, party officers and factory workers were detained in the female section of the prison island of Goli Otok, but also some simple peasants who had no notion of politics whatsoever.59 AFŽ and UDI leaders’ concern with geopolitical conflicts and with the application of the correct party line, against the ‘lack of interest’ or ‘passivity’ of the militants from the base, seems to indicate that a separation between ‘women’ and ‘communist’ agendas, or the vision of ‘communist women’ as manipulated, is misleading. Instead, we need more studies on women’s different political loyalties, and on the different roles they played within Cold War ideological conflicts, notably when they occupied leadership positions. De-Stalinization and reconciliation efforts (1955–57) After the death of Stalin in March 1953, and the London Memorandum between Italy and Yugoslavia in 1954 (assigning Trieste to Italy), tensions started to ease between the Italian Communist Party and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. But it was only after the first sign of Soviet–Yugoslav reconciliation (manifested through Khrushchev’s trip to Belgrade in June 1955) that contacts between the Italian and the Yugoslav communist parties were re-established. They increased after the epochal Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, at which Khrushchev exposed Stalin’s crimes and introduced his new line of ‘peaceful coexistence’ between the socialist and the capitalist bloc, as well as the idea that different forms of transitions to socialism were possible. The infamous Cominform was also dissolved in 1956. PCI secretary Palmiro Togliatti and communist MP and member of party leadership Luigi Longo visited Yugoslavia during 1956, apologised for past errors and praised the Yugoslav way to socialism, in order to argue for a similarly autonomous strategy in the Italian context.60 From 1957 onwards, the Italian and Yugoslav communist parties had regular bilateral relations and exchanged delegations (of political leaders, trade unions, and communist youth).61 Women’s organisations were also fast in re-establishing connections: in April 1956 two Yugoslav delegates attended the Fifth UDI Congress; in that same month, during the WIDF Council in Beijing, WIDF president Madame Eugénie Cotton proposed �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 67 to readmit the Yugoslav women’s organisation.62 The UDI delegation present at the WIDF Beijing Council supported this proposal, noting that the UDI already had ‘friendly relations’ with the Yugoslavs and aimed at further collaboration in the future. The representatives from Yugoslavia, however, declined the offer to re-enter the WIDF. Nonetheless, they accepted to participate in further congresses as observers, and to cooperate on specific issues of common interest.63 In line with Tito’s foreign politics of non-alignment, Yugoslav women were keen to establish a number of bilateral relations with European, Asian and African organisations, and to foster the line of autonomous ‘national ways to socialism’ within international organisations such as the WIDF. From 13 to 15 September 1957, an UDI delegation travelled to Ljubljana, capital of the Republic of Slovenia. The delegation members’ high positions make evident that this encounter was supposed to seal a new epoch of bilateral relations: UDI President Marisa Rodano, secretary-general Rosetta Longo, national secretary Giuliana Nenni and WIDF vice-president Maria Maddalena Rossi were part of the group. WIDF secretary general Carmen Zanti was supposed to be present but in the end did not attend the meeting. Note the presence of women involved at high levels in the WIDF, and of both socialist and communist women.64 The Yugoslav delegation was equally composed of the highest representatives, belonging to the Directive Committee of the Savez Ženskih Drustava (Union of Women’s Societies, SŽD), which had replaced the AFŽ since 1953, and other important organisations. Included ´ were Vida Tomšic, member of the SŽD Directive Committee, federal deputy, member of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and secretary of the Central Committee of the League of Communists (LC) of Slovenia; Mara Naceva, SŽD vice-president, federal deputy and secretary