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http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/64e3d69d1544c0753961a59c68cddf69.pdf
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fOBOP 11APWABA THTA HA 11HTHHf9 1KEHA CPBHJE
,llpyrapH~e, Jl03BOJIHTe MH na sac U03)lpaBHM y
HMe Hapo,li,HO·OCJJo60.li.HJialfKe sojcKe, y HMe sauiHx
CHHOB3 1 same 6paite, KOjH Ce ,ll,aHaC, Ha OBOj LVitfH
3HMH, TaMO Ha <f>pOHTy, 6ope 3a KOHa\fHO HCTjepH·
saH>e oKynaropa H3 name nanatene 3eMJbe. CpncKe
MajKe H cecTpe, Koje ere y osoj remKoj, Kpsaaoj
6op6H ,ll,ane naj6o1he csoje
CHHOBe, 33XBaJbyjeM B3M Ha
OHOMe mTO CTe ,11,0 ,ll,llH3C
,li,OUpHHHjene H3TtfOBjetf3H·
CKOj 6op6H H3WHX Hapo.na.
Jaxaa.JbyjeM BaM Ha orpoM·
HHM lKPTBSMa Koje CTe P.O,ll,·
HHi eJie 3a cnac csoje orai,IC5HHe, 3a CD3C HSmHX Ha·
po.11.a, name CJJo6o.-e H lie38BHCHOCTH. AJIH ,11,03BOJIHre ,11,3 BaC ,li,SHaC DOHOBO
notcjeTHM ua mprse H 3a.11.8TKe KOjH jom croje npe.l{
H8M31 KOje heMO MOhH caBJISJ{aTH C3MO TaKO, 3KO BH,
cpncKe )KeHe, MajKe H cecrpe,
C5y J{eTe era jane Kao KpeMen·
CTHjeua y3 OHe KOjH Ha
<f>ponry nponujesajy csojy
MJiaJ{y KPB 3a CJI060J{Y.
Bam pan, same .llY:lKHOCTH
cy MHorocrpyKe. HameM
<f>pOHTy, HamHM 6op~HMa
rpe6a noMOhH. HamH 6op~H HHCY ,li,06H1IH O,ZJjehy H3
M3r3UHH3, jep HX HHCMO HH
HMaJIH. 0HH cy nonyrOJIH,
60CH y OBOj TfWKOj 3HMH,
H>Hl!la rpe6a noMOhH. BH,
cpncKe )KeHe H cse meue
jyrOCJISBHje, MO)KeTe y6Jia
)KHTH raj HeJ{OCTaTaK WTO
ra ocjeta uawa xpa6pa apMHja. 3aTO, y CBaKOM CeJiy,
y csaKoj sapomH nanperHH·
re cae caoje cuare, ca6H·
pajre MaTepHjaJI, o;:tjeity, cpeTCTBa 33 :lKHBOT, HSMHP·
HH~e, KSKO 6rtCMO MOfJIH HaWHM 6opLUiMa Ha <f>poH·
Ty J{aTK 6apeM MHHHMYM OHOra mTO HM je DOTpe6HO
- ,11,3 6H Ce MOfJIH 60pHTH H KOHS'IHO OCJJ060li.HTH
H3WY 3fMJby, - TO je npBH H H3jBS)KHHjH 33.113T3K H
au ra caMe sn.n;rue, BH ra ocjellare cnaKo.nuesHo, ocje·
hare ra 3BTO wro cy sawa 6palla, aawH ot~eBH, uawH
CMH08H TaMO r ..je je TeWK0 1 r}lje na,llajy lKHBOTH Haj•
60JbHX JbY.AH, T3MO uje ce KYie CJI060,11,a H cpeta HO•
se, <f>eJtepaTHBHe jyroCJJasuie.
,llpyrn 3a,naraK - ro je CTBapaH>e name uose·
<f>e,ll,eparHBHe JyrocnasHje, <f>e.Aepanne Cp6Hje u ua
po~He snacTH. To je, .llpyrapH~e. Te>KaK 3a.llaTaK, H
TY saM ce o6pataMo : DoM03HTe HaM .na crsopHMO
HCTHHCKY H3POJlHY BJiaCT 33 KOja Cy 0Jt 1941 fOJ{HHe
UOfHHYJIH Haj60JbH CHHOBH
Cp6Hje H ocranHx uapo~a
JyroCJJasttje - HCTHHCKH .zte·
MOKp3TCKy H3PO.li.HY BJI3CT.
3aro 6y,ztHTe He caMo nolKPTBOBHH 6op~H 1 Hero H
CTpOrH KPHTH'I3PH OHHX KO•
je ere nocnaJIH .zta spwe JtP·
>Kasue nocnose. foHHTe ca6orepe, roHHTe oue KOjH cy
xTjenH .zta H3Hrpasajy rotiollClbe napo,AHe npujare.Jbe, a
y CTBapH fJif,Ltajy KSKO Jt8
naMa O,L\Morny. HMa .ztocra
nOWTeHV.X JbYJlH, HMB MHO•
ro DO:lKpTBOBHHX JbY.AH KO•
jH cy H CUOC06HH H BOJbHH
J{a npaBHJJHO H npase.nuo
BO,Lte OBy BeJIHKY H8PO.AHY
CTaap. HeMojre ce ycrpyqasaTH Jt8 KPHTHKyjere, 3KO
BH.llHTe .zta nemro He saJba.
3npaBa KOHCTpyKTHBHa KpH·
THK3 MO)Ke C3MO ,1:\a UOMOf·
ne, H ouaj Kora ce ona rHqe, aKo je nowTeH u t~ec
THT, Hebe ce JbYTHTH, Hero
te MY ro 6nru nyroKa3:
.liB npa811JIHO BO,L\H HapOJtHY
craap. 0Haj Kora 3.apasa
H3pO,L\H3 KpHTHKS BpHjei)a,
TO HHje BSW npHjaTe.Jb, TO
HHje H3pOJ.lHH npnjaTeJb, TO
je uenpMjareJb uapo,L\a. SyJlHTe ysjepene .zta teMo MH
ysnjeK, y csaKoM noje,li,HHa'IHOM cnyqajy, y'IHHHTH
cue .L\8 ce set ca.na, y 3a'leTKy, yrywH csaKo
yKopjeH>HBBlbe HeKHX 6HpOKp8TCKHX MeTOJlS BJiaCTH.
0HaKo KaKo ie 6Hna 3.L\pasa osa Hapo,n.Ha 6opoa, KO·
ja je norescna O.A caMHx Hapo.na, raKo rpe6a .Aa 6y,L\e
3.llP383 H HOBa BJIBCT, jep CSMO H3 npase.nnoj Hapo,ll,·
HOj BJI8CTH MO>Ke Jt3 DO'IHB3 je.l{HHCTBO .zteMOKPBTCKf
ti>e,llepaTHBHe jyrOCJIBBHje, Y KOjoj lie CBH H3PO.IlH -
�l.f Cp6H, H Xpsani, H Cnosenuw, H MaKe.l(OHUH, H
Upnoropi..\H - :>K11BjeTI1 cpehH ) 11 c.no:>KHO H ynaraTH
3aje~HI14Ke nanope 33 onUJTH npOI..\BaT H 6oJby 6y.llYhH0CT HOBHX OOKOJbftbS, KOja Ka~a ~Oi')Y, Tpe6a ~a
Bl1.lle ~a cy I-bHXOBH O'-leBH H M::ljKe Y'-IHHHJTH CBe Ka·
KO 611 tbi1Ma 6UJIO 6oJbe.
A ca.lla MH, .ztpyrapaue, .ll03BOJIHTe ~a ce ocspnell\ Mano H na one KOjH ca6oTHpajy napo.11ny 6op6y.
DpHje r o.lllmy, npwje .ztBHje, npHje TPH rO.ll11He
Morno ce npl14aTH Kojeuna, jep napo.11 ·n11je 6110 o6a·
BHjewTeH. MH CMO hyTaJIH MHOrO BpeMena, ~B Hje ro·
,1\HHe 6opHJIH CMO Ce C3MH 6e3 Hr.11je H4Hje OOMOhH,
- caMo y3 noMoh napo.zta, caMo yJ noMoh HawHx
cHpoMaUJHHX ceJbaKa. MH cMo 6HJIH na y.ztapy csHx
H3.11P>K3JIH CMO. 0
Ha·
cnara
nenpujaTeJba H
Ma Ce ros opHJIO y UHOCTp3HCTBY H 3eMJbH T3KO K30
,Aa je y OHT3fuy Wa'-1111..\a KOMYHHCTa; je,AH3 rpyna JbY·
.ztH KOjH xote .11a ce .ztOllenajy snacTI1. ja nac m.naM,
.ztpyrap11Ue, KOJIHKO 6H ce OJlp>KaJia je.ztHa W341il..\a JbY•
.ztl1 Kojy napo.zt ne 611 no.ztynupao, Kojy ne 611 napo.zt
BOJIHO ? l{ommo 611 Tpe6aJIO, peUHMO, T3J(aWtbOj crpOMHOj tbCMa•lKOj CHJIH, Ta.TII1j3HCI<Oj CHJlH, pa3HHM ·
'-leTHHI..\HMa, He.llHheBI..\HMa, nasemtheBI..\HMa .1{3 yrywe
TY ll134Hli,Y Jby.ztu Koja To6o)!ce xote .zta no.ztjapMH napo.zt, .zta MY qe.ztne na rp6aqy?
HapoJI.Ho-ocno 6 o.llHJia4K11 noKpeT HltKao je 113
Hapo.zta, OH je H3pO,At111, HCTHHCKH H3pO,AHH OOKpeT.
A nH OHH KOjH cy rosopHJIH 11 .ztanac rosope JlpyralfHJe, cMaTpajy ,11.a je napo;~ newTo .11pyro. HucTe Ha·
po.zt 811 OB)lje, HH OHO CeJIO !Cuje Ce 60pH, HH OH3
sojcKa Koja nponuje11a KPB y oc!io6;.1.L(I1Jia'li<vj 6op611,
Hero cy HapO,A OHJf ICOjH cje.11e TaMO y JIOH)lOHy - OHH
KojH LY on1w:I.t XliTJiepy, y 1a:::6HHY theMa'-IKOr <j>awuJMa: He)ll-tli, JboTut1 ·11 paJHH .RPYfll, - OHH ce6e
CMaTpajy - HapO)lOM, B3C He CMaTpajy HapO)lOM, 11
6oje ce 3a sac, 6oje ce 3a aawy cno6u.zty. ]3/.\HH cpncKH
napo.11, wi:a )la pa)li! 6e3 tbHX? ja nHTaM sac, )lpyraPI11..\e : Da Ka)l f;y TOJiliKO BOJbfJII•l cpnt;KH HapO)l liTO cy
no6jernH? ja He 6Hx no6jerao. Ja 6Hx ocTao os,ztie, ja
6Hx ce 6opHo. ja 6Hx 6am Kao .1106ap CHH napo)la,
3a WTO OHH ce6e npornawyjy, no3sao napo,A 11 peKao:
rne.ztajTe, TjepajTe yihe3e Koja cy )lOWJIH y aawy 3eM·
JbY! TaKo 6Hx peKao Hapc)ly. AnH OHH TO ne Mory
pehH, OHH TO H~Cy MOrJIH peli11 HH OH)la K3)la Cy 6H·
nH OBJJje, jep cy Hx qyaane I-heMa'-IKe 6ajoneTe, jep cy
npe.11 BaMa set~ 011JIH OMpa>KeHH BOjHM KPB3BHM )lje·
JII1Ma. 0TKaKo caM y Eeorpa)ly, )lOJiaae K MeHM y ll,pHO 3aBJijeHe )!CeHe 11 npH'-Iajy MH -- OHf H3 TI1M0'-1Ke
KpajHne, H3 TonJIHI..\e, H3 cpl..\a illyMa.lluje, ca CBHX
CTpaHa, - npHlfajy MH KaKO cy HM norHHyJIH MHJIH H
]lparH O'-leSH, CI1HOBii, 6palia. Ka)l ynHTaM: Ko HX je
no6HO? - 4eTHiili,H, cjeMe HM Ce 3aTpJIO ! - Ka)Ky
cpnClCe MajKe. Ero, )laiCJie, SO~e THX KOJba'-la KOjH Cy
no6jermt y tbeMa'-IKO·<j>awHCTH'-IKY ja36~1Hy, 6oje ce 3a
cno6o)ly cpncKor napo.zta. A Mf.i Ka:>KeMo: He 6ojTe ce
3a Hac, Ml1 heMO ce Bt::li CHahH, KaKO·TaKO, a WTa here
BH TaMO? l{y/.\a heTe BH Ca)la K3,1{3 ce npH6Jift>Kasa
oTcy~Hii '-lac, Ka)la Upsena apMHja set MaHeBpHwe
npe~ cpQeM l-heMa•u~e, 2 caRe3HUll~£e apMuje ca 3ana~:a
HJJY cse ,AaJbe H )laJbe? 0 ce6H 611 Tpeoano ,Aa rosoPHTe, a o naMa ne BO.llHTe 6plfry! M11 teMo caM H.
Cmi'IHHX )l06poraopa HMa, na >KanocT, 11 y Jlon)lOHY H y AMepHI.I,H. On~t ce 6oje Ja cno6o)ly Cp6a H
3a cno6o.zty ocTaJIHX napo)la jyrocnasHje. Eoj1ne mt ce
B~-t ,Aa n elieTe HMaTH )lfMOKP~THjy? 0HH Ka:>Ky: Tpe6a
,Aaru ~eM o K parHjy ; je~Ha naprHja - To je ~HKTaTypa !...
2
HHK3KO je,AHa n PTHja; Tpeoa .ll81'H CJIOOO.llY CBHM4
napntjaMa! - Ka>Ky. A aKo napo)l nete HHK3KS11X pas·
HHX napTI1jHI.I,3, nero xote je)laH Hapo)lHH noKpeT?
Ja y npi1Hli,HrJy 11HC3M npOTHB napTHja, jep )lf•
MOKpaTHja npe,nB i)3 CJI060.llY 11COOBHje}latba CBHX Ha·
'-lena 11 cs 1x H.zteja. HucaM. Amt CTBapaTH napTHje
PMH napTHja, Ca,Aa K3)la ce BO)lH 6op6a Ha >KHBOT H
cMpT! l<a)la Tpe6a csH Kao je,AaH ,Aa caoje cnare ycMjepHMo y npasuy HcTjeplfBatba oKynaTopa H3 name
3eMJbe, Ka~a je )lOMOBI1Ha paJopena ~o TJia, Ka)la neM&Mo HHWTa .ztpyro )lO CBHjecTH H csojHx pyKy, )lajre ca)la .na ce paaMHJie arHTaTOPH no CBHM ceJIHMa
H rpa~OBHMa: y)lpHTe, CTapH KOpreWH! Ja, ca CBOje
CTp aHe, He 6HX HMaO Hl/t.uTa npOTHS TOra )l3 H)ly H
)la rosope, jep JHaM )la 611 ce 6p3o spaTHJIH y Eeorpa)l. An11 MH ca)la HeMaMo speMeHa Ja TO. Os)lje je
HapO)lHH flOKpeT; - TY MOry 6HTH CBH: H KOMyHHCTH,
H OHH KOjH cy 6UJIH )le.\WKpaTH, pa)lHKaJIH HT)l., Ma
K3KO ce OHH 3BClJIH, CaMO aKO HMajy )l06py BOJby H
nowTetbe )la aaHcTa :>~<ene )l06po Hawoj 3eMJbH. Taj
noKpeT je ana cnara, je.ztHHa CHara Koja )lanac MO>Ke )la
Haayqe nawy 3eMJbY H3 ose crpaxoTe H 6nje~e H )la
joj )lOHece nomyHy CJI060,Ay. A Ka)la 6y)leMO OCJI060·
i)eHH, 113BOJIHTe, OH)l3 )la ce OfJif)laMO, )la BH,li;HMO
TaM0 1 Ha Mer)laHy, KOja he napnija IIOCTOjaTH!
J);aKJie, )lpyraOHI.I,e, KaO liTO BH,AHTe OHH Ce 6oje
)la naw Hapo)l net~e ~u611TH ~eMoKpaTHjy. Mlt sac nHTaMo: 60jHTe Jill ce B~l )l3 HelieTe )l06HTH )leMOKpamjy? Eoj.ue JIH ce .zta neheTe HMaTH n pasa aa Koja
cTe ce 6 opHJie ? BaM a Ta npaaa HHKO 11 HHKa)la nete
MOhH O)ly3eTH! MH heMO HX WTHTHTH, Ml4 heMO Ce
CBHM CHaraMa 33JI3r3TH )la O'-lySaMO T3 npaBa HapO,llla.
VIJIH htMO ca'-lyBaTH Ta npaaa, HJIH nac nete 6HTH!
OpeMa TOMe, ja OS)lje, npe)l BaMa, nopy'lyjeM CBHMa
OHHMa KOjH MHCJie .11a ite ~1lH3C, y OBOj 33 HaW HapOIJ;
TeWKOj CHTyaQHjH, MOhH )la CKpeny HCTOPHJY jyrocnBHje na3a.ll, - )la ce JbyTo sapajy.
HeKOJJHKO pHjelJH o cnopaayMy : M H cMo
CaMHM THM liTO CMO y JbeTO 1944 rO)lHHe npHCTaJIH
)la nperoaapaMO ca jyroCJJaseHCKOM BJia.ztoM Vlaana
Wy6awHha y eMHrpai..\H.iH, noKa3aJIH )la HaM je crano
,!tO yje)ll1ft.aBatb3 CBHjy CHara, )la HI1CMO HHKaKBH ceKT3WH, HV.KaKBH yaypnaTOpH, Hero )l3 :>KeJIHMO C3MO
je)lHO: ,u.a yje)lHHHMO WTO BHllie Hapo.zt, ,lt3 6y~e liTO
4BPWhe je)lHHCTBO Harne 3eMJbe, 00WJIH CMO Ha Taj
cnopaJyM, npo)ly:>KHJIH CMO nperoaope 11 nanpaBHJIH
HOBH COOpa3yM 0 CTBapatby je,AHe je)lHHCTBeHe BJI3)le.
DpHcTanH cMo )la H KpaJb HMa y Hamoj aeMJI.H csoje
HaMjecnHKe. Cse cMo Y'IHHHJIH wTo CMO MornH. MH
cMo y'IHHHJIH KOH1.1,ec11je, He .zto6HBWH HHWTa. AKo
c.TBap y3MeMO Y y>KeM CMHCJiy, MH CMO CaMO H3ryCH·
Jll1 1 3JIH, aKO ce CTB3p rJie.zta y l11HpeM CMHCJiy, y CMHCJIY yje)lHtbetba C~BHX CHara, na H OHHX KOje cy Ce
)lOCMa Kone6ane, - )l06HJIH cMo. VI ero, )laHac, Ka)la
CMO rJOK333JIH T3KBY WHpOKOrpy)lHOCT, .lt0JI33H KpaJb
ca csojHM casjerHHI..\HMa H aenH )la nete TaKas cnopa3yM, nero xote .lla craBJba ycnor;e. PaJyMJbHBI je
CTsap )la ce KpaJb 6opu 33 caoj npHjecTo. jacno je
~a ce Huje~HOM
t<pa.n.y He u~e ca npujec TOJI.a. Ja TO
noTnyno paayMujeM. AJTH, Ka)la je)laH KpaJb yaHMa
ce6H npaso )la llOCJiuje CBera OHara liTO ce y JyroCJI3BHjH )lOrai)aJIO Beh '-leTHpH rO)lHHe, CYMtb3 y T0 1
)la JIH 1e os}lje )leMoKpaTuja H .zta nocraBJba aaxrjese
Jl napo)ly Tpe6a cno6o)la, )la napo)l Tpe6a Jta ce caM
Hajaw.tbaBa, OH)la ce He MO:>Ke peilH ,lla j e To HajnoWTfHHja llOJIHTHKa j TO cy M3KHH8J..tHje KOje HMijy 31
�UHJb .zta C1'Bapajy 3a6yue KO.zt HAt M YHOce tMe1'Jby
KO,n uac, .zr.a H3a3osy rpa~aucKH par. AnH, yMjecro
rpai}aHcKor para wra ce .noro.nHno ? fpai}aHcKor
para HeMa, Hero ce y 'IHTasoj 3eMJbH no.n11rno cseonrnre ue3aAOBOJbCTBO " nporecrH nporHB KpaJbese H·
3jase. Ero nne6HCI.UiTa ! To je npo6m1 nne6HCI.\I.fT!
l13seo ra je caM Hapo.zr.. ,l{aKne, ,npyrapl.fl.\e, ra crsap
je nponana, an11 He 3a Hac, Hero 3a oHe KOjl.f cy xrjen11
,~~;a ry Hernro ltape ua pa'lyH KPBH, Ha pa'IYH mprasa
KOje p;ajy jyrOCJIOBeHCKH HapO,D;H.
,l{aHac 6H OHH xrjenH ,~~;a ce raj cnopa3yM HeKa·
KO npoMjeHH, p;a y snap;y yi}e ueKaKas KplbeBI1h, H
wra ja 3HaM KO cse jow. MH cMo, Kap;a je p;p. illy6awHh 6HO OB.nje, jaCHO peKJIH C KHM MO)I{eMO ,11;3 pa,li;HM01 3a tcora cMarpaMo p;a he pa)(HTH y HHrepecy
uapo.zr.a. MonHM nHjeno: - HMaheMo B.llap;y, an11 .zr.a
ce os.zr.je, y JyrocnasHiH, y Eeorpap;y, y osoj CHTYal.\l.fjH,
Ka.zr.a ce BO,li;H 6op6a Ha )I{HBOT H CMpT, Ka.zr.a CBH Tpe6a .zr.a .zr.aMo cse o.zr. ce6e, yse.zr.y y sna.zr.y eneMeHTH
KOjl1 he ce caMo uare3aTH, nperosaparH, no.zr.HOCHTH
OCT3BKe, CTBapaTH KpH3e - TO HaM He Tpe6a. TH JbY·
.llH cy y Jlou.zr.oHy, o.zr. 1941 rop;HHe, ne,~~;eceT nyra ce
MHjelbaJIH H CTaJIHO p;aoamf OCT3BKe. HaMa T3K!'IH MHHH·
CTpH He Tpe6ajy. HaMa Tpe6ajy MHHHCTpH KOjH he pa,nHTH
p;aH H HOb. HaMa Tpe6ajy MHHHCTpH KOjH he BH,ll;l.fTH C3MO
OHO wro je rnasuo, a He csoje ycKonapTHjcKe, a MO)I{,na
H 'IHCTO JIH'lHe HHrepece. HaMa Tpe6ajy JbY.AH op; aKI.\Hje
H ,lljena, a He 0,11; <Ppa3a H ,li;HCKYCHja. MH CMO HMaJIH OpHJIHKe ,11;3 BH,li;HMO WTa cy HaM .llOHHjene TaKBe
ona,lle y npownocTH, y 611ornoj jyrocnasHjH. ill ro ce
TH'le Harner OOKpera, HapO,li;HO·OCJI060.lll.fJI3'lKOr 0 lKpera, Ty HHKO BHWe 0,11; OHHX KOjH HHCy 6HJIH y H3WHM
pe.zr.oBHMa, na Ma .zr.ownH ca crpaue 111111 6111111 o.zr.aone,
He MO)I{e TBPAHTH .zr.a ce OB)(je BOAH yCKOnapntjCKa 00·
JIHTHICa, Qo.nje cy HCTHHCKH CHHOBH H KhepH Hapo.zr.a
jyrocnaoHjt', oo.zr.je cy npasH po.zr.oJby6H, oo.nje cy OHH
KOjH Cy ce, HaKO cy paHHje 6HJIH y pa3HHM napTHjaM31 )(3H3C yje,llHHHJIH y je.zr.aH CH3)1{aH <PPOHT. <l>poHT
Hapo.zr.a KOjH Tpe6a .llB H3By'le OBY 3eMJbY H3 paua H
~yilleBHH3. npeMa TOMe, ,ztpyrapuue, TeKOBHHe HapO.zl·
HO ocno6o.nHnaqKe 6op6e, <PopMynHcaHe Ha II 3acje.zr.alhy ABHOJ-a y Jail.\Y, rpe6a ~a 6y.ny cseTHlba He
caMo 3a Hac urro Ja csaKor KO )l{eJIH .zr.o6po osoj
JeMJbH. HeKa ce HawH npHjareJbH y HHocrpaHcrsy
jow je~HOM y6je,ne Y TO ,lla CMO Bpno TBp.zr.orJiaBH H
HfOOKOJie6HBH y CBOj HM 33XTjeBMM3. MH HHCMO H3·
BHKJIH Ha rlhWJie KOMDpOMHCe! MH CMO H3BJIIKJIH )(3
rOBOpHMO OTBOpeH0 1 O'IH y 0'111 1 OHO WTO MHCJIHMO,
jep He MHCJIHMO HHWTa HeOOWTeHO, Hero CaMO TO
KaKo 6H GoJbe 6HJIO uawoj 3eMJbH, KaKo 6HCMO ce
WTO npHje H3ByKJIH 113 ODe pa3opeHOCTH J.l K3KO 6H·
CMO HCTjepaJIH OKynaropa, TaMO Bo~e pa'lyHa 0 TOMe KO
be cje,llHTH Ha MWHHCTapCKOj CTUJIHI.\11 1 KaKu he oprdHH30·
1!13TH napTHjy, a MH HeMaMO 3a BOjCKY HH O.lljti=te HH o6yi=te,
Hapo.zr. je ocrao os~je, Ha <PpuHry, - ro ]e Hapo.zr.! Ha ceny - ro 1e Hapo.zr.! 0HH TaMo - TO cy
ornaQH Hapo.zr.a. ja caM ysjepeH- HMa npHJIH'lHO 3HaKooa KOjH TO rosope ,lla lte HaWH semtKH CaseaHHI.\H
KOH3'1HO y6p3ant OBO HaTe3albe y JloH,llOHY -- p;a ce
cnopa3yM o,nMax cnpose.zr.e y .nten o wnH .na ra He 6y.zr.e. To MH nopyqyjeMo OHHMa y JI ... HJliiHy. M11 cMo
OOWJIH C~MJ.I H MH heMO 11hH Cc1MH. llJTO 3H3'1H caMH? 3Ha'IH - caM uapo.zr.. l1wn11 cMu .zr.uC<l Aa na
heMO J.l 61:!3 OHHX HeKOJIHKO TaMO JolbH H ,i.3Jbt 1 aKO
6y.ne Tpe6ano. M11 ce He 6LjHMO HHKaKHHX Tt::WKuhd,
jep 3H3MO )(3 je Harna CHara y HaWuj )l'.ll11HCTBeHOCTH 1
y H3WOj H3jBebuj TeK<•BH HH - y 6paT.:TBY H je,llHH
CTBY CBH X Hapo,na JyrocnaBHjt', y jt:,lli'IH~TiiY CB3K• r
Hapo~a y coaKuj cpc.nepanH j je.n11HJ1QH n ct611ue. MH
HAeMo CM jenl) Hanp11jt,11;. M11 ht Mu ucTB<l PI1TH H<~we
QHJbeBe! MH heMo HCTiep~rH cKynan pa, MH ht:'Mu nu
.ll11hH uawy 3eMJbY 113 use paa ,peuocrH 11 M11 iteM)
.zr.aHac cyrpa MuhH Ka3aTH: ~a CMO Pii~HJIH cse
OHO lllTO CMO rOBOpHJIH, HHU.. Ta .zr.pyro.
HeKa )I{HBH Harna HOBa, <Pe.zr.epanmHa JyrocnasHja!
)l(HsHo MHTHHr )l{fHa - 6opa[\a Cp611je!
HeKa )I{HBe HaWH oeJIHKH Case3HHI.\H I
HeKa )I{HBH uawa Ocno6oAHJia'lKa sojcKa l
OKynJbajyhH cse Hapo.zr.e JyroGJiaBHje Ha OCHOBH npH3Halba nomyHe pasHonpasHocr~t €BaKora o.zr. lbHX,
Je)(HHCTBeHH H3pO,U:HO-OCJI060)(HJI3'JKH cppOHT ll0CT30 je Hajuau, i OHanHHja llOJIHTH'JKa TBOpeBHHa y HCTOpHjH
jyrocnoseHCKHX Hapo,u:a.
00Jia3etiH 0)( Haj.zr.y6JbHX OCJI060)(HJI3'JKHX Te}f{lbH KOje cy llOKpeTaJie H yje)(Hlb3BaJie jyrOCJIOBeHCKe
Hapo.zr.He MaCe y je.zr.Hy [\eJiliHy, H H,U:yhH je)(HHO MOryhHM nyTeM KOjH je BO,U:HO H BO,U:H Ka OCTBapelby THX Te:lKlbH,
Je.zr.HHCTBeHH H3p0)(HO·OCJI060)(HJI3'IKH cppOHT ll0CT30 je Haj.ll,eMO paTCKHja llOJIHTH'JKa TBOpeBHHa y HCTOpHjH
jyroCJIOBeHCKHX Hapo.zr.a.
OpeKo csojHx noMohHHX opraHH33I.\Hja, AHTHcp arnHCTH 'IKOr cppoHTa *eHa H Yje,nHlbeHor caseaa aHTHcparnHCTHtJKe oMna,n:HHe JyrocnasHje, Je.nHHCTBeHH Hapo.nHo-ocno6o.nHnaqKH ¢poHT o6yxsara cse cnojese Hapo.zr.a,
*eHe H MYWKapl.\e, OMJia,nHHy, sojcKy H rpa~aHCKO craHOBHHlliTBO. OH je nocrao h8JMacooHHJa opraHH3al.\Hja
y HCTOpHjH Hapo.na JyrOCJ13BHje.
Yqsprnimsalbe Je,nHHCTBeHor Hapo.zr.Ho-ocJio6o,nHJia'IKOr cppoHra - ro je rapaHTHja KOHatJHe H nomyHe
no6e.zr.e Ha.n CBHM HenpHjareJbHMa .zr.eMoKparcKe H cpe.zr.eparHBHe JyrocnasHje, Ha.zr. CBHM HenpHjarelhHMa cno6o.zr.e
jyrOCJIOBeHCKHX Hapo.zr.a,
(Ha yBO)(HHKa "5op6e" O.ll 16 HOBeM6pa 1944 ro.zr..)
npercjeAHHWTBO
AHTHcpOWHCTH'-IKOr BHje'lia HOPOAHOr ocno6oi)el-ba JyrocnOBHje OAflHKOBano
je AHTHcpOWHCTH'-IKH cppOHT H<eHa
JyrocnaBHje
OpAeHOM
HAPOAHOr ocn050"bEI-bA.
�HAWA IEHA Y OCBO&O!HnA~KOM PATY
oYPO nYUAP-CTAPI-1
ceKperap Jtl3spwaor o.D.oopa HuiJI-a boca(\ 11 XepueroBJ.me
CKopo tt~ ce uaaprni1TH 11 tteTBpTa ro,nt-IHa o.n
ouora ,naua K3.1\8 cy crpaHH 33EojesattH H uenpHjareJbH
l(Hjenora CJI060,I\OJbYOI1BOf lfOBjettaHCTB3 npOB3JII1JIH 11
ynaJIH y Haruy 3eMJby, DOpOOHJIH je, ODJb3ttK3JIH 11 DO·
D3JII1JIH, je,I\HOM p11jett11, CTBOpHJII1 HeCT31UHQY H DYCTOlU.
Ho norpernHo 611 6wno pehH .na je TO n.ieno caMor
oKynaropa. H11je ro ,njeno caMo lberoso Hero je TO
,1\jeJIO H ,I\OM3hHX H3IJO,I\3 lhE!M8lJKHX nnaheHHK3.
l13Met,y THX pa36ojmtKa HacTana je 6jecoMytJHa rpKa H
raKMHttelbe KO he BHrne rn8Ba nocjehH, KO he BHrne
Kyha 0003JIHTR1 KO he BHWe 3JI3 Hapo.n.y H3HHjeTH. 11
OHH cy, o,nHcra, ycnjenH y raj csojoj naKneuoj H8MjepH.