of the Control Commission of the Central Committee of the LCY; Milka Kufrin, member of the SŽD Secretariat, federal deputy and president of the Association of Yugoslav cooperatives; Blaženka Mimica, member of the secretariat of the Association for the Protection of Childhood of Yugoslavia; Dr Aleksandra Janda Ðuranovic, secretary of ´ the Association of Women Graduates; Marija Šoljan-Bakaric, secretary of SŽD Croatia; Angelca Ocepek, president of SŽD Slovenia, deputy of Slovenia, member of ´ the Central Committee of the Slovene LC; Olga Vrabic, federal deputy, member ´ of the Executive Committee (government) of Slovenia; Ada Krivic, president of the Association of the Friends of Childhood, deputy and member of the Slovene Executive Committee; Meta Košir, member of the Directive Committee of SŽD Slovenia and director of the magazine Nasa Žena (Our Woman); Majda Gaspari, ¸ secretary for the Commission of work among women in the Alliance of the Working ´ People (ASPL) of Slovenia; Jelica Maric, member of the SŽD secretariat.65 Despite the reconciliation, however, women’s transnational and inter-ethnic cooperation was not always easy. The situation in the border area, in particular, remained tense. As mentioned earlier, the Cominform Resolution had split left-wing organisations in the Italo-Yugoslav border area. In 1955, after years of violent rivalries with the Titoists, many Triestine communists – including the leaders of the UDD – were not ready to accept the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the rest of the socialist �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 68 Transnational women’s activism bloc. Many Triestine communists had welcomed the Cominform Resolution. The Soviet denunciation of Yugoslav leaders as ‘nationalists’, in fact, was in conformity with their everyday experience of Yugoslav hegemony over the leftist forces in the border area. For many Italian militants living in Trieste, in particular, the Resolution brought an end to Yugoslav hegemony and a return to the strategic line promoted by PCI leader Palmiro Togliatti.66 Now the new Soviet line disowned the 1948 excommunication of Yugoslavia as a Stalinist machination (plotted by the chief of the Soviet secret police, Beria), and redeemed Tito and his collaborators. With an unprecedented gesture of insubordination against the PCI party line, the chief of Triestine communists Vittorio Vidali made public in a local newspaper that he disagreed with Khrushchev’s declarations, since ‘we supported that Resolution [ … ] with our documents, our sufferings, our experiences, without the intervention of Beria or imperialist agents’.67 All Trieste party leaders were asked to travel to Rome for a PCI Direction meeting, in which they were harshly reprimanded for this gesture, and forced to publicly apologise.68 These shifts in the official ‘Truth’ promoted by the Soviet Union and by the Italian Communist Party were also strongly resented by Triestine communist leader Laura Weiss (1933–89). Laura Weiss was part of the local Jewish bourgeoisie, and had been persecuted with her family since the Italian Fascist Race Laws of 1938. After the war she was involved in the Trieste communist party and in trade unionism, together with her father Ernesto, a natural scientist and teacher. Trained as a medical doctor, Laura Weiss strongly engaged in social work and in struggles for women’s emancipation and antiracism. In 1949 she was elected as communist party representative for the local council, and became a prominent figure in foreign politics, representing the Partito Comunista del Territorio Libero di Trieste (Communist Party of the Free Territory of Trieste, PCTLT) at different international meetings. She was also part of UDAIS, and in 1949 was elected in the WIDF Council.69 Close to party boss Vittorio Vidali, she became his partner, and after his death she was curator of his personal archive.70 In 1955 and in the following years, Laura Weiss could not come to terms with the de-Stalinization process, nor with the new Soviet line about Yugoslavia. In 1956 she wrote to Vittorio Vidali that perhaps it was time for her to leave the party, since ‘[i]t is for me inconceivable that in the USSR there was a situation of such terror that leaders can be exempted from responsibility of having accepted direction methods that contrasted with our principles for 20 years [from 1936 till 1956], and that no one raised his voice [ … ]. I am not satisfied with a way of acting that seems to say: now that Stalin is dead [ … ] everything will be all right.’ She continued that the idea of a ‘politically useful’ truth – which included the new rehabilitation of Tito – had become ‘unbearable’ for her, and that therefore she might leave the communist party.71 In the end she stayed, but was somehow marginalised over the years, due to her critical position towards the national PCI leadership based in Rome. In 1960, Laura Weiss did resign from her position as UDD director, since she was against the entry of a group of former ‘Titoist’ Slovene women – part of the feminine section of the Unione Socialista Indipendente (Independent Socialist Union, USI) – within the organisation.72 Already in 1960, Jole Deferri, representative of the UDD �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 69 in Trieste, wrote to the UDI leaders in Rome about the difficult reconciliation between UDD and USI women, difficulties related to nationalist feelings.73 These episodes indicate that despite the official reconciliation between Yugoslav and Italian women’s organisations in the mid-1950s, specific national and ideological tensions persisted in the border area of Trieste in the following years. Conclusion This article focuses on the relations between Italian and Yugoslav antifascist women’s organisations from the immediate post-war period until 1957, thus providing a reconstruction of the entangled history of women’s antifascism and internationalism across Italo-Yugoslav borders. Challenging the negative, Orientalist coupling of ‘communism’ with the non-European, non-Western Other, it has retraced a common European history of antifascism and internationalism, at the crossroads between East and West. The transnational circulation of radical utopias and imaginaries across Cold War borders was retold from the perspective of Italian and Yugoslav women’s organisations. During the Second World War and in the early Cold War period, a great number of women in Italy and Yugoslavia engaged in discourses and practices of antifascism and internationalism. By showing women’s political and strategic engagements at the transnational, national and local levels, this study has demonstrated that left-wing women’s organisations played an active role in Cold War geopolitical and ideological struggles. Against the assumption that ‘communist’ women were deprived of agency, the essay explored the ambivalent linkages between women’s history and Cold War history, locating women’s agency within changing geopolitical and historical settings. The transnational dimension of this study further showed that women’s international, national and local organising was entangled with multiple political loyalties. Leaders of the Italian and Yugoslav women’s organisations played a crucial role in negotiating between these multiple loyalties. Further research on women’s political agency during the Cold War years, in my view, needs to investigate differences between women, notably between those who acted as representatives of political organisations, and the ‘masses’ of women who were represented (in the political and in the symbolic sense). As I have tried to make clear, women’s internationalist organisations were not at all marginal, but rather crucial in the enactment of the multiple alliances and divisions that were part of everyday Cold War politics. Notes 1 G. Eley, ‘From welfare politics to welfare states. Women and the socialist question’, in H. Gruber and P.M. Graves (ed.), Women and Socialism, Socialism and Women: Europe between the Two World Wars, New York: Berghahn Books, 1998, p. 519. 2 For a similar historicization, see R. Jambrešic-Kirin, Dom I Svijet: O Zenskoj Kulturi Pametnja [Home and the World: On Women’s Cultural Memory], Zagreb: Centar za ženske studije, 2008, p. 213. 