MHora cy cena onycroweua, MHora cy orthHrnra yrarneHa, MHOra je MajKa y 1..\PHO 33BHjeHa H KO 3H3 JCOJIHKO
H ,1\0KJie 611 T3KO HIUJJO, a HUJJIO OH BjepOB8THO CBe ,1\0
I(OHQ'IHOr HCTpe6Jl,eH.a,
y
npDOM pe~y
cpnCKOI", ll
OHJ{ll
ocranHx uapo,na EocHe H XepQeroBHHe. JJ;a HHje .nowno
,1\0 TOf3 1 MO>KeMO 33X83JIHTH je,nHHO npaBHJIHOM CT3BY
KoMyHHCTHlfKe napTHje Koja je y npas11 ttac no3B8Jia
uapo.n Ha ornop H opy:>K8HH ycTaHaK, y 6op6y 33 cnac
Hapo.n.a H o.n.6paHy 3eMJbe,
H8po,n Bocue H XepueroBHHe, y Jaje,nHHI..\11 ca acTa·
JIHM Hapo.nHMa jyrocnasHje, o.na3sao ce no3HBY H uece6!1lfHO, TPH H no ro.n~me, 6wje 611rKy 3a ocno6ot,eH:.e
canje po.ztHe rpy.ne ncno.n ry~HHcKor japMa. BenuKe cy
)KpTIIe H HaDOpH KOje je HaW HSpO,n yJIO:>KHO Y I!!BOM
OCJIOOO,I\HJI8lJKOM pary, a HapOlJHTO ey 8eJJHKe >KPTBe
6ocaucKe meue Koja je o.n npaora ,naua 6op6e, ca My>KeM,
OI..\~M H 6paroM crana paMe y3 paMe, y3ena nywKy y
PYKY u nowna y uepaBHH 6oj ca uenpHjareJbeM. nowna
je .na 6p8HJ:f caoj KPOB Ha,!LrnaooM, csojy 3eMJby, csojy
tt8CT H CBOJY cno6o,ny. Muore meue, Koja cy ,no jyqe
611ne MajKe 11 Kyh8HHI..\e, pa,nHHI..\H y noJby, ,nau8c cy
6opQH ua Q:>poHry. HeMa HHje,nuor noCJia, na 6Ho Ma
KaKo remaK 11 uanopau, KOjH uawe meHe ue 611 ycnjewuo o6as11ne. Que ,nauac pa,ne Kao 60JIHHttapiCe 11
lheryjy palheHe 11 6onecue 6opQe; oue Koce, opy 11
CHjy H CBpmasajy CBe DOJbODpHBpe,nHe DOCJIOBe. 0He
Hero raKo ycnjewHo pa,ne ua KH,nalhy H nonpasJbalhy
uecra H npyra. 0He Ha csojHM nnehHMa BYKY xpauy
33 BOjCKY Ha Q:>pOHTy OHHM CT333M8 KOjHMa, HHK3KBO
npeao3HO cpercrao npohH He Mome. 0He npe,ny, nnery H TKajy H. THMe y6nam8sajy OCKY,I\HI..\Y Harne BOjCKe.
)f(eue ca ycn)exoM pa,ne ua cy36Hjalhy 6onecrH Koje
cy HeMHHOBHe y CB8I<OMe pary. Cse. re mpTBe 11
CBH TH H3DOPH KOjH Cy ,1\0Ca,na yttHlbeHH H KOjH Ce
Henpecrauo ttHHe, jecy nneMeHHra ,njena H8WHX meua
Ha ,no6po6HT CBQjy H CBOra BJI3CTHT0f Hapo,na.
. ,l(auac j~ HCU?,n OKynaropcKe lJH3Me ocno6ot,eHa
uH]ena Cp6HJ8, QH]eJI8 l..{pHa fopa 11 MaKe,nomtj8 cKopo r:tuiena Bojso.nwua H seJIHKH .nuo XpsarcKe 11 'cnosemtje. .l(eMopanHc8He H 6wje.nHe rpyne HwjeM8Qa
nposnatte ce 11 6jeiKe KP03 Hawy aeMJbY; UpseHa apMHja
KYI..\3 Ha Bpara EepJIHHa. Ha DOMOJIY je p;aH Harne KO·
uaque cno6o,ne. Barn ca,na je norpe6Ho ynomHTH jow
sehe uanope y 6op6H 38 Hawy KOH8ttHy cno6o,ny. y
Be3H C HIMe je,n8H 0,1\ OCHOBHHX 33,1\8T8K8 KOjH CTOjH
npe,n H8WHM meHaMa jecre lliHpOKO 0KYDJb3lhe
y AHrH<j>awHCTHlJKH <j>pour meHa. Kpo3 ry caojy
opraHH3aQHjy meHe he MOhH .na jow snwe no,nHrHy
caojy nonHTHttKy cswjeer. OpraHH33QHja AHrHQ:>awHCTHttKor Q:>poura :lKeHa oMoryhHhe meHaMa HajwHpe
yttewtte ua CBHM noJbHMa uapo,nHo-ocno6o,nHJiattKe
6op6e. AHrHQ:>aWHCTHttKH Q:>pOHT meHa MOpa ce CHCTeMaTCKH H ynopHO npOWMpHB8TH. Y lber8 rpe6a ,na
YJI83e aue meue Koje cy .no .ll;8Hac crajane no crpaHH.
0He he HCDOJbHTH OHY aKrHBHOCT, KOjy .. 6H HHa~e,
BaH AHruQ:>awHCTHttKor <j>poura >Keua, rewKo Marne
DOCTHhH.
)J;pyrH BamaH 33,1\aTaK, KOjH HHje HHWTa M3lbH
uero wro je 6Ho ,noca.na, jecre noMoh Hapo,nHO·OCJIO·
60,nHJia'IKOj BOjCQH. )J;a OH H8lU8 BOjCKa MOrna ycnjelUHO ,na ce 60pH H ,na je,I\HOM 33 yBHjeK H3jypH He·
npHjareJb8 H3 H8we 3eMJI.e, ue 6wcMo cMjenu .no3BO·
JIHTH ,n3 ce 6oP81..\ cMp3aBa H8 Q:>poury. Ou He 611
CMHO OHrH fJI8~8H H 6oc, na MaKap MH y 0038,1\HHH
OCKy,l\jeB8JIH. Tpe68 ynomHTH CBe H8nope ,n8 ce DO·
60JbWa CT3lbf H3lUHX 6opaua KOjH craie Ha cPPOHTY
H 6Hjy OHrKy 33 H8lUY KOH8ttHy CJI060,1\Y• Y Ty CBpxy
noTpe6Ho je P83BHTH rnTo rnHpy aKQHjy 3a ca6Hpa1be
xpaHe H o.njehe no,nje.nHaKo y rpa,ny H ceny. He rpe6a .1\8 ce ocnalhaMo Ha noMoh ca - cTpaHe ,na ua raj
H8ttHH 33DOCTaBHMO OHY DOMOh KOja je HaWeM 6opQy
TOJIHKO DOTpe6Ha, a KOjy MY HaW Hapo,n jorn YBHjeK
MO)I(e DPY*"™·
T pehH, H ue Malhe samaH 3a,naraK, na - aKo
xohere - je,n8H o.n H8jBa:>KHHjHx 38,llaraKa, jecTe o6Ho·
aa H uarpa,ntba Harne 3cMJ&e. PIKJIH cMo .Al cy IJJO-
�BO"Jll · H HenpujareJI.H coora tofaPOJla ynponacTHJtH
uarny 3eMJby. Hacnuje~unu CMO pa3opeue u onycrorneue
Kpajeoe. Mu .z:tanac MopaMo pa.z:turu ua roMe .z:ta no.z:tH>KeMo Kyl=te, u;ujena uaceJba, u;ujene rpa.z:tooe. Tpe6a
nO.z:tH3aTH TBOpHHu;e H pa.z:tHOHJ.fl.(e, lUKOJie H 60JIHHu;e,
6e3 'lera ce He MO>Ke 3aMI1CJIHTH fiOJba fiy;:tyhHOCT
uawera 'IOBjeKa. Ty cy norpe6HH orpoMHH uanopu
Koje .z:tOMOBHHa rpamu o.z:t coaKora rpa~auuua. Auru<}>srnucTH'IKH <}>pour meua MO>Ke y TOM npaou;y .z:ta
npy>KH orpOMHY nOMOh aHramyjyhH lUHPOKft Kpyr
meua npeKo cooje oprauu3au;Hje. HeyKHM u 3aocranuM
meHaMa rpe6a noMOlt11 .z:ta cxoare coojy .z:tymuocr u
npaoo rpa~auuua.
4eTBpTH 3a.z:taTaK KOjH CTOjH npe.z:t HaMa jecTe
nuralbe uapo.z:tno-ocno6o~una'IKe onacr11. HaKo ua na·
woj ocno6o~euoj repnropuju uapo.z:tno-ocno6o.z:tunaqKa
onacr nocroju u pa.z:tu o.z:t npoor .z:tana ycranKa, jaw
yBHjeK HMa HH3 CBOjHX He.z:tOCTaTaKa KOje rpefia OTKJIO•
H11TH. 0TKJIOHI1TH TC He.z:tOCTaTKe HHje MOryi=te 6e3 3K·
THBHe noMol=tu Auru<}>arnucTH'IKOr <}>poura meua. Hapo.z:tHo-ocno6o.llHJia'IKOj onacru Mome .z:ta ce .z:ta ra noMOb y paaHHM o6n11u;uMa. HeMa "" je.z:tnor 3a.z:taTKa
ICOjH ce ,AaHaC DOCT3BJba npc.z:t HapO.z:tHO·OCJI060.z:tHJia':IKY
onacr, a KOjera He 6u Morna .z:ta noMorue Auru<}>arnuCTH':IKa <}>poura meua. Oprauuaau;uja Auru<ParnucTHtiKor <}>poura meua orpujernul=te ce o uapo.z:tue HHTepece,
3KO fiy.z:te .lt03BOJIHJia .z:ta ce Y H3pO.z:tHO-OCJI060.z:tHJI3':1Ke
O.z:tfiope YBJiaqe JbY.ltH JIHjeHH, Henpe;:ty3HMJbHBH, JbY.lt11
uecnoco6uu 11 uecaojecmt, JbY.z:tH cyMihRBe npownocru,
ca noce6HHM pa~:~yHHMa. Auru<J>ai!IHCTH'IKa <}>poura
>KeHa He MO>Ke paBHO.z:tYWHO ;:ta DOCM3Tpa K3KO ce
OKynJbajy p33HH KOTepujalUH KOjH Cy Hay':IHJIH 3a BpHjeMe npOlUJIHX HeHapO.z:tHHX pe>KHMa .z:ta CBaKy BJI3CT
ICOPHCTe y csoje noce6ue copxe. To cy pa3HH wneKynaHTI1 u npo<}>urepu KojH cy 3a BpHjeMe ycrawKe onacru
uacrojan11 CBHM CHJiaMa .z:ta ce .z:to.z:toope oKynaropy H
naoeJutheBHM BJiaCTO.z:tprnu;HMa. TaKBH JbY.ltH ca T3KBOM
caojoM npownowl=ty, a Koje jorn HHje CTHrna 3acnymeua
Kaaua 3a lhHxooa ne.z:tjena, noKyrnaoajy u .z:taHac ;:ta ce ua
pa3He ua1:111He YBYKY y uapo.z:tno-ocno6o.z:tuna'IKe o.z:t6ope, y Hapo.zxno·ocno6o.z:tunalJKY <}>poury. Jby.z:tH ca raKBG>M npOlUJIOWhY H Ca TaKBHM ll;HJDeBI1M3 HeMajy Mje-
eTa y HapOJlHO·OCJI060JlHJt34t(OM tiOI<pery. li>HX Tp~a
fOHHTH KaO Kyry Jcoja je y CTalby .z:ta aapa:m OKOJIHHy.
Haw uapo.z:t je no.z:tnuo .llOCTa MyKe 11 narlhe, .z:taK je
.z:towao .z:to rora .z:ta 6upa H .z:ta 11Ma csojy snacr.
Harna onacr je Harpaheua u oua ce uarpa~yje ua KO·
cruMa xu.Jioa,lla cHnooa Harnera napo.z:ta, Hawa 6ocaucKoxepu;erooalJKa meua Mopa jow aKTHBHI1je .z:ta yqecTByje
y uarpa.z:tlbl1 re snac1'11. Oua ce je o~:~enu':II1Jia 11 npeKanuna y JbYTHM 6ojeBHMa 11 rernKHM HeBoJbaMa. )l(proooana je Ha OJITap .z:tOMOBHHe CBe lUTO joj je Ha]MHJII1je
- u .z:tpyra, 11 6para, 11 .z:tHiere, 11 ou;a, 11 oua he aHaTI1
6paHHTH OHO UJTO je Kp03 TpH 11 no rO;:tHHe CTBOpHJia. CBaKI1 OHaj KOjl1 ce .z:tp3He .z:ta T3KHe y Te MYKOM
creqeue reKosuue, onpmuhe ce. To neKa 6y.z:te nopyKa
CBHMa paa6ujalJHMa 6parcTBa H ie.z:tuncroa uawera Hapolla, CBHM3 OHHM3 KOjl1 MHCJif ;:ta je Ca.z:t BpujeMe .z:ta
MOry y MYTHOMe ;:ta JIOBe.
Harne meue Koje cy ro:IHKO .z:tane y oooMe pary
ycnjewuo l=te OKynuru coe meue Eocue u Xepu;eroauue, aKo 6y;ty csojy oprauuaauujy pa3oujane ua 6parcroy 11 ie.z:tHHCTBy. )l(eue Eocue u Xepueroouue cy
Kpo3 ooe rernKe ro.z:tuue para y;:tapHI1UH u y ·oojcu;u u
y noaa.z:tHHH. 0He cy .z:tane coe o.z:t ce6e, KPB coojy 11
KPB cooje .z:tieu;e. 0He cy 3aje;:tuo ca MyrnKapu;I1Ma pa.z:tHne cse nocnooe aa no6je.z:ty ua.z:t uenpujareJbeM u
aaro Auru<}>arnHcTH'IKH ¢poHT meHa y EocHH " Xepu;eroBHHH HMa coe ycnooe .z:ta nocraue jaKa nornopa
auru<}>arnHcni~:~Kor <}>poura meua 1 uujenoj jyrocnaoHjl1.
HacraBHTH 6op6y npor.Ho OKynaropa u .z:tOMal=tux u3.z:taiHua ca ucroM OHOM ynopuornhy KaKBY cy noKa3ane .z:toca.z:ta name meue, uacraBHTH 6e3 npe.z:taxa 11 caMonomproooaHo o6HOBY 11 H3rpa,ii;Ii>Y Harne 3eMJbe,
3Ha'IH ca cHrypHornl=ty rne.z:taTH y 6oJby " cpel=tuujy
6y.z:tyhuocr uawux napo.z:ta. M11 CMO yojepen11 ;:ta l=te
cyrpa y cnofio.z:tHOM Capajesy, ua npBoM Kourpecy
Aur11cparn11cTHlJKOr cppoHra meHa EocHe 11 XepueroB11He,
name meue 11M3TH MHoro .z:ta Ka>Ky u raj KOHrpec uehe
6HTH caMo MaHHcpecraul1ja name cHare, Hero lote ou
611r11 11 cMorpa 6op6eue, npeKaJbeue - nose meue
- KOja je cnpeMHa .z:ta ce YXB3TH y KOWT3l.{ ca CBI1M
rewKol=taMa o6uose u uarpa.z:tlbe y ocno6o~eHoj JlO·
MOBHHH.
'&ypo ny1.1ap-CrapM
Coa onacT y «:f>eAepanHoj SoeHH H XepueroBHHH npuna,lla HaJjOAY 1<oju
npeTCT8BJb&jy H8POAHO-OCn060AHn8LIKH O.li,60pH, H8POAHO OCJJ060,1VtJJalfKe
CKYOWTHHe H 3eM8JbCKO 8HTH«:f>BWHCTHLIKO BHjehe HBPOAHOf OCJJ060I)ett.a
6ocHe H XepQerooHHe.
TeMeJb Hapo.!J,He onaCTH y «:t>eAepanHoj 6ocHH H XepQerooHHH
npeTCT8BJbajy H8pO.li,HO·OCJJ060AHn8LIKH O.li,60pH KOjH cy H8CT8nH y TOKy
ocno6o.li,HJJaLIKe 6op6e HapoAa 6ocHe H XepQerooHHe H paaoHJJH ce,
HCTOpHjCKOM HY)f(HOWhy H BOJbOM CBMHX H8pO.lJ,8 1 y opraHe AeMOKp&TCKe
H8POAHe BJJ8CTH.
HapOAHa BJJ8CT 60CHe H Xepl.lerOBHHe paaoHja ce y CKna,lly ca OCHOBHHM H8LieJJHM8 H8POAHe BJJ&CTH AeMOKp8TCKe «:f>eAepaTHBHe jyrOCJJ8BHje.
5
�n ea np
11
KOHrpec
HCeHa
3a I<paTKO sp~o~jeMe o.n;piKahe ce I KOHrpec 6ocaH C
KO XepuerOS34KHX iKeHa. npsH nyT y HCTO pHjH
cno6o.n;He 11 pasHonpasHe, iKeHe 6ocHe H Xepu.erosHHe
OKynHke ce Ha CSOM KOHrpecy )la y CJI060.D;HOj .D;OMO·
SHHH K3iKY CSOJY pHjC'l no CBHM llHTalbHMa H npo6JieMHM3 csoje 3eMJbe. KoHrpec he o6HJbeiKHTH c as
OHaj TernKH, TpHOSHTH nyT KOjHM Cy npOrnJie )!{eHe,
3aje.n;HO Ca CSOjHM H3p0.D;OM y 6op6H 33 CJI06o.n;y 3eMJbe. Ha lheMy he iKeHe KpajHHe, XepuerosHue H HCT04He 6ocHe npe.n; .D;OMOSHHOM, npe.n; CSOjHM Hapo.lJHMa, npe.n; 'lHTaSHM CSHjeTOM pehH lliTa cy .D;OCa,n;a
Y'lHHHJie H rnTa cy cnpeMHe .n;a Y'IHHe 3a csojy 3eMJbY· KoHrpec he o.n;pa3HTH cas OHaj senH'laHCTBeHH
Hanop, CHJIHO p0llOJby6Jbe H llJieMeHHTOCT HarnHX iKeHa Koja HM je llaJia CHare .n;a HCTpajy I<po3 HajTeiKe
.n;aHe 6op6e.
Ha KOHrpec he .n;olm Haj6oJbe npeTcrasuHue iKeHa 6ocaHCKe KpajHHe, Kpaj11ue y I<ojoj ce po.n;11na
6ccMpTHa cnasa K03apci<e MajKe, y KojOJ cy .n;psapcKe
iKeHe ronopyKe HacpTane Ha lheMa'lKe na.n;o6pauue, H
r .n;je cy rpMe'IKe MajKe, H3Jia3ehH ca npoMp3JIOM .n;jeUOM H3 CHHjerOM 3aSHjaHOf fpMe'la, jorn O.D;JIY'lHHjC
nornne nyTeM 6op6e.
nohH he XepuerosKe KOje cy 3ano'leJie 6op6y
o.n npsora .n;aHa H KOj e Ha nyTy Ka cno6o.n;H HHje MO rao 3allp)!<aTH HH HajcypOSHjH Tepop OKynaTOpa, ycTarna H 'leTHHKa.
nohH he iKeHe YiCTO'me 60CHe, npeKO KOje cy npoxyjane TCrnKe HenpHjaTeJbcKe o<PaH3HBe H 'IHje cy
)!{pTBe 6eCKp3jHe. 0He he npH4aTH 0 TOMe KaKO Cy
CKpHsane H lberosane palhCHHKe H KaKo ce y onycroIlieHHM cenHMa ys11jeK Harnno MjecTa H xpaHe 3a yMOpHy BOjCKy.
BeJIHKH cy HanopH H ~pTse iKeBa 6ocHe H XepuerosHHe. HcnpMjaTeJb HHJe HHrnTa nornTe.n;Ho: HH
Kposa, HH cTapua, HH .11jeTeTa. OH je llHSJbOM MpiKlhOM yHHrnTasao Harne Hapo.n;e, uarna .no6pa Y Harnoj
MY41:'HH'IKOj 3eMJbH llOllHrJIH cy sjernana, noTeKna je
noTOUMMa Kps HPSHHHX YcTarne cy Knane cpncKy
.ll)CUy, a 4eTHHUH cy Ce .CBeTHJIH" y BpHCKY H KpBH
MYCJIHMaHcKe 11 xpsaTCKe Heja'lH. XMJba,o:e paTHe cHpo4allH KOji1M3 je HenpHjaTeJb OTeO TOllJIO OflhHrnTe,
pOllHTeJbe H pa.n;ocHo .n;jeTHlhCTBO
crparnua cy onTy»<6a npoTHB HHjeMau.a 11 lhHXosnx noMaraqa 3a 3JIO.njena no'IHlheHa y Harnoj 3eM.rbH. Ha csaKOJ CTO'lH
Harne 3eM.'bC BHlle Ce TparOBH 6oja . no.n; 33CTSBOM
6paTcsa HarnH Hapo.n;H ocno6aljajy 3eMJby, cseTe npommeHy Kps.
3a iKHBOTe HSJIJC .n;jeu.e, 3S MHp HSrnHX .D;OMOBS,
,n;a HHKalla BHrne He 6ylle KJialba H y6Hjatba
MH
CMO ce yje.n;HHMne. JeAiiHCTso CpnKiilba, MYCJIHMaHKH
H Xpsanrua o6jacu11he 'IHTasoM CBHJery OTKy.n; HaM
CHara 3a 6op6y OTKy.n; HaM sjepa y IJ06Je.n.y.
CpnK.i-llhe, MYCJIHMaHKe H Xps THUI:' npH4ahl:' ua
KOHrpecy 0 CBOJOj .D;JeUif KOja 3aje)lHH4KH OCJI06a}jajy
oer.sJLy,
0
:HljQ)l;llilfUlllU
noc rtnt>UliA::I
vnjP nn::aR IJ,ll Y. n
CpnKHibaMa Koje caKynJbajy cjeMe 3a nonaJbeuo MYCJIHMaHCKO ceno, o MycnHMSHKaMa KO e uoce .n;aoose
y 6onHHUe H YMHPY no noropHMa 3a cno6olly. Harne
je)lHHCTBO 611he HajJbenrnH .n;ap )!(CIIB KOHrpecy, Harnoj MJiallOj .D;p)!{3811, lheHOj CpehH H 6y.llyTIHOCTH.
Koarpec he uac Jarelm y .ll.3Hl:IMa Ka.ll.a ce Harna
3eMJba, H3My'leHa H onyCTOrneHa 1 .D;H»<e H3 pyrneBHHa.
6
&ocae a XepqeroaHHe
I-by rpaAe pyKe OHHX KoiH cy csojy Jby6as npeMa
3eMJbH llOKa3aJIH 6opehH ce 3a JbeHy cno6o.LJ.y J--beua
6oraTCTBa, noHOCHe nnaHHI-f , py.n;H 1 6nara, nJJOllHe
.:>paHHUe y pyKaMa Hapo.n;a 6Hh
fi3BOpH HapOAHOf
6JiarOCTalha. no HarnHM Cll3Jb HHM CPJIHMa seh Ce 6Hjene npse carpal]eH'e Kyhe . Y CKpOMHHM rnKonaMa opH
ce njecMa Harne .n;jeue. Harne Mane aM6ynaHTe npeTCTasJbajy CKpOMHC nO'IeTKe y 6op611 3a 33rnTHTY HBpO.ll.HOf 3ApasJba. Ha u.ecraMa ce 3aTpnasajy npeKonM
H Kp'IH nyT Kp03 CHHjeiKHe HaMeTe. .ll,HM Ce H3BHja
H3 npBHX llHJiaHa, Kp03 HOh np06HJ3 eJieKTpH'IHO CBjeTJIO y RarnHM rpa.D;HHHMa, a flHCBK JIOKOMOTHBa o6jaBJbyje llB cy npopa.n;HJie npse iKCJbe3HMUe.
To cy pa.nocHH notJeUH o6Hose 3a Kojy cy norpe6ue cse pyKe ose 3CMJbe. )f(eae ce OllS3HBJbY n03HBHMa Ha H3rpa.n;lhy. 0He Te nocnose o6aBJbajy ca Jby6asJby
11 csHjernhy .n;a .n;onpHHoce no6JeAH, one noKaayjy HenpHjaTCJbHMa, .na HaC, KOjH CMO y 6op6H npOTHB OKynaTopa no'IHHHJIH uajseha jyHarnTBa, Hehe 11 He Mory
nOKOJie6aTH nycrorn H eKOHOMCKC TernKOHe y KOjHMa
ce Hana3JiMO. Ha TOM nocny crsapajy ce uose y.n;apHHU.e.
Hapo.nHo-ocno60AHJl34KH noKpeT CTBOpHO je HOBH JIHK J<eHe y 5ocHH 11 Xe'1U r BHHH:6op6eHe, CMjene
H O.llJJY'IHe. 0He KOje cy AO npHJe paTa llOAHOCHJie
.hyTKe cse Tero6e, Y3lll1rne cy ce .n;o CMHOHHX 6opau.a
3a CJI06o.n;y. npe.n; iKI:'HaMa cy Ce OTBOpHJia spara HapOAHe BJiaCTH, rnKOJia H Kypcesa H OHC cy - »<CJbHe
3Halha - no'leJJc Y'~HTU. CTOTHHe iKeHa aa csojHM
KOH<PepeuuMjaMa 411Tajy 11 yqe. Me!]y lhHMa je uenpecyrnHH H3BOp HOBHX CHara I<Oje Tpe6a .Zl3 Oja'lajy Jiam
llOKpeT, .n;a .naAHY 3CMJbH HOB..:. CHare Ha CBHMa noJbHMa 6op6e 11 H3rpa.n;lbe.
Ha KoHrpec he .n;ohH uosa iKCHa 6ocHe H XepuerosMHe. I-by je CTBOpMna 11 npeKa.rmna uaT'losjeqaucKa 6op6a 3a cno6olly 11 6o.'hH )!(HBOT. bop6a jy
je Haopy)!(aJia CHaroM, O.D;.IIY'IHOrnhy 11 CHJIHOM Jby6asJbY 3a cno60AY· To JC npo6yljeHa pa.nua iKeHa, 6op6eHa 11 aanahcHa MajKa, 4HJa cy .n;jeu.a ua 6ojHOM noJby.
.ll,ohH he yllapHHUe KOCa'lKHX 6aTaJbOHa H pa.n;HHX 6pHra.n;a, MajKe HarnMx 6opaua, 6ocaHKe H XepuerosKe OqJ11U.HPH H op.n;eHOHOCU.H, Y'IHTCJbHU.e,
Oll60pHHUe H3pOllHe BJiaCTH.
PyKe he HaM 6nTH iK}'Jbesme o.n; nonaTa H KpaMnosa, ne!Ja yMopHa o.n; npeHornelha )!(HTa 3a sojcKy
npeKo CTpMHX H .naneKHX nyTesa, 6HheMo yMopHe o.n
6ecaHHX HOhH nposelleHHX Ha pa.ny H y 6op6u 3a
cno6o.ll.y. An11 Ha HarnHM JJHUHMa cjahe pa.n;ocT no6je.ne KOjy CMO H3BOjeBaJie Hall MpCKHM OCBaja411M3 11
Hall pOnCKOM npornnornhy. 611heMO nOHOCHe Ha TeKOBHHe Harne 6op6e, Ha 3CMJbY Kojoj cMo, 3aje.n;Ho ca
'IHT3BI1M HilpOllOM, 113BOjesa.1e CJI060AY.
CnpeMajyhH ce 3a CBOj npsH KOHrpec, BO.llHHeMO llJICMCIHITY YT3KMHUY 3a jorn seh.y H CBCCTpaHHjy
noMoh Harnoj jyHa'IKOj sojcuH, 3a noMoh Harnoj Hapo.nHoj snacTH y 113rpa.nlhH 3eMJbe, 3a yt~sprnhelhe 11
lljJVWttjJt:rnt: nawt: up• ann~a~njt:, ~a ja"iarnc jc.Jv•ncrna
CpnKHlha, Myc;mMaHKI1 11 XpsaTHU.a, 3a KYJITYPHO H
noJIHTH'IKO no.n;H3alhe CBHX meHa 6ocHe 11 Xepu.eroBHHe .
Y cnjecH Ha TOM nocny 6uhe Aap HarneM KOHrpecy.
)f(HBHO I KOHrpec 6ocaHcKo-xepuerosa'IKHX )!(CHa 1
AywaHKa KoaaYeaHi:i
�Oj Kosapo KpBJbY aaJiwBeHa,
XepojcKw hew 6HTH ocael;eaa .
.Upyra T11ra p11je'!u cy HaM MIIJie
.Ua cy ja'le rrpaa~e Hero t:HJie.
Konoua no je.zr.au, KOJIOHa o.zr. 800Jif~ ~na.zr.1ntKH >KHBO je KpeHyJia y npasl..(y JlHjesqa IloJba. 3a,zr.aTaK
Tpe6a H3BplllHTH: Tpe6a OTeTH >KHTO OJ(
UJeMal..(a YCTallla.
.
IlpeTCTOjH nyT on.. 70 KM. :>KeHe ra ra3e ooce no .zr.y6oKOM 6JiaTy. CTaJIHO y HCTOM TeMny noCKaKajy
je.zr.Ha 3a .zr.pyroM Kao cpHe.
Beh je naJia Hoh. KonoHa ce THXO cnylllTaJia y 6oraTo JlHjesqe noJbe. Cse ce pa.zr.11no no o.zr.pe~eHoM
nnaHy. Top6a 3a Top6oM ce nyHHJia.• MeHH CHnaj 15 Kr. MeHH 18. Ja hy 20." - TaKMH'IHJie ce TaKo .zr.a 6H.zr.o
Ilo.zr.rpal..(a H .l(aJbe, 'laK .l(O Ko3apua H IlpHje.zr.opa. DOHHjene lllTO BHWe >KHTa, .zr.a 6H ra OTfJie OJ( xaJiaOJbHBOr
uenpHjaTeJba.
HHjeMI..(H H ycrawe KpeHyJI H cy H3 1ly6HI..(e, MnaKe H Jaceuosl..(a .zr.a nane MHpHa noTK03apcKa cena.
Bpahane cy ce yMopue HH3 o6poHKe Ko3ape. CyHI..(e je 3acjelbHBaJio O'IH. He KyJba JIH nj Jl:HM 8 88
lbHXOBHX Kyha! ? KOJIOHa je DOlllJIS 6pme. Y THlllHHH Cpl..(e je OtiajHO TYKJIO: .zr.a HHje JlHjeTe, .zr.a HHje MajKa CTpl,ll.8JI8, T~WKO •caqysaHH Kp03 TOJIHKe o<lJaH3HBe.
CyTpa.zr.aH caM Halllna MliJbY H nepcy PHCTHh KaKo 3arpJbeHe njesajy Ha 3rapHwrHMa csoje Kyhe :
Ja ce KpeHyx y aKuHjy, y JlHjesqe no nllleHHI..(y,
Ka.zr. C;} apaTHX H3 SKI..(Iije, H3 KyHe MH .l(HM Ce BHje,
Moje ceno s~rpy CHje, - naseJmhy .zr.a re HHje!
Wra TO pan.Hrn on. uapo.zr.a, OJJ:HHJena Te xna.zr.ua son.a.
Ka.zr. ja npHljox Kylm 6nHme, a H3 Kyhe nJiaMeH JJH>Ke.
Kyhe MeHH mao HHje anH oKo cy3y JIHje,
Jep cy MpTsa .zr.jel..(a Hawa - norHHyna OJJ. ycTallla .
Je.zr.sa npHljox .zr.jei..(H 6JIH>Ke, JJ:CCHOM pyKOM je.zr.uo JJ:H)Ke,
MylllKO qe.zr.o, jolll MaJieHo, .zr.eceT nyTa y6o.zr.euo.
Ta.zr. norne.zr.ax y }I(HBHI..(Y H yrne.zr.ax .zr.pyrapHI..(Y:
Mprsa Jie>KH MajKa Hallla, norHHy.'Ia o.zr. ycrallla.
Yn.pH THro 6aH.zr.e Knere, H meue he .zr.a ce cseTe 1
A ca.zr. HanpHje.zr., .zr.pyrapHI..(e MHJie,
flpH Kpajy cy <lJalllHCTHI.JKe CHJie.
llot~eKyjMo ycrawe ua HO>Ke,
Ko3apa ce YHHlllTHT ue MO>I<e ...
Qnyja je Ha H3MaKy, - TOra CMO CBH _csjeCHH. flpe.zr. CTpaWHHM CJ1HKIM8
pas6yjasa BfJIHKY CHary .zr.a H3JJ:p>KHMO .l(O no6je.zr.e, .zr.a H3.l(p>KHMO .zr.o Kpaja.
.PI
ijeh&HoHMI OCBeTHHtiKH 6Hjec
CHJJ.a MapjaHOBHh
TEWHO
CMO
H{HBJEflE
H H AA ...