3 For a recent discussion of the ambivalent relation between socialism and feminism, see the Forum in Aspasia, 1, 2007, 197–201. �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 70 Transnational women’s activism 4 Eley, ‘From welfare politics to welfare states’, p. 542. See also N. Yuval-Davis, Gender & Nation, London: Sage, 1997; G. Scott-Smith and H. Krabbendam (eds), The Cultural Cold War in Western Europe, 1945–1960, London: Frank Cass, 2003; P. Major and R. Mitter (eds), Across the Blocs: Cold War Cultural and Social History, Portland: Frank Cass, 2003; F. Gori and S. Pons, The Soviet Union and Europe in the Cold War, 1943–53, New York: St Martin’s Press, 1996. 5 G. Sluga, The Problem of Trieste and the Italo–Yugoslav Border: Difference, Identity, and Sovereignty in Twentieth-Century Europe, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001, p. 1; C. Duchen and I. Bandhauer-Schöffmann (eds), When the War Was Over: Women, War and Peace in Europe, 1940–1956, London and New York: Leicester University Press, 2000, p. 3. 6 H. Laville, Cold War Women: The International Activities of American Women’s Organisations, Manchester, UK and New York: Manchester University Press, 2002, p. 5. 7 Duchen and Bandhauer-Schoffmann (eds), When the War Was Over, p. 1. 8 Laville, Cold War Women; K. Weigand, Red Feminism: American Communism and the Making of Women’s Liberation, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 9 F. de Haan, ‘Continuing Cold War paradigms in western historiography of transnational women’s organisations: the case of the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF)’, Women’s History Review, 19(4), 2010, 547–73, p. 556. 10 Ibid.; see also L. Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994. 11 For a discussion of post-1989 examples, see J. Pirjevec, Foibe: Una Storia D’Italia [Foibe: An Italian History], Torino: G. Einaudi, 2009; P. Ballinger, History in Exile: Memory and Identity at the Borders of the Balkans, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003; see also E. Collotti, ‘Sul Razzismo Antislavo [‘On anti-Slavic racism’]’ in A. Burgio (ed.), Nel Nome Della Razza: Il Razzismo Nella Storia d’Italia 1870–1945 [In the Name of the Race: Racism in the History of Italy, 1870–1945], Bologna: Il Mulino, 1999. 12 V. Foa, M. Mafai and A. Reichlin, Il Silenzio Dei Comunisti [The Silence of Communists], Torino: Einaudi, 2002, p. 3. 13 C. Pavone, Una Guerra Civile. Saggio Storico Sulla Moralità Nella Resistenza [A Civil War. A Historical Essay on Morality during the Resistance], Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 2006. About World War II as an ‘international ideological civil war’, see E. Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, London: Michael Joseph, 1994, p. 144. 14 For an overview of the persistence of World War II’s divided memories in Europe after 1989, see J. W. Müller, Memory and Power in Post-war Europe. Studies in the Presence of the Past, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. In Italy, right-wing revisionist discourses are entangled with previous forms of anti-Slavic racism or ‘frontier Orientalism’ that belong to the Italian nationalist and Fascist tradition. See again Ballinger, History in Exile; Sluga, The Problem of Trieste; and S. Mihelj, ‘Drawing the east–west border: narratives of modernity and identity in the Julian region (1947–54)’, in T. Lindenberger, M. Payk, B. Stover and A. Vowinckel (eds), European Cold War Cultures: Societies, Media, and Cold War Experiences in East and West, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009. 15 All translations from Italian, Serbo-Croatian and French are mine. In this chapter I cannot include the original quotations for reasons of space. The research is based on original archival research in Italy and former Yugoslavia, notably: UDI Central Archive and Gramsci Institute in Rome; Livio Saranz Institute and Slovenian National Library in Trieste; the Archives of Yugoslavia in Belgrade; the Croatian National Archives in Zagreb; and the Archives of the Republic of Slovenia in Ljubljana. It also includes semistructured oral history interviews and analysis of memoirs and official publications of former AFŽ and UDI members. 16 For that strategy, see J. Barth Urban, Moscow and the Italian Communist Party: From Togliatti to Berlinguer, London: I.B. Tauris, 1986, p. 156. 