Coja nomth, crapwua HJ XnwaHa. O.D. rrpaor .D.&Hft yqecrayje
0H8 OKyiiJb8 lKeHe, Y'IH HX, Opf8HH3yje IIOMOB pllH.e·
~HUIIM& 11 aojcuu. .UaJia je y 6oo6y caoje rpoje .D.]eu.e, OA KOjHx
JC P&JKO nponerep nao y 60JY ca 'leTHH'IKHM Ha.a.ajHHUHMB, a khepKII c~IHJbK8 y IV otb8R3HBH. Coja je npercje.D.HHUa 06niiCHOr
O,l\6opa A<t>)l{-a Ja 6ocaacKy Kpaj~tay.
O,n;nHKoaaaa je Op.D.et-tOM 6parcraa 11 je.IIHHcraa.
Y 6op6H
CjtTHMO ee JCaKO je 6HJIO OHO ctapo. Y nawHM ceJha'IKHM KyhaMa rnasHo je 6HJIO · Jta )l{eHcKo 6y.D;e
CHS>KHO H nOKOpHO· MopaJie CMO ~a p3,li;HMO HajTe>Ke nOCJIOBe, 8 fiHKO HSM HX HHje Dpi13H8830. 4eCTO nyta cy
ce meue nopat,ane H3 lbi1BJ.i 1 HS telllKOM pa~y. TaKO CMO MH CeJh8HKe pat,ane OBe Harne jyHaKe KOji1M8 ce ,li;HBH
"'HTaBH CBHjeT.
oHJie CMO HenHCMeHe H HHCMO 3H311e lilTS Ce ~orat,a Y CBHjeTy H WTS H3M ce cnpeMa. fOBOPHJJH cy ,ll;!
ce TO meHa He Tuqe_
3aTO HHje 'IY.ltO llJTO CMO MH Jt3H8C T3KO 'IBpCTO Be33He 33 6op6y. Qua he H H3M8 H H8WOj ~jei..(H JtO·
HHjeTH BHllle cpehe H p3,llOCTH. 3aTO CMO CBe CJIO>KHe Y 6op6H A3 H3M ce Crapo BHWe HHK3,A He Bp3TJ.i.
KpB CMO MH CBOjy pot,euy ~aJJe H KO TH Harne ,D;jel\e Y3H~aJie Y TeMeJhe ~paTCKe Q>e.zr.epaTHBHe jyrOC118·
BHje. H cse teMo ~aTH H y'IHHHTH Jta ca'lyBaMo teKOBHHe uapo~Ho-ocno60JtHJI3'1Ke 6op6e H Jta HarpaJtHMO uawy
nopyweuy 3eMJby. YJt3pemt cy TeMeJhH npaB~ , CJI060.D;e H p3BHOttp3BH_?CTH HS~IUIX Hapo.zr.a H p3BHOOp3BHOCTH
)!CfHe ca MYlllKapQHMa. )laHac Mli ca seceJheM ~ospw<lsaMo 3ano11eto .LtJeJIO, JJHJe'IHMO paue. MH ce/Ha TOM nyty
He ()ojHMO HH~er H MH heMO n0611je~HTH.
Coja 1\onHtl
7
�no o3lbOj JlyUH KpyiKI1Jie Cy je311Be npH'fe 0
y611CTBI1Ma Cp6a. )l{eJbe3HH'-IKI1 rpaHcnoptl1 o~so~MJII1
cy HeKy~ uwj~Jie n o po~11Ue. Bp6ac je npoHocHo Jbe·
rnese meHa H JhY~l1 KOjH Cy KO 3Ha r~je 11 Y KaKBI1M
MyKaMa yM11pam1. no MaxanaMa npoHOCI10 ce wanaT:
Hehe 113~o6pi1TH, ceCTpo; Ha npaB~H 6ora y611jajy Jhy·
~e; 3aTBOPHWe 11 3al1M3, McMeTa, Wyxpy.. . oaTHHajy,
My'fe! ...
no~ Y3~PXT3JIHM CPUHM3 33POBH cy CKPI1B3JIH
~paroujeHH MarepHjan. MaJio je KO aHao orKy.z:ta je
.z:tOJI33HO, 'fecro Hl1 cecrpa, HH MajKa. HeKOJIHKO meHa
o.z:taHHX 11 sjepHHX 'fyBaJie cy rajHy 36or KOJe ce 3nonaTHJIO 11 yMHP3JIO y Mpa'iHHM C3MI1L(aMa, 360r Koje cy
Kltf.lt3HH HOKTM y 63lb3Jiy'fKOM pe.z:tapCTBy.
Ce~aM.z:tecerro~HWlbY Ka.z:tHH11UY MarnajnHh 33TBO·
pwrne, 6wjeCHI1 liTO HHCY MOfJIH yxsaTHTH lbe3HHa
CHHa. A noc.11-1je 3aTsopa crpenHna Je Ha.z:t iKHBOTOM
crap or Ka~HJe, 1cora cy raKo~e 611n11 yxancHnH. Ho
-1 HHje MOfJIO CK(JWHTH TY MajKy KOjoj je Tpoje
ti.JI!i.\e nano y 6op6H, .z:tOK je je.z:t·•
HO H ca.z:ta y noropy. 0Ha M ~aJhe
se.z:tpo sjepyje y no6je.z:ty. - ,Ka.z:t
.z:to~eMo y Salby JlyKy, npsa liy Ha
CT3HHUH OOBeCTH ,K033PY , - 'fe·
CTO fOBOpH OH3, H Ta.z:ta hy
Kpaj cpua TPH UPBt'He 3BHje3.z:te
cTaBHTH !" Tp11 upseHe 3BI1je3.z:te,
TpH OOHOC3 lbf H3 1 Tp11 CHM60Jia
cno6o.z:te 3a Kojy cy 113 cpua rpH
iKHBOT3 HCKHHyTa.
.
npae jeceHH H3(JO~He 6op6e
Hanycr11na je po~eHH rpa.z:t Ajma
Kapa6eroswh. Ha cno6o.z:tHoj re
pHTOp11jH OHa je KpajlbOM · OOiK(J·
TBOBHOUihy lberosana 6opue y
jOW383'iKOj 60Jiml l(H. 4eTHH'fKH
3JIHKOBL(H npeKH){Ollle H raj ){HB·
HH OOJieTHH iKHBOT.
1-beHy MajKy H"jeMUl.f H ycTaUie roHHmt cy no.z:t
nyrnKaMa I<pn3 oalby JlyKy. CTapHua je Me~y napm33HHMa npemi1sjena .z:tBHje ocpaH3HBe, ysHjeK ca6paHa
H se.z:tpa, ca CBHjewtty .z:ta je H KPB lbeHe AjUie npoJIHBeHa 3a CJI060.z:ty, 0H3 He H30CTaje H3 KOHcpepeH·
L(l1jaMa 03lb3JIY'f3HKH I<Oje Cy ~OUIJie H3 CJI060.z:tHY
repHTOpitjy. , J1.aKO CTapa, jorn MOry H C3Ma H3Y'fHTH,
H ~pyre noy'fHTH."
Omop jyHa'fKe oalbe JlyKe coe je BI1Ulf pacTaO.
rpa,l( ce ynopHO 6opHO, 3JIH je H HenpHj3TfJhCKH Te·
pop 6HBaO CBe BehH. Y HH3y MHOro6pojHHX xanrne·
lba 1942 fO){HHe, Me~y npBI1M3 je 3aTBOpeHO 40, 3 y CKOpO jOIU 150 MyCJIHM3H3. Ta.z:ta ce .z:teCHJIO UITO HHKO
o'feKHBao HHje. 11.3 KPHBY .z:taBJ.tx yJIH'fHUa no'feJie cy
W31UipliTW ~I"HI" y 3apORUMll, Cllyn.n.ane ce
Hll
YI'R()·
811M3 H TI1XO ){OfOBapa.i!e, DHJIO UX je CBe B11llle, ){OK
ce He CJIOiKHUie y
ry Heo6H'fHY n osopKy. TpH croTHHe MyCJIHM3HKI1 npOUIJIO je ymtl(3Ma oalbe JlyKe
oporecTsyjyhl1 liyrKe a6or xanrnetba csoj11x CHHOBa,
6pahe H MYil<esa. o11na je TO je,AHHCTBeHa .z:teMoHcTpa.QHja noa cpamHCTH'fKOM oKyna.QHjOM. MHorH O'feBH.QH
ca cTpaxoM cy rJie~anH ycTarne H HftjeMue Kojw cy
6HJIH OOKOJIHJIH KOJIOHy. Ho WBa6e Cy ce rnyno CMHjane
.zn
8
'fY~HOj OOBO(JL(I1. )l{eHe cy OOWJie iKynaHy H CMjeJIO
TpamHne cno6o.z:ty 3a csoje HajMHnl1je. An11, cae je 611no y3aJiy.l(, HHCy OOMOr.Tte HH Cy3e, HH MOJIOe, H11
nporecTI1. Ta.z:ta cy · noKyrnaJie .z:ta cnpHje'fe o~so~elhe
xanweHI1K3 y rp3~11 WKI1 JIOrop, 33Kp'i11BUil1 CBOji1M
Tl1jeJJI1M3 nyT KOji1M cy K3MHOHH . Tpe6aJJH ~a HX npoBe3y. Yenjene cy caMo ~a . 11x 3a.z:tpme noJia caTa.
Mom.na no npBH nyT cse Te MyCJIHMaHKe 6onHo ocjeTHiue K3KO je TBp.z:t H 6e3.z:tYIU3H cpaWHCT11'fKI1 KyH·
.z:taK. 3aje.z:tHO c lbHMa H 'fHTaB rpa.z:t ce ysjep11o .na
ocTaje caMo je.z:tHo - 6opi1TI1 ce. oe36pojHH MywKapUH, meHe H .z:tieua, .nose~eHH 113 csMx .n11. enosa Kpai
j11He y KOHL(eHTp3L(HOHH JIOrop Ha 6albaJiy'fKOM OOJloy,
csje.z:tO'f11JIH cy ~a je TO napona 'fHTaae KpajHHe. XpaHa je y norop CTI133JI3 CBaKI1 AaH H3 .z:tpyre y.III1L(e,
HajCMjeJIHje iKfHf OO'ffWe HOC11TH caKynJheHe HaMI1pHHL(e. Yie.z:tHO ce nposo.z:tl1na w11poKa aKr.tl1ja 33 noMoh
napti133HI1M3. PaHcpa nop6eroBI1h npOHI1jena je 6oM6e
y KOJII1L(HM3, 00){ njeTeTOM.
0KynaTop je cse s11we 6jeCHI10. Maj.QH M.xcaHa 3yKaHOBI1lia,
Kora cy ycTame cTpl1jeJhane 3aje.z:tHO ca An1cpoM TonHlieM 11 Eca.z:toM MHI,mheM, HI1CY ~anH HH
){3 onpeMI1 CB0f3 je.z:tHHL(3. 4aK
HX Mprse nposeaowe 11cnpe){
lheHHx npo3opa, ~OK 11M ce 113
pa3MpCK3HJIX rJiaBa QHje~HO M033K. MajKa cecrapa Capa'f rJie~ana je csoje Khep11 y cparnH·
CTI1'fKHM OKOBI1M3, na HnaK je H
){3Jhe KP03 oalby JlyKy npoHOC11Jia
JieTKe H MYH11.QI1jy,
Y rpa.z:tHWKOM JJOropy TaM·
uosaJie cy H MHore meue CpnKI1lbe, XpsaTHI.(e 11 MYCJII1M3HKe.
jyHa'fKY XepueroBKY <l>aTHMY opKHh. CTy~eHTKHlby Me.z:tl1l\11He 113
MocTapa,
ocTane
cy s11,njene
caMo .z:tBa nyra
nocn11je npoor 11 .z:tpyror BI1WeMjece'fHOr 6opaaKa y caMHUH. onHje.z:ta, HcnatteHa ~jesojKa
npl1'fana je .z:tpyrapHuaMa o "Pa.ny MOCTapcKHX meHa.
,J1.cnpH'fajre .z:tpyrOBI1Ma 0 CBI1M MOjHM 03Tlb3Ma!" 6Hne cy, npe~ cMpr, lbeHe 3a.z:tlbe p11je'f11.
A y npHje.z:topy, DHXahy, JlHBHy, jajuy 11 CB11M
CJI060.z:tHI1M rpa.z:tOBHM3 11 ceJII1M3 6yjao je HOBH iKH·
BOT. MycnHMaHKe cy opwxsarane csaKH nocao KOjl1
je nocTaBJhaJia Harna 6op6a: ywne cy y uapo,nHoocno6o.z:tHJI3'fi<e o,n6ope, y o.z:t6ope Harner noJII1TI1'fKOr
ao~craa. HeMa H11 je.z:tHOr onwreuapo.z:tuor nocna Ha KOjeM 11 oHe He capa~yjy. 3aje.z:tHO ca ocTani1M ceCTpaMa
H OHe KOnajy, Ciijy 11 >Kalby 11 6pHHy ce 33 palbeH11Kf.
O.z:t MyCJIHMaHCICl'IX meHa, Koje cy pauHje 611ne y
HajTf'lKEM OIIJltllK:ljy !A ll'llje t:'Y nune H:lj3llOCTll11Wje,
6op6a je CTBOpHJI3 HOBe MYCJIHM3HKe - 6opr.te, O.l(·
6opHI1Ke, jaBHe pa.z:tHHKe, OOJI33HHL(e 3H3Jicpa6eTCKI1X
Telfajesa. Oue cy ue caMo MHoro .z:tonpi1HI1jene je~HH·
CTBY uaw11x Hapo.z:ta Hero cy 11 caMe ~OiKHBjene npenopo,n. Y'fecTByjyliH y 113rpa.z:tlbl1 cpe~epanHe Socue H XepueroBHHe, caHjeTJIHM nyreM Harne 6op6e,
H MyCJIHM3HKe 11~Y K3 nyuoj p3BHOnpaBHOCTI1 11 CBOMe
6oJDeM iKI1Bory.
�PA3111JA XAHUIII"h
HeKODHKO CDHKD CD CjelKHQe OtinDCKOr OltiOPD A4J1K·a 3D BOCDKCKV KpajHKY
Y HH3Y pe..u.osa rnase MajKH. Mana Koja .n:a HHje
Hary6Hna po~eHor 6opua. Y36y~eHo caM MHCJIHJia Ha
Hallie CJIHKape H sajape.
llHrna ce BHCOKa crapHua y rylhy H 6Hjenoj
MapaMH. OpeKo npca .n:sHje npocHje.u.e nnereHHile.
OpeMa np030py, KOjH 6JbelliTH MO.U.pHHOM .U.aHa, }I{YTO
joj nHue Kao o.u. Mje.zrH, roplliTalJKe upre Kao je.u.HHM
noreaoM H3BajaHe.• Ja caM MajKa o.u. fnaMoi:Ja. Ja caM
MajKa 6opue csoje ..u.ana •. l1 IlHjeJm lbeH rosop req e
raKo, y HecsjecHOM pHTMy, rparH'lHO yaBHllieH Kao y
njecMH .• Oana MH je hepKa H CHHOBH. AJIH ja HHCaM
nana. )f{enHM H ohy .u.a oKajeM csoj y .zrjeuy. l1 jolli
ce ya.n:aM y bora, y Halliy IV .UHBH3Hjy H V Kp ajHwKy .zra he Hallie 6opue oKajarH".
Hapo.u.Ho cpue KOJe je y osoJ 6op6H npesa3Hwno ce6e, npesaaHwno je H OOH'laH rosop. 3aro je
Kpoa 6op6y noreKno TOJIHKO Hapo.u.HHX njecaMa. Cra·
pa AHa JosHh ca TH'Iesa, K3.JJ. caM joi JbeToc nHcana
nHCMO aa CHHa, HapotiHTO Me je MOJIHJia : • HeMoj, 6oraTH, ,!l;a ce wroro..u. no6pKa, seh ra'lHO nHlliH:
Te6e ce l e 3alKe JheJJa MajKa,
Kao japKOr ca HCToKa cyHu;a,
Ko Aaanu;e, npeo.o;HHu;e SBHjes.o;e,
HaKO MBjKa CBOje MHJJe .o;jeu;e. •
THTO je peKao: .Je.U.HHCTBO je Hawa Hajseba
TeKOBHHa".
KaKo ce ropocracHo ouprasa, KaKo norpeca seJIH'lHHa TOr a JJ.jena Ha CB3KOM nojeJJ.HHOM npHMjepy.
npe.n: }l{eHe je H33WJI3 MYCJIHMaHKa, Ka.ztHHHila
MarnajnHh, H3 6alhe JlyKe. • Ca!t10 Ka.u. CMO JJ.O}I{HBjenH
.u.a ce OBaKO BOJIHMO!" - peKJia je Henocpe.U.HO .• 3aTO HHwTa H He }l{aJIHMo. Moje je nerepo .u.jeue no.n:
nylliKOM, a rpH cy MH 6opua nana. 11 He nna'leM.