17 See A. Rossi-Doria, Diventare Cittadine: Il Voto Delle Donne in Italia [Becoming Citizens: Women’s Vote in Italy], Firenze: Giunti, 1996; and I. Pantelic, Partizanke Kao Gradanke: �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 71 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Drustvena Emancipacija Partizanki U Srbiji, 1945–1953 [Female Partisans as Citizens: The Social Emancipation of Partisans in Serbia, 1945–53], Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2011. B. Jancar-Webster, Women & Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945, Denver, CO: Arden Press, 1990, pp. 143–44. L. Sklevicky, ‘Emancipated integration or integrated emancipation: the case of post-revolutionary Yugoslavia’, in A. Angerman, G. Binnema, A. Keunen, V. Poels and J. Zirkzee (eds), Current Issues in Women’s History, London and New York: Routledge, 1989. See also L. Sklevicky, Konji, Žene, Ratovi [Horses, Women, Wars], Zagreb: Ženska Infoteka, 1996. Jancar-Webster, Women & Revolution in Yugoslavia, p. 48. F. de Haan, K. Daskalova and A. Loutfi (eds), A Biographical Dictionary of Women’s Movements and Feminisms. Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe, 19th and 20th Centuries, ´ Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2006; L. Perovic, Snaga ˇ licne odgovornosti [The Power of Personal Responsibility], Beograd: Helsinski odbor za ljudska prava u Srbij, 2008. See the website of the Associazione Nazionale Partigiani Italiani, www.anpi.it/donnee-uomini; J. Slaughter, Women and the Italian Resistance, 1943–1945, Denver, CO: Arden Press, 1997. M. Rodano, Memorie di Una Che C’era: Una Storia dell’Udi [Memories of Someone Who Was There: A History of UDI], Milano: Il Saggiatore, 2010, p. 20; M. Michetti, M. Repetto and L. Viviani, Udi, Laboratorio di Politica Delle Donne: Idee e Materiali Per Una Storia [UDI, Laboratory of Women’s Politics: Ideas and Materials for a History], Roma: Cooperativa libera stampa, 1994. F. Pieroni Bortolotti, ‘Introduction’, in Donne e Resistenza in Emilia Romagna: Atti Del Convegno Tenuto a Bologna Il 13–14–15 Maggio 1977 [Women and the Resistance in EmiliaRomagna: Proceedings of the conference held in Bologna 13–14–15 May 1977], Vol. 1, Milano: Vangelista, 1978. See also M. Casalini, Le Donne Della Sinistra: 1944–1948 [Women of the Left: 1944–48], Roma: Carocci, 2005. About the post-war activities of the UDI, see W. Pojmann, ‘“Join Us in Rebuilding Italy”: Women’s Associations, 1946–1963’, Journal of Women’s History, 20(4), 82–104. E.R. Terzuolo, Red Adriatic: The Communist Parties of Italy and Yugoslavia, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985. In 1947, under the Italian–Yugoslav peace treaty, the Free Territory of Trieste (TLT) was established. The AMG took over the administration of zone A of the TLT, including the city of Trieste, while zone B was under Yugoslav military administration. In 1954 the border between zone A and B became the border between Italy and Yugoslavia. See also B.C. Novak, Trieste, 1941–1954: The Ethnic, Political, and Ideological Struggle, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970. Ballinger, History in Exile, p. 2. Stuparich, quoted in Mihelj, ‘Drawing the east–west border’, p. 281. UDAIS stands for the Italian name of the organisation, while SIAŽZ stands for its Slovenian name. In this chapter I refer to the organisation using the Italian acronym, UDAIS. See Terzuolo, Red Adriatic. Jole Lombardi, 1 June 1945, I AFŽ Congress. Roma, Archivio Centrale (hereafter AC) UDI, fondo DnM, 45.3 A. Her name has been transcribed in the archive as ‘Marta Vemecic’, but probably this should be Marija Bernetic, the late 1940s UDAIS leader. Intervention by ‘Marta Vemecic’ [Marija Bernetic] at the First UDI Congress, 20–23 October 1945. Roma, AC UDI, UDI Cronologico, B7, file 69. The Yugoslav delegation had been denied visas for this UDI conference; women from UDAIS, that is, Slovene and Italian women from zone A of the FTT, could participate. See Sluga, The Problem of Trieste, p. 162. See www.anpi.it/donne-davanti-al-tribunale-speciale M. Rodano, Del Mutare Dei Tempi [On the Changing of Times], Vol. 1, Roma: Memori, 2008, p. 191. �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d 72 Transnational women’s activism 36 Yet the Yugoslav ‘example’ also contained an implicit reproach towards Italian communists; see Terzuolo, Red Adriatic, p. 221. ´ 37 For a reflection on the gendered imaginary of the Yugoslav Resistance, see R. Jambrešic ´ Kirin and R. Senjkovic, ‘Legacies of the Second World War in Croatian cultural memory. Women as seen through the media’, Aspasia, 4, 2010, 71–96. For a comparable reflection on the Italian case, see Casalini, Le donne della sinistra. 38 Pina Palumbo, comitato direttivo nazionale UDI, facsimile no. 9, page 96, in Le Front Antifasciste des Femmes de Yougoslavie au sein du Mouvement International des Femmes, 1951, IISG archive, Amsterdam. 39 Relazione del DAT del 25 agosto 1945, Arhiv Republike Slovenije (hereafter ARS), ˇ Ljubljana: Glavni odbor Slovansko-italijanske antifašisticne ženske zveze (Main Board of the Slavic-Italian Anti-fascist Women’s Association), AS 1576, k. 2B. 40 UDAIS documents from 1945 to 1948 include references to everyday political and national tensions (referred to as ‘sectarism’ or ‘sciovinism’) between Italian and Slovene women engaged in the organisation; Ibid. 41 Letter of June 1948 by Baldina di Vittorio, Roma, AC UDI, fondo DnM 48. 3, file 6. 42 ‘Zapisnik sa sastanka CO AFŽ sa rukovodiocima propagandne sekcije i kulturno prosvjetnih otseka Glavnih Odbora AFŽ’, 10 June 1948. Zagreb, Državni Arhiv – Fund AFŽ-KDAŽ – HR HDA 1234–35-k. 58 – ‘Sjednice, Plenumi, Sastanci, 1946–59’, pp. 4–5. 43 See R. H. Bass and E. Marbury, The Soviet–Yugoslav Controversy, 1948–58: A Documentary Record, New York: Prospect Books, 1959. ´ 44 J. Perovic, ‘The Tito–Stalin split. A reassessment in light of new evidence’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 9(2), 2007, 32–63. 45 Until spring 1949, the Soviet–Yugoslav rift seemed solvable, and Yugoslav leaders were hoping to be readmitted into the socialist bloc. Only after the Second Cominform Resolution of November 1949, defining the Yugoslav leaders as a gang of fascist assassins and spies, was the split considered definitive. 46 ‘Conseil de la Fédération Démocratique Internationale des Femmes, Moscou 17–22 novembre 1949’, supplement de la revue La Femme Soviétique [Soviet Woman] no 6, 1949, ´ 12. For a short biography of Vida Tomšic in English, see De Haan, Daskalova, Loutfi (eds), A Biographical Dictionary, pp. 575–79. 47 See Bass and Marbury, The Soviet–Yugoslav Controversy. 48 I. Banac, With Stalin against Tito: Cominformist Splits in Yugoslav Communism, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988. ´ 49 Jambrešic-Kirin, Dom i Svijet; G. Scotti, Goli Otok: Italiani Nel Gulag di Tito [Goli Otok: Italians in Tito’s Gulag], Trieste: LINT, 1997. 50 According to Terzuolo, Red Adriatic, pp. 122–25, the PCI was slow and hesitant in starting the campaign against Yugoslavia, perhaps because in July 1948 Togliatti himself was seriously injured in an assassination attempt. 51 Ibid., pp. 139–43. 52 Ibid., pp.155–58. See also N. Troha, Chi avrà Trieste? Sloveni e italiani tra due Stati [Who will get Trieste? Slovenes and Italians between two States), Trieste: IRLSM Friuli Venezia Giulia, 2009. 53 See note 26. 54 Terzuolo, Red Adriatic, rarely mentions women’s organisations. About women’s mobilisations in relation to the Allied Military Government in Trieste, see Sluga, The Problem of Trieste, pp. 111–32. ˇ 55 ARS, Ljubljana: Glavni odbor Slovensko–italijanske antifašisticne ženske zveze, AS 1576, k. 3, 2d. ˇ ˇ 56 Resolucija o Narodnim Zadacima Treceg Plenuma CO AFŽ Jugoslavije Održanog 4 i 5 Juna 1949 u Beogradu. Zagreb, Državni Arhiv – Fund AFŽ-KDAZ – HR HDA 1234–35-k. 58-’Sjednice, Plenumi, Sastanci, 1946–59. 57 See, for example, Verbale della riunione della commissione femminile del 26–27 gennaio 1950, Fondo Mosca, busta 233 fascicolo 17 – sezione femminile 1949–50, Istituto Gramsci, Roma. �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d Cold war internationalisms and nationalisms 73 58 For a brilliant illustration, see Emir Kusturica’s movie When Father Was Away on Business (1985), based on an autobiographical scenario of Abdulah Sidran, whose father had been deported to Goli Otok. ´ 59 E. Grlic, Memorie da un Paese perduto. Budapest. Sarajevo. Zagabria [Memories from a lost land. Budapest. Sarajevo. Zagreb], Milano: Scheiwiller, 2005. The original edition in ´ Croatian, Sjecanja [Remembrances], is from 1997. 60 Terzuolo, Red Adriatic, pp. 181–90. 61 Ibid., pp. 165–203. 62 Quoted in Women of the Whole World (journal of the WIDF), no. 7, 1956, 10–11 (IISG collection, Amsterdam). 63 Ibid., no. 12, 1956, 14. 64 Giuliana Nenni and Rosetta Longo were part of the Partito Socialista Italiano (Italian Socialist Party, PSI). On the meaning of this, see further Terzuolo, Red Adriatic, p. 199. 65 Correspondence AFŽ-UDI of July–August 1957. Roma, AC UDI, fondo DnM, 53.3–22, f. 9, 1957. 66 See Terzuolo, Red Adriatic, pp. 146–47. About the different strategies of the Italian and Yugoslav communist parties after 1945, and about their clash in Trieste, see P. Karlsen, Frontiera Rossa. Il PCI, il Confine Orientale e il Contesto Internazionale 1941–1955 [Red Frontier: The PCI, the Oriental Border, and the International Context, 1941–55], Gorizia: Editrice Goriziana, 2010. 67 Vittorio Vidali, ‘Le dichiarazioni del compagno Kruscev ed i comunisti triestini’, Il Lavoratore, 30 May 1955; see also Longo’s reply in L’Unità, 1 June 1955. 68 PCI Secretariat meetings of 7 and 8 June 1955. Fondo Mosca, Verbali Segreteria 1944–48, MF194, Istituto Gramsci, Roma. 69 A. Andri, T. Catalan, S. Urso and A. Verrocchio, Le Carte dei Weiss. Una Famiglia tra Ebraismo e Impegno Politico [The Weiss Papers. A Family between Jewishness and Political Engagement], Trieste: Istituto Livio Saranz/La Mongolfiera Libri, 2007. 70 M. Passi, Vittorio Vidali, Pordenone: Edizioni Studio Tesi, 1991, pp. 90–91. 71 Quoted in Andri et al., Le Carte dei Weiss, pp. 117, 147. The original letter is deposited at the Laura Weiss fund, f44, d961, Istituto Livio Saranz, Trieste. 72 Letters reproduced in Andri et al, Le Carte dei Weiss, pp. 148–50. 73 Jole Deferri (Unione Donne Democratiche/Zveza Demokraticnih Zena) to Comitato di Presidenza UDI, 6/5/1960. Roma, AC UDI, fondo DnM, 60-3-27, f. 9. �Template: Royal A, Font: , Date: 18/07/2012; 3B2 version: 9.1.406/W Unicode (May 24 2007) (APS_OT) Dir: //integrafs1/KCG/2-Pagination/TandF/WNAM/ApplicationFiles/9780415535755.3d � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Istraživački radovi Ostalo Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cold War Internationalisms, Nationalisms and the Yugoslav-Soviet Split: The Union of Italian Women and the Antifascist Women's Front of Yugoslavia - The Union of Italian Women and the Antifascist Women's Front of Yugoslavia - Chiara Bonfiglioli Description An account of the resource Women’s Activism brings together twelve innovative contributions from feminist historians from around the world to look at how women have always found ways to challenge or fight inequalities and hierarchies as individuals, in international women’s organizations, as political leaders, and in global forums such as the United Nations. The book is divided into three parts. Part one, brings together four essays about organized women’s activism across borders. The chapters in part two focus on the variety of women’s activism and explore women’s activism in different national and political contexts. And part three explores the changing relationships and inequalities among women. This book addresses women’s internationalism and struggle for their rights in the international arena; it deals with racism and colonialism in Australia, India and Europe; women’s movements and political activism in South Africa, Eastern Bengal (Bangladesh), the United Kingdom, Japan and France. Essential reading for anyone interested in women’s history and the history of activism more generally Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Chiara Bonfiglioli Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Women's Activism Global Perspectives from the 1890s to the Present Edited by Francisca de Haan, Margaret Allen, June Purvis, Krassimira Daskalova, www.academia.edu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Routledge Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013. Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Routledge, Chiara Bonfiglioli Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 12-IR Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant pages 69-73 Antifascist Front of Women Chiara Bonfiglioli Cold war Internationalism Nationalism The Union of Italian Women Union of Italian Women Womens' Front Yugoslav-Soviet Split