MajKe jyHaKa Hebe nnaKarH. •
,MH, XpsarHue H3 6ocHe H XepueroBHHe, pa.U.HheMo jolli npe.u.aHHje .u.a y .u.aHHMa cno6o.u.e HH npe.u.
KHM He noHttKHeMo OtJHMa. MH heMo ce yrne.u.arH y
ocrane Harne, cecrpe" - 3aspwHJia je, ronno no3.u.paBJbeHa, MHJIHila JyHrHh.
• l1a 6alhe JlyKe .u.o PyjHwKe ..u.owne CMo rna.u.He
H 6naTHe • - npHI:JaJia je .u.pyrapHua Jby6H4Hh, XpB8THU.a H3 6albe JlyKe. "CaMe ce6e cMarpane CMO HeMHJIHM rocrHMa. AnH Hac je ceno .u.otJeKano 3aHcra
Kao po~eHe. HHcy Hac nuranH, jecMo JIH CpnKHlbe
HJIH MYCJIHMaHKe. HaxpaHHllie Hac H, oKo orlhHlliTa,
o..u.Max ce pacnpH4allie o 6op6H, o csojoj .u.jeuH 6opU.HMa H ocpHilHPHMa. HeKa HaM ceno 6y.u.e npHMjep. •
6op6a je npeMOCTHJia H HeK3JJ.allilbH ja3 H3Me~y
cena H rpa.u.a:- MHorH cy rosopH o.u.paaunH KOJIHKO tJBpCTHHe TOMe .u.aje H npo6yljeHa }l{eHCKa .u.ywa.
.Ja caM .u.pyrapHua H3 TpaBHHKa •, - peKJia je
je.u.Ha MYCJIHMaHKa . • MH CMO secene; MH cMo o..u.axHyne; Haw rpa.u. je cno6o.u.aH. l1 ca.u.a ce MH 6opHMO.
Ben npaHx .u.aHa }l{eHe TpasHHKa cKynHne cy .u.sa MH
JIHOHa .U.HHapa H npeKO 200 ll3KeTHH3 3a palbeHHKe."
I-beHe pHje'lH, Kao H .n:pyrapHila H3 OpHje.u.opa,
Typ6era H ocranHx ocno6o~eHHx Mjecra, .u.otJeKaHe cy c pa.n:owhy HOBHx no6je..u.a H HOBHX ocno6o~e
HHX CHara.
Cse je ocjerHHjH pa3BHTaK HalllHX }l{eHa. 0He
cy ce CBjecHo ycreaanc ,lla rosope o caojoj no}l{pTBoB-
•
HOCTH. 11 TeK
Kp03 .U.HCkYCH
jy 0 lllTO ycnj elliHHjeM
.U.OllpHHOCY
6op6H MOrJIH
cy ce Ha3peTH
J-bHXOBii CB3KHJ1.3UHbH H3llO fJH, J-bHXOB
HOBH pa.U.HH
.li.YX KOjHM 3p3
qe K30 MJI3JJ.Ollihy. 4 e c To
llOHOBJbeHa
pHjellieHOCT
.u.a he H .u.aJbe
6HTH .cBeMy
O.U.a3BaHe" 3HatJH u.a he
H .u.aJbe cjetnt
rpa~y 3a no pyllieHe -Kyhe
H npyre, .u.a
he Hx syhH Ha }l{eHCKHM nnehHMa, 6oce, .u.aneKo, Ha
KHJIOMerpe, H no HeBpeMeHy, npeKO H3.li.OlliJIHX BO.ll3,
)l3 he CaMe 0 HCnpaBJbaTH KpOBOBe", lliHTH H npaTH
~ 6p.u.a py6HHe • 33 6opue H palheHHKe, .u.a he, nope.u. snacrHror Y31I.H3alba, o6asJbaTH 6e36poj .u.pyrHx nocnosa.
3HatJH .U.3 fie H )13Jbe 6HTH CnpeMHe H3 CBaKH C8MOnpHjerop H jyHalliTBO.
• Halli pa.u. je Hallia li.Y}I{HOCT. AnH MH ce H KynrypHo H llOJIHTHlJKI{ p33BHj3MO. Y Halli jeJJ.HHCTBeHH
Hapo.zrHo-ocno6o.u.HnatJKH cppoHT MH heMo yHHjerH cas
csoj noner. MH heMo ra opoli,HTH HOBHM cHaraMa. OH
ce, K30 lliHpOKO Cplle, OTBapa CBaKOM llOlliTeHOM lJO
sjeKy H }l{eHH. MH HHCMO caMo caKynJbatJHile norpe6a
3a Halliy aojcKy. MH ocrsapyjeMo o..u.nyKe Hallier napnaMeHra • , - 3BOHHJIO je )J.BOpaHOM .
)f{eHe ,Upaapa, Ha ttHjHM ae..u.pHM qenHMa Kao ..u.a
je HcnHcaHo THroso npH3Halbe, no pHjetJHMa MHKe
nehaHall ca..u.a cy .jolli }l{ellihe npeMa 6op6H, orKaKo
je HenpHjareJb Jberoc y ,Upsapy noKylliao ..u.a yHHlliTH
H3lli BpXOBHH lliTa6" . l1 OHe Ce npOCBjehyjy, 'lHTajy,
CMalbyjy HfllHCMeHOCT, O)J.p}I{2.Bajy TetJajeBe H KOHcpepeHUHje, rpa.u.e nyreae, Ko najy ja}l{e 3a MJIHHOBe. .llpsaptJaHKe cy ce noKa3ane H Ka.u. cy na.u.o6paHUH HananH, npHtJana MH je 3a spHjeMe o..u.Mopa je.u.Ha Q.JJ.
lbHX. TaKo 6oja H MHKa Mopaqa ca KocroM fpy6HlliOM H CreBOM nebaHJlfM H3BYKOllie H3 rpHjy je..u.pHJIHL{a csy MYHHilHjy H opy}l{je, tJHM ce lliBa6e OA lhHX
Mano o.u.MaKOllie. 3arHM cy }l{eHe norpqane no sarpy
H cse rpH je.zrpHJIHL{e nnaHyllie. A lbHX qersepo H3HHjellie Ha ce6H MHrpaJbe3 H csy MYHHilHjy ..u.o KaMeHHUe. •
Kpoa .llHCKycHjy MHora cy ce nHralha lliHP?KO H
jacHo ouprana, re je osa nno..u.Ha KOH<\>epeHU.H}a KOpHCTHna He CaMO .zreneraTHM3 Hero H OCTaJIHM MHOro6pojHHM ytteCHHU.3M3. • 0 lbOj beMO, )J.HtJHe, npHttaTH
Ka.n:a ce aparHMO y HaUia ce,1a, • - peKna je MajKa o.n:
fJIIMOqa,
9
�OAPHiA"FtE CE nPBA O&nACHA
HOHtllEPEHU~JA
XEPUErOBHH
Belt ce spwe npHnpeMe 3a npsy o6nacny Kon<PepenuHjy )Kena XepuerosHne. Y oHnelty, Tpe6Htby, Crouy
H .n;pyrHM MjecntMa o.n;p:>Kane cy THM noso.n;oM cpecKe Kon<IJepenuuje KOjHMa je npHcycrsosao seJIHKH 6poj .zte·
nerara. Ha tbHMa cy :>Kene rooopHne o csoMe pa.n;y H 3a.n;aTUHMa, o csojuM ycnjecuMa H 6op6u nponts uenpHjareJba.
)J;pyrapuua 06penHja AneKcHil H3 oHnelta ucraKJia je: • MH CMO pa.n;une 3a narny sojcKy H on.zta Ka.n;a
CMO )KHBjeJie y 36jerOBHM3. MJbeJie CMO :lKHTO na :>KpetbeBHMa 33 name 6pHra.n;e:
KaKO Cazta .zta ce He 3aJIO•
:lKI1M0 1 Ka.n;a ce BOzte llOCJioe,Atbe 6HTKe H Ka.zta :lKHBHMO CJI060.n;HO KO,ll; CBOjHX Kyha•,
na
Ha Kon<IJepenuHju y CTOuy, Cnaca nona.n;ult je peKna: .Osoj 6op6u .n;ana caM csoja .ztBa cuua. Je.ztuora!
cy y6HJIH qeruuuH. Anu ueMa Mjecra KyKatby H uepa.zty. • Pucra ,ll;yKa je npuqana: ,,Ka.n;a cy y name ceno .ztornnu
qeruuuH, oKOMHrne ce, KpsnHUH, na nac :>Kene. Meue cy rpucra nyra y.n;apHJIH KOUeM. lllecr MjeceQH caM ne:>Kana
y panaMa, na oner uurnra ue :>KaJIHM Ja cno6o.n;y".
Y Tpe6HtbY crapy MHJIHUY Opasuuy, MajKy .n;sojuue noruuymtx napruJaua, :>Keue cy na Kou<IJepeuQuju
ca cy3aMa cnywane. nope.n; ocTanor oua je peKna: ,11aKo cy Moja .ztBa usujera cKprneua, ja ce pa.n;yjeM cBHMa.
H3lUHM 6opuHMa KaO poi)euoj roeuu. CpeTHa caM .n;a cy ,li;OlUJIH .n;auu Ka.zta Ci MO:>KeMO CJI06o.n;uo cacrajaTH.
BenHKH Ja.n;aruH croje npe.zt :>KenaMa Xepuerosune. H On.llta'iKane ,li;OMOBHHe H y CBeMy l10M3)Ky napo.n;ny 8JI3CT.
11 one aKTHBHo yqecrsyjy y H3rp&.n;tbH nonaJbeHe
npsa o6nacHa KOH<IJepenuHia yqspcrulte opranH33QHjy A$)1{-a y XepQerosunH
Jb3tbY u onux :>Kena Koje cy .n;o cua crajane no crpauu.
H A
6PAH~1HY
H .n;onpuuujeTR OKyn-
TY3I1E
Ka.n;a cy name jyuaiJKe .li.HBH3Hje XXVII H XXXVIII ocno6o.n;Hne 3sopnHK, rpH .n;aua H rpH uoliH npouocuna
je Myrna .llpuna IIJBancKe Jbernese. nornro cy HujeMUH 6HJIH pa36Hjenu, IJeTHH'iKa ry6a HC.li,HHeBCKHX, JbOTHHeBCKHX
H .n;pa>KHHOBCKHX 6aH.li,H, KOje cy npe.ll, H3lliOM BOjCKOM MOpane no6jeHH H3 Cp6Hje y.n;py:>Kene C reCTanOBUHMa H
paanHM 6jenorap.n;Hjl(HMa, nornne cy na cno6o.D.HH repurop•j .n;a nonane Harne .li,OMOBe, .n;a noKoJby uarny
.n;jel(y H MajKe .
.llecer .n;aua rpajana je Kpsasa 6op6a ca THM no6jernlheJIHM xop.n;aMa Koje cy Haja3.ll, orcrynune npe.n;
KaMeHOM ynopnornhy nllliHX 6opal(a, J1cnpe.D. HalliHX llOJIO:>Kaja OCTaJIO je npeKO 1000 y6ujeHHX 6aH.D;HT3,
.li:OK je 200 33p06JbenO, Me~y lbHM3 je.n:an KOMan.n:anT KOpnyca H ) 4 O<jJHL(Hpa.
XVII Majes~tiKa cpncKa, XVIIl XpsarcKa H XXI, npere.>Kuo MYCJIHMancKa, 6pHra.n;a Ha 6paHHKY cno6o.n;ne
Tyane noKaaane cy 6uje.n:HHM Ha.n.ajnHL(HMa .n.a cy cse nornrene cnare uarnHx uapo.n:a yje.ZI.Hlhene y 6op6u aa
cno6o.n:y u cpehy nose JyrocnasHje.
noaa.n:Hna je raKo~ep yno.>Kuna cse Hanope
napo'IHTY nCUKlhY npeMa palhenHM 6opl(HMa. Ope.ZI.
TyananKH H ceJbaHKH H3 oKonune c nynHM KopnaMa
CHJie csoje .n:apose. - Y .n:yroM HH3y, o.n: jyrpa .n.o
JIHnHjH <jlponra, C nynHM pyKaMa MHJIOlliT3.
.zia noMorue sojcl(H. Hapo.n: ryanancKor Kpaja noKaaao je
Kopnycny sojny o6nacr .n.onaaune cy csaKoLJ;nesuo Konoue
xpaHe aa 6opl(e H palhenHKe. Muore cy caMe 6opuuMa HOMpaKa, npoMHL(ane cy :>Kene y aapoBHMa H MapaMaMa npeMa
Jynal(H XVI MycnuMancKe, XVII MajesH'IKe, XVIII XpsarcKe, XXI 11 XIV CpncKe 6pura.ZI.e u TyanancKor
napTH33HCKor o.n.peLJ;a 6paHHJIH cy H o.n:6paHHJIH cno6oJI.ny Tyany. Ta no6je.n;a je pe3ynrar KOJIHKO MaCOBHOr
xepoHaMa 6qpal(a, ronHKO noseaauocru <jlpoura H noaa.n.uHe, H 6ecKpajHe Jby6asu Hapo.n.a npeMa csojoj sojcuu.
Tyana je ronno .n.o'leKana csoje 6paHHOL(e. HapO'IHTO je cp.n;aiJHO npnMJbeHa XIV CpncKa 6pura.n.a npH
nponaay Kpoa Tyany. fpnehH ce ca 6opuuMa Cp6uje, a npeKo lhHX ca UHjenoM Cp6ujoM, napo.n: je Kpoa ycKJIHKe
Maprnany TH:ry, Cp6HjH H Harnoj sojcuH .n.ao o;~.yrnKa csojoj :>KeJbH .n.a ynmKH cse CHare aa rnro 6p>Ke ocno6o~elbe aeMJbe. A xpa6pu 6opu11 XIV 6pHra.ZI.e, jyHaUH THTOBe Cp6Hje, y paarosopy c uapo.ZJ.OM, peKJIH cy .n.a he
HhH csy.n;a r.n.je HMa uenpH:jareJba, .n:o KOHa'IHe no6Je.n.e H ocno6o~elba.
TEJIEfPAM MAPWAJIA TMTA OKPY}I{HOM OA60PY AcJ>}I{ Y APBAPY
t'vlapwan
THrO
ynyrHo je enHjeAefiH no3Apaa 0Hpy)t(HOM OA6opy
Atlll-H
y Apsapy:
.. BaWHM pOAOM 30 paHoeHHHe H HOpOAHO-Oeno60AHnO'iHY 6op6y AOnH ere npHMjep
CBHM norpHOTHH~aMa JyrocnaaHje. Ha n.y6aaH Hojy ere BH yH03HBOnH paHoeHH~HMO H HO
Mp~-HHoH npeMa oHynaropy Y'iHfie ce Hawa MnOAO noHon.eHoa. HaeraaHre AOn.e ea BOWHM
eaMOnpHjeropHHM pOAOM, OHynMre eae 'ieerHre H(eHe, jep yjeAHHoeHe J.HeHe AOHOC ey jeAOH
OA rnOBHHX cry6oaa HCWe AOMOBHHe."
10
�PIIHKO
Cen
Hcnoll nnaHHHe nporpMjena je senHKa
3HMCKa 0
3HBa nyHa 3aCTpawyjyf:ter IlYMOapatba
onHcKHx tonosa, 3aMopHor 3yjaH>a asHjal\Hie H owTpor
yctpajHor pe3atba MHTpaJbe3a ca 6pe>KyJbaKa Hcnoll
CTpMe rope. A 3a "'HT8BO TO BpHjeMe HHKO H He 3a·
BHPH y CKnOtbeHH H 3aBy"'eHH fnyBH ,Z\0 DOll nnaHHHOM, IlO Kyf:tepKa CTape Marne, KOja je, CHTHa, norypeHa H npepaHo ocTapjena, nyHa cKpHBeHor IlPXTaH>a,
qecTo cTajana npell asr.ujoM H cy3HHX O"'Hjy 3arneAana
ce y HH3J.tHY noTonJbeHy MarnoM. TeK noHeKall, oKo
no,llHe, Marne 6H ce pa3ByKne H noll CYHL\eM 6H cHHyna rona ocH~-tje>KeHa 6pJla y HH3HHJ.t, pacnH cy TyM6acH IlHMa Oil 0003JbfHHX Kyf:ta H Y BHCHHH ce npeTBapane y pa3By"'eHe qaijasO·l\PBeHe oo.iJaKe, a IlPXTaso
3y3apaH>e c Hest11lJbHBe 1.\ecte, qac ja'te, qac cna6Hje,
npetsapano ca y iellHOnH"'HO 3yjaH>e.
- 0Ho cy, oaKo, teHKOBH, - TyMa"'HO je H36jernHL\a EaHujal\, TMypaH H nocnosaH qosjeK, wenas
y jellHY HOry, KOjH ce KOil Marne HellaBHO HaCTaHJ.tO.
- TeHKOBH! IlPXTana je cTapHL\a H JlOnaa~-tna
jow H3ry6JbeHHja H CJ.iTHHja np~A Hf003HaTHM "'YilOBHWTfM KOje OHa HHKall HHje BHJJ,jena. - ja Ce CBe
6ojHM, 6pate, Aa lle TO caMJbeTH Hawy sojcKy.
- He ooj ce, Helle, - yojepJbHso je xpaopHo
EaHHjal\ H set wenao HeKYil 3a nocnoM.
- Ex, Ila je MaKap osaj qoojeK pa3rooopHHjH,
- Heseceno je MHcnHna >KeHa H, spatajyllH ce y Kylly,
ocjetana KaKO je H3jeJ.la H DOilPHBa CKPHBeHa HeBH·
JlJbHSa tyra Koja pacta"'e H nyctowH cse OKO tbe, na
joj CBaKH nocao HCD31la H3 pyKe H noCTaje OeCMHCneH
H HeMHO.
- oo>Ke MOj, WTa nH te MH OHTH Oil ]ljeteTa?
JellHOr jytpa MHTpaJbe3 je 3apewetao Ha npsoj
y3BHCHHH npell fnyBHM ,l\onoM, aa]lpxtane cy naKo
HanpaweHe rpaHe WJbHsa npell 6a6HHOM KytoM H ca
tbHX cy nocyne csjetnyl\ase nene3e. EaHHjau je otwenecao HeKyll npeMa ropCKOM nOTOKY yTOHynOM Y TH•
jeCHY npocjenHHy, a OHila ce HBHUOM OpHjera yKa3ana
HCTpraHa TaMHa KOnOHa H H3ry6Hna ce y nnaHHHH.
nocnHje TOra jow cy ce IlaH·,ABa qynH YllaJbeHH TOnOSH, a OHila ce CBe CMHpHnO KaO Ila HHWTa H HHjt>
MYTHnO MYilPO tyTaH>e 3aBHjaHHX nnaHHHa H MHPHHX
6plla yToHynHx y 3HMCKe Marne. Oil Tara jytpa Marna
CKOpO H He H3n33H H3 Kyte. noBi31laH tyTH y3 ortbHWTe, H3PHietKa notcTH"'e satpy, H MHCnH cy joj
3303SJbeHe CHHOM,
J1Ma set HfKOJIHKO MjeCfUH OTK31l joj je jellHHal\
y 4eTBpToj 1.\PHOropcKoj opHra)(H. Kall cy OMnallHHL\H
saspwHnH Kypc H Kall ra je onpeMana y sojcKy, 3annaKana je Ha pactaHKY 6e3ytjewHHM ey3aMa caMoxpa·
Ha 'ffJballeTa (a CTapH jOJ je OH1l3 jow OJ.iO >KHB) H
no>KanHna:
- Ex, Aa CJJ MaKap y KpajHHH, Mei)y csojHje,\f
caHjetoM, a oBaKo -
UpuoropuH •••
TaAa ce Ilie"'aK, tora jytpa, npsH nyT HaCMHjao
H nornellaO je KpynHHM rpaopacTHM O"'HMa, norneAao
je y tbY Kao wTo ce rnella Ha Mano HeyKo IlHieTe, H
OHa je tora tpeHyTKa, no npsH nyT, ocjeTHna Aa joj
je CHH set OllpactaO H 1l3 3Ha SHWe Oil tbe.
- na, MaiKo, H OHif cy Hawn, KO H KpajHWHH1.\H. H jyHal\H cy l..{pHoropl\H!
- jyHal\H Cy I.J;pHOfOPL\H! -- KaO O,AjeK OOHOBHO
je ctapu otal\ ToMa u, nopell cse Tyre, ouo je sp.11o
noHocaH H OOilPO oojasJbHsao no3HaHHL\HMa Koje cy
cycpetanH 1.\CCTOM:
~ ETO, MOj Manu Olle y 4eTBpTy 1.\PHOropcKy ...
jyHalfKa OpHr31la!... Ex, KOnHKO je speMeHa MAHynO
Oil TOra pacTaHKa, "'HTaSH SHjeK - MHCnH Ce y CeOH
>KeHa, a He SJ.illH npell COOOM HH BaTpe, HHTH qyje
EaHHjl\a KOjH ce spanw O,AHeKne c nocna, na wena no
KytH c nol.(epaHHM onaHKOM y PYflH H HewTo tpa>KH,
- H WTa nH ce CBe IleCHJIO Oil OHOra 1l3Ha.
YMpo je OllOHila H ctapH ToMa, noKOCHO ra THq,yc, H Kyta je O]lje,llHOM bnyCTjena H "'Y1lHOBaTO ce
H3MHjeHHna. .z\pyK"'Hje Cy WKp11nana MpKa, 113nH3aHa
co6Ha spata, 113 CBHX tou.;Kosa, Kao npoMaja, ouno je
HfWTO CTyIleHO H HyjHO, a DO KytH ce nojasHnO MHO·
WTBO HfnOTpeOHHX CTBapH, KOjHMa ce Hl1je HI1KO cny>1<110. TaHKa Kneuosa rntaKa, cTapH uaijaK, ToMHH
KO>KH11 Top6aK, .llyra'laic K03jH Ko>KyH. H qecto yseqe,
Ka~ qyje pHKY rosella Koje je EaHHjal.( roHHO c nojHna,
Mliw~-t ce "'HHHno Aa te csaKor TpeHyTKa "'YTH ctpyraH>e onaHaKa H 1l06po no3HaTo etapqeoo KaWJbYL\3H>e,
Kall noqe 0cpaH3HBa H nHcMa Oil CHHa npecTallOWe, Marna 3a6opaBH H cTapora H csojy caMoty H
cta,lle Ila CTpenl1 wTa nH te ount Oil IlieteTa, a Kall
ce cse CMHPH noll nnaHI1HOM, H>oj IlOt,e jaw M Te>Ke.
Y"'HHH joj ce, Kao .Aa cy CBH OHH TaMo nponanH 6e3
Tpara 11 rnaca, Kao y MYTHY BOilY. PacnHTI1Bana ce KOil
p11jeTKI1X npona3HI1Ka, napTI133Ha, an11 joj HHKO He
yMje.l.(e Ka3aTI1 KYil je KpeHyna 6p11ra.l.(a H>e3HHa CHHa.
rnacHo ce yceKH>yjyi1H 11 rp.lleli11 3HMY u csoje
onauKe, EaHHjal\ cje.l.(e nopell BaTpe. Marna npeny H
no.l.(H>Ke rnasy. To je 3H3K .11a je tyTJbi1SH EaHHjal\
HewTo Ha'fyo H Ila ce cnpeMa .l.(a nporooop11.
- EaKo, qyo caM 3a 4eTBPTY upHoropcKy; peKowe MH HeKI1, IlaHaC, Ha l\eCTI1. 0THWna je, K3)f(y,
c IlPYrDM THTOM TaMo ueKYil3 - ].{aneKo, npeMa UPHoi fop11. CnywanH OHH KOil onwTHHe 113 palli10·BHjecTI1.
,[\pxTetH H 3aMyl\KyjytH 0.1.( y36yt,etb3 1 >KeHa CT3·
Ile 1l3 · ce npon11tyje, jecy JII1 Hawl1 MHoro crpal(anl1, je
n11 6puralla 611na y TewKoj 6op6H, 11M3 n11 - qyje JII1
ce - KOJIHKO MpTBI1X 1 anH Hepa3rOBOpHI1 "'OBjeK He
yMje.l.(e BHWe HI1WT3 .1.(3 joj K3>Ke, - "'aK nocyMH>8 H
Y TO I<Yll je T3"1HO OKpeHyna 6p11ra1la. Jelli1HO je no•
CHrypHO 3H80 .1.(3 je OTHWJJ3 3aje].{H'J C TI1TOM.
Turo ca co6oM yBujeK ao.u;H Haj6oJite jyHaiCe.
11
�bHhe 3aTO .II;~ Cy OHH C 1-hHM H OTHWJIH, - TO je 6H·
JIO je.Z:UiHO WTO je YMI10 ~a o6jaCHI1 Y3HeMHpeHOj 11
6pmKHOj )!(eHH.
Cjyrpa~aH, nocmtje 6ecKpajHO ~yre HenpocnasaHe HOhl1, Marna ce Haj3a~ npenoMH H pHjernl1 ~a ~o~e
y OllWT11HY ni1TaTH 33 CI1Ha.
TernKa je ro 611na o~nyKa 3a *eHy 113 fnyoor
,Uona. I--13 ose csoje 33611rHe ysane no~ nnaHI1HOM,
OHa ce Mel)y CBHjeTOM nojaBJbi1BaJia je,AI1HO 0 BeJI11KHM
LlPKBfHHM rO,AOBHMa 11 cajMOBI1Ma, a KM je npHTerowe rO~HHe 11 HeMOh, OH~a Ce caCBI1M npHBe3a aa OBY
CBOjy nyCTOJII1HY ~aJieKO O,!J OCT3JII1X ceOCKHX 'l<yha,
Crl\pH je cspwasao coe wro je rpe6ano ~raMo • - ca
BJiaCTHMa y rpa.n:y, a. nocmtje 11 ca ceocKHM o~6opoM,
~OK je OHa ~OI.JeKHBaJia 11 CMjernrana Ha KOHaK napTH·
3aHe KOjH Cy H3pHjeTKa 11Cna~aJIH O.ztHeKJie 113 nJI3HHHe, YMOpHI1 1 rJia~HH H MOKpH. 0TKa~ je llOI.JeO ycTaHaK,
6~ 1-he ce 0~6Hrne H OHH pHjeTKH 003H3HHI..lH H KY·
MOBH, na 6Hhe .zta BfhHHa OH 1-hHX HHje HH 3HaJia je
nH crapHua jaw y )!(HBory.
A ca~ je rpe6ano, HH JIHjeso HH ~ecuo, Hero
paoHo y onwnmy.
- Ky~ nH &e 'leMepHo crapo *eHcKo, na npaso
y onwnmy, - 6oja)!(JbHBO ce aajKa 6pH)!(Ha Marna
WJbanajyhH nll o6jy)!(eHy CHHjery, CTa30M 1 HHJ nOTOK. ,Ua 6ap H~eM HeWT<' M01IHTH, Ha HeWTO Ce )l(aJII1TH 1
6oropa~HTH 1 Ha TO je KyKaBHH CeJbaK Deli Hay'll10 1
)!(eHCKO norOTOBO, aJIH OBO: 111111 ce pacnHTI1BaTI1 1 HHWTa Mal-he Hero 33 l.JeTBpTy LlPHOropcKy 6p11ra,11y 111111,
wro je jow KpynHHje, - Marna ce nnaWJbi1BO o6a3PI1ie, - JII1'1HO aa T11ra, 3a KOMaH~aHra, oHora Harner
HajrnaBHI1jera KOjH ce y njecMaMa njeoa. ,Ua caM 6ap
MYUJKO, a1~e .11e ...
PaCTe y crapHI..lH H crpax H HeKa 'IYJIHOBara cse·
lfaHa rpeMa, anH Ka~ yrne~a ~a je onrnTHHa caCBI1M
o6H4Ha ceJbalfKa Kylla, oHa ce Mana CMI1PH H aacra~e
y3 npo3op .zta cnoaparH napy:t. Y OKHY, Koje je xna.n:·
HO 611Hcrano, yKa3a joj ce l-hf3HH mtK: rne.ztana je ory~
/ y 1-hY CI1TH3 1 MprnaBa )!(eHI1I..l3 ca DJiaWJb11BO-CIIf4aHHM
113p330M Ha JJHI..ly, ca je.ztHHM paMeHOM MHOrO HH)!(HM
o~ .ztpyrora 11 jow y3 ro norypeHa, Hewro o.zt crapoCTI1, HeWTO O,lt 6oja)I(JbHBOCTI1.
- Ocrapjeno ce, a reK caM npeaanHna ne.ztecery,
nOMI1CJII1 OHa C ryroM 11 CKynl1 CBy npeocTaRy
xpa6pocr .zta y~e y Kyity.
0HO WTO ce yHyrpa ,ltOrO,lti1JIO, 611JIO je CBe KaO
y ueKoj MarJII1. Cjeha ce, ~a je 11 ry rneztaRa o6HlfHe,
cBaKO~Heoue Jby~e KaKBI1 ce cycpe&y csy~a no ce1111·
Ma, 11 C3MO joj je MaJIO HeRarO~HOCTI1 yJIHjeoao CTO ca xapTI1j3M3 H OBelia CJIHKa H3 311~Y {cjeTI1Jia ce ~a TO MO·
pa 611TI1 T11T0 1 jep joj ie CI1H je~HOM noKa311B30 je~
HY 1-herosy CJII1Ky), HeKO joj je nOHY~110 CT01111UY, a
aHa ce 6paHI1Jia ~a :tMope 11 crajaT11«, 11 cjena je Ha
caM Kpajl1haK, a Ka~a cy je 3an11ran11, wro je .1\0WRa
H 3a Kora n11ra, oHa ce je~oa cjenma HMeHa l.JerBpre
upuoropcKe, a oH~a je crana ~a ~pwlle 11 nRatfe He·
MOhHHM crapalfKHM cy3aMa 11 npoMyuaRa je noKaayjyllH Ha CJIHKy:
- A r)lje je ca~ OH? ... C 1-bHM je ontrnao H
MOj CHH.
Ouaj 3a cronoM crao je yqecraHo ~a rnMpua, lfy·
na 6p<mhe 11 MPWT11 ce Kao ~a ce cnpeMa ~a H OH
aanRa'le. A OH~a je - ~OK je aHa, ~pxrypehH H )I(MHP·
KajyhH, CJiyWaJia - ~yro npH\faO 0 HeKI1M Hfn03HaTI1M
rpa~OBHM3, pHjeKaMa H nJI3HHH3M3, 0 HeKoj 3eJieH·
fopu, H oua je HJ cBera pa3a6pana
12
~a
ce ro raMo 6w
je semtlt11 6oj, aJIH je ~o6p11 qosieK yrjewuo - .l(a ce
HHWTa He6pi1He, ~a cy ca THTOM CBe C3MI1 jyH3I..lH
11 ~a lle cse Ha f~o6po 113HhH. 11, oen11, HeKa oHa
oner cno6o~uo ~o~e Ka.!\ joj ro~ oolba, na he joj Ka3aru UJTa cy jow HOBO 'IYJII1.
Ha nooparKy y f.11yBH ,Uo, CMI1peua H oxpa6peHa, Marna je ae& 6o,~tp11je Kopaqana ~PYMOM 11 cMjenHje ce n03.llpaaJbana ca JbY~HMa Koje je ycnyr cycperana, a yseqe je csoMe EaH11juy npl1lfaJia o HaWHMa, o
3eneH·fOpH H 0 ~pyr11M MjecT11M3 KOje je 3anaMTHJI3 1
11 611JI8 je y ce611 Bpno aa~OBOJbHa 11 nOHOCHa KaKO TO
OHa, ero, o TaKBHM CTBapHMa pa3roaapa c je~HI1M
MyWKapueM .KO npaBH 'IOBjeK".
,llpyr11 nyr je oell caca11M cno6o~Ho ywna y onWT11HY 11 O~Max n03HaHHKy aa CTOJIOM, Ha3B3BWH ra
CHHOM:
- je JII1, C11HKO, qyje JII1 Ce WTO HOBO 0~ THTa
H o~ Harnuje? Ep11HeM ce aa oHo cooje ~Hjere.
Oa je nOCJIHje, 6e3 HMaJIO 6oja3HI1, cjena Ha KJiyny npe~ OOWTHHOM, nopa3rOBapaJia C 11HB8JIH~I1Ma KO·
j11 cy ce ry 3areKnH H noqacr11na 11x opaci1Ma; je~Ho·
Me je o6eltana 11 HOB npcnyK csora crapora, na je
3aTI1M CBpaTHJI8 H Y CeJIO KO~ n03HaTI1X )l(eHa, a Ka~
ce aeh. npe~ caMy uoh, Bpa&ana KyllH, Kao ~a je aa·
6opaBI1J18 Ha C3MOr CBOra CI1H3, 11 6pH)!(H0 Ce YDI1T3·
Jia 38 l-h11X CBI1jy:
- oO)!(e Moj, KaKo JIH lie _ HarnH raMo npot.H?
O&e JIH Ha~jaqarl1 ~yrnMaHa?
Ocjellana je ~a ce ro raMo MeJbe H JIOMH Hernro
cy~6HHCKO H KpynHO, nperoneMO 3a l-he3HHy HeyKy
CaJba'IKy 08MeT, a, ero, y CBeMy TOMe 6HJIO je 11 tne·
3HHO po~euo ~Hjere. Oua ra je po~11na H orxpaHuna
y fJiyBOM ,Uony, Y CBojoj Ce.Jba'IKOj Cl1pOTHfbH H ROrpe6H; raMo je HeKa.zt MI1PHO qysao OBI..le, opao 3ajek
HO Ca nOKOjHHM CTapHM 11 3a ~yrHX 311MCKHX HOh
wapao MarepH npernJIHI..lY H npaBHO BpereHa. a rneJ.J:aJ
ca~: raj 11cr11 MHPHH, ~o6p11 ~jetfaK ywao je y He·
WTO BeJII1KO, Y HeWTO WTO MajKa je~Ba paayMHje H
MI1CJII1 o HoeMy ca cBelfaHOM jeaoM. ManH je oruwao
- C TI1TOM!
l13pacrao je npe~ !-hOM ~jelfaK y ueo6H'IHa qoBjeKa-jyHaKa KOra he OHa cjyrpa ~O'IeKaTI1 C OOWTO·
sal-heM 11 noMano crH~JbHBO, a 11 ouaj oenHKH !-heros
KOMaH~aur, ca~ joj je nocrao 6JIH)!(H 11 MHJII1jl1: ra,
ero, 11 Ou H~e c Harni1M ~jelfai..lHMa, naTH ce Kao u
CBaKH )1(118 'IOBjeK, MO)I(e H nOrHHYTI1 1 a ~a cjyrpa H36Hje npe~ tne311HY Kyhy, aHa 611 ce ycy~Hna ~a ce c
f-bHM n03~paBH H ~a fa nOHY~H WaJbHI..lOM BapeHHKe.
A KU je nOMHCJIHJia ~a 6H joj MOrao CHH raMO
H nor11HYTH, OHa ce, 3a'ly ~0, no npBH ' nyr H3MHpMJia
c TOM cnyrli>OM 11 nperopjena ~Hjere.
- na, xBaJia Eory, 3KO H nomHe. Ka~ rHHy TO·
JII1KH jyHaUH, HHje HH OH 33 He6o aaneo. ETO, HMa 40·
ajeK o KOMe njecMe njeBajy, na ra 611je 11cro apuo Ko
H MOr CHH3 ...
Y OnWTHHH Cy Beh J(06po 003Ha&aJIH CHTHy, CT8·
pujy )l(eHy ca cnyrnTeHHM paMeHOM, KOja ~OJ183H Oil·
rant 33 THra H aa Yerapry upHoropcKy, r.a cy je
~olfeKHBam~ npHjareJbCKH H HaaHoanu je MaMOM. A oHa
CaMa OcjehaJia je CBaKH ~aH, K3KO joj Hte3HH fJiyBH
,llo nocraje Mptao H nycr, na je cae qernlle Haopallana y ceno H nolfena ~a ?KI1BH ca !-heroBHM 6puraMa H
Ha~aMa. 3Hana je oeil 11 'IHiH je CHH y aojcuu, KO je
y ceny nomHyo, KO pal-heH, Koja Harna 6pHra~a rna·
Ayje, a Koja je y Hajre:lKHM 6op6aMa.
Crana je ,n;a • Mypu c nnarHo sa napruaaHe H
�nocrana npH3Har Majcrop y TOMe nocny. H cae je smwe )l(amtJJa, wTo joj je Kyha no~aneKo o~ cena.
je~He He~eJbe, TeK llJTO je KPO'UtJia Y OOWTHHy,
~ol)e joj OHaj lbe3HH CT3PH 003H3HHK ycycpeT H Be·
ceno je noranwa no paMeHy:
- Ej, MaMa, ero HaM THta! Pa36Ho ocpaH3HBY,
pa3nyno wsa6e, TanHjaHe, qeTHHKe, H wra TH ja
3H3M KOra jow CBf, 11 Kpeile OB3MO... Ej, M3M3, Ma-,
M3 1 6oMe CMO ce H3lfeK3JIH.
na OH~3 1 K30 ~a ce HeWTO npHCjeTH, ~0~3,7\e:
- DHhe cpeile, H TBOj ile M3JIH HCnmtB3TH.
Taj nponeTlhH ~aH 6Ho je senHKH npaaHHK Ma·
ne cTapnQe H3 fnysor ~ona. 4Hraso nono~He npoaena je y o6mnKlheM rajy, Ha a6opy, rne~ajyi1H OMna~HHY y Kony. a Ka~ cy ~jesojKe Janjesane o THTY H
nponerepHMa, nycruna ie cy3e ~a joj no ao;r,H reKy
HH3 JIHQe.
na cy joj npHJI33HJIH H OtfH HHB3JIH~H H jow
MHOrH 003H3HHI.\H H3 Cena, 3 OH3 je C3 CB3KHM 1 Be·
~pa H OO~MJiai,eHa, Ca THXHM CMHjeWKOM DOHOCHTe
M3Tepe, npH'I3Jl3 K3KO Cy H3WH p336HJIH HenpHjaTeJba, K3KO H~e THTO H K3KO ce OH3 Ha~a H CBOMe
M3JIOMe ,KOjH je C H>HM OTHW30".
A npe~seqe, spai1ajyi1H ce Kyi1H, c onaKwalheM
je OOMHCJIHJI3:
- KaKO je TO ~o6po, KM llOBjeK HMa KOMe ~~a
Ka>Ke csojy PMOCT H ryry! A wTa 6u 6Hno, p;a caM
caMo llaMuna rope, y fnysoM ~ony? ... Ero, op;e MH
~njeTe c 1-hHM, na H MeHe H3 oHe rnyse nycntH>e ua·
Rt:~owe y 6o>KjH csujer, Mei)y n.y~e ...
AHA HYnEHOBI-'I"h
H CAHCHH MOCT OnTYJHYJE
KoMuCHja 33 yrsp~HB81be JJJO'IHHa OJ<ynaropa 11 H>HXOBHX
nm1araqa 38 rp8.Ll CaHCKH Mocr, 38BpwHna je csoj pa,ll. YcKopo
200 38fiHCHHK8 336HibelK8K8 je WTeT8 y 113HOCY O,ll npeKO
30,000.000 npe,ll,p8THHX JI.HHapa, no'IJJH>eHy on; crpaHe HejeMaua,
T8JJHj8H3 H YCT8W3 1 a HI! IIHCTH p8THHX 3/IO'IHH8U8, O,ll KOjHX je
HJBjecraH 6poj set u ocyljeH, Hall3JH ce 165 IIHU3.
*
npen;a MHOM H8 CTOIIY JJelKH xpna 38fiHCHHKa. Hewro cy
ype,llHHje CIIOlKeHH 11 ihenwe HCnHCaHH Hero n;pyrH 38flHCHHUH KOjH
npHCTHlKY OKpylKHoj 3EMKOM-H. BenHK8 je xpna H MHoro je y lbOj
sanHcllHo. To cy ,li,OKyMeHTH KpB8BI1X, HajKpBSBHjHx .!l8Ha CaHcKor
Mocra. Y TOM ManoM rpaJI.Y H lberosoj oKonuuH no6ujeuo je npeKo 7000 n;ywa. 1(1 K80 ,ll,8 npe,ll O'IIIM8 113 T11X samJCnHKII 0lKHBib8·
Blljy CBe OHe CTp8XOTe : p113BJI8'1e Ce CTB8pll, O,li,HOCe KpeBeTH H
net.H, pas611jajy spara Ha paJllb&Ma, a lbHXose snacHHKe roHe y
38TBOp ,ll8 HX y6p30 38THM KpBHI1'1KH fiOCTpHJelbajy H8 rOBe,ll8pHIIUH
HJ!l1 Hll rp06Jby.
*
CKopo CIIH HCK83H jen;HaKO sanO'IHibY: npsor HJJH .llpyror
aaryCT8 19~1 fB.!lHHe ,li,Oill/IH cy y Mojy Kyliy HOhy, O,llBeJJH MOra
YylKa, CHH8, 6paTII y 38TBOp, WKOJJY HJJH M8f8SHH, 8 Ott.atlle H8
crpJ1jt-Jbalbe... noKojHHK je nMao H8 ce6H nap py6Jh8, u1mene,
Cat. HOBIIU ..
TewKO ontylKyjy CBH 38fiHCHHUH; H8.MjeCTO KOJJOBe MpTBHX
HMeH8 H ,li,8TYM8 0)1(H8ibaB8 KOIIOHa ibYJlH y ral\aMa H KOWYib8M8
KOj«, sesaHH jenSH yJ apyror, KopatJajy Kao cylKib«, se3aanx pyKy
H Hory, nocphyhH y XOJly. Ha Kpajy KOJJOBe ,llje'I8K O,ll 15 fOtJ.HH8.
foHe HX npeMa Kll80HHUU. A y IIOtt.He K0118 HaTOB&peH8 ibY.llCKHM
TjeJJHM8, WKpHnetH, syKy ce KlhytJKOM ymiUOM. Wsaoe non; nyWKOM, y TIIKTY npyt:Ke BBJI.YTOCTH, rpan8JJutJy: XajnB, xajJJo. Kps
.IDJ.llCKa nOJJBKO K8Uibe C8 KOJIB H OCT3llib8 UpBeHKSCTQ-CMel)n Tp&r.
A OH.!l8 Bjewalbe n.eweBII Ha caaKoM .a.psery no JlBJ, TpH .
•,
<
MapHua MHjarosHii H3 CaacKor Mocra, Kojoj cy JI.BHje KhepH H CUH y napTH38HHM8 1 np11'18; .Ycrawe cy MH O,llBeJIH YylKII
H CTpHjeihBJIH ra. 0 H>erosoj CMpTH ,ll03H8JJ8 C8M CJJytJajHO O,ll fiR·
jaHor ycrawe KOjH ce je xsanHo .ll8 ra je y6Ho. Ycrawe cy Me
spuje1)8Jre, pyrane MH ce H np11jen111e n;a He CMHjeMO csoje nornHyne
lK8JJHTH HHTH HOCHTH UpHHHY 38 lbHM8. HaKO MH je cpue Kpa8pi1JJO,
Mopana caM .a.a ce npasHM secena H .ll8 HOCHM xaihHtJY ca usjeTOBHM8. 3H8JJH cy tt.a MH je KhepK8 Ctoj8HK8 y nBpTH38HHMII, na
cy Me 38T88p8JJI1, TYKJJH, MY'IIIIIH H OOJba'IK8JJH. no MOjoj Kyhu
6awKapHnH cy ce 3ajeAHO ca HHjeMUHM8 H TanHj8HHMa; sanpaBo cy f83,ll0BBJJH ... "
*
HanywreHa KJha 3ypyHHha, KOjll je n;yro Jjan«na npasRu·
HOM Ha npo1183HHKe, MOrna 6u HBM npH'18TU TY>KBy npuqy nopo.lUU.\e CHMe 3ypyHHta. llsa CHHI! cTplljelbaua, a 6onecaa ·lKeHa
CT8pHjer CIIHB OTprHyTa liS jyT8p!ber CH8 H Hern;je KpBj MJJHHOBII
3BKJJ 8Ha. H jow ce THjeno y6ujeae )l(eHe Hllje 6Hno HH oxna,li,Hno,
a ycrawe cy aeh, KBO XHjeue, pune no ~beHHM co6aMa, HOcune
.a.parOUJeHe CTB8pll, nyHHJJe CBH,llyKe H O,llHOCJIIle CBOjHM lKeH8M3
11 ,ll,p8f8H8M8 .ll8 Ce CieCTH,llHO wenype Kp03 HSIII!heHH rpaJl.
*
Ees6pojaa cy H HeJanHcaaa caa ycrawKa Kpsonowrsa 11
ra.QapHje notJnlbeHe y CancKOM Mocry. HHje 6Hno rewKo H3MH·
cnuTH n;a je NeKo nyuao H3 He'IJ.Jje 6awre ua ycTawe, nO.llMeTH)'·
H1 HeKOMe nalKHO nHCMO, Ontyli<HTH ,ll8 je j8X80 Ha napTH3llHCKOM
KO»-y llliH XBaTaO napTH38HHM8 pH6y. Cse Te nOAIIOCTII H lllllKJI
6Hne cy pasnor sa 38Taapa!be, My'lelbe 1o1 y6HJ&H>e.
MHorHM8 je JlOK, cy JlUKTHpanH csoje J.JCKase, nOTeKna rop·
KB cysa. nospHJellHne ce pwe. Ana n;ownu cy n;a11H nnahalba
pa'lyHa, cy~elba 3IIO'IIIHUHM8. HaKo ce !lel(n KPHRUif jow Kpujy
no 386HTHM yCTIIWKHM JJirJIHMI H lbiJX 'teKII Clll yp•a OLBt:Ta,
�)l(eHe BocHe 11 Xep~eros11He .n:ane cy MHoro .n:paro~jeHH x mprasa y 6op611 3a cno6o.n:y.
Op11nHKOM 3JIOt{HHalfKOr Hana.n:a H11jeMa~a Ha .LJ.psap, nana je 11 .n:pyrap1~~1 Pa.n:a BpaH>ernes11t, ceKperap
06nacHor o.n:6opa A$}K-a 3a 6ocaHctcy Kpaji.JHy.
Pa.n:y je sacn11rana H o.n:rojHna K oMyHHCTH<IKa napmja. Jorn npHje para 6Hna je aKT11BliH 6opa~ 3a cno6o.n:y. Y npBHM .n:aHI1Ma ycraHKa oHa .n:ona3H Ha ocno6ol)eHy repHropHjy. )l(eHaMa H JbY.li:HMa, ynnarneHHM H 6ecnoMoliHHM, oHa no.n:Hme sjepy, noKa3yje KO.HM nyreM rpe6a .n:a H.n:y. BpHiettHa H o.n:nylfHa, ca Muoro TOnmme H
i
Jby6as11 33 Jby.n:e, aHa yna3If y cen3, noae3yje ce ca rnHpOKKM MacaMa H3po.n:3. 0Ha sacmnasa lfHras HH3
meHa pyKoso.n:HJI3~a y BocaHcKoj KpajHHH. npomHBJbyjybH ca H2po.n:oM Hajaet.e no6je.n:e, .n:HienetH c lbHM HesoJbe H nopaae - o.n: npsor .n:aHa 6op6e, P3.n:a je nocrana OMHJbeHa H no:·mara rnHpOM qHrase Kpajtme.
nana je y pyKe HHjeMBI..\3 OHOra .n:aHa Ka.n:a cy cparni1CTHt{KH 3JI0t{HHI..\H xrjeJm .n:a yHHrnre Harn BpxOBHH
rnra6, .n:a ce .n:oqer:ajy aol)e HarnHx Hapo.n:a, .n:pyra THra.
Y ,ll.psapy, r.n:je je 6yKHyna npsa HCKpa xepojcKe 6op6e KpajHrnKor Hapo.n:a, no"'HBa je.n:Ha 011 H>eroBHX
Haj6oJbHX KtepH, Pa,z:ta Bpat»ernesHt.
•
- Cry.n:eHTH H cry.n:eHTKHI»e 6eorpa.n:cKor YHHBep3Hrera noaHasanH cy Pa.n:ojKy JlaiCHh, cry.n:eHTKHH>Y H3
6HjeJbHHe, H soJbenH je a6or .n:o6pore H .n:pyrapcrsa, xpa6pocnt H o.n:aHocrH 6op6H Koja ce so.n:Hna aa 60JbH
mHsor cry.n:eHTCKe H cee ocrane OMJia,l{HHe JyrocnasHje.
npsa y njeCMH H rnaJIH, Pa.n:ojKa je Me~y npBYIMB H y 6op6H. 3ajanypeHa H ya6yl)eHa. 6Hna je y npBHM
pe.n:oBHMa .n:eMOHcrpaHara KOjH cy rpamHJIH .n:eMoKparcKe cno6o.n:e H npasa. 11 Ka.n:a je xanrneHa, H Ka.n:a cy joj
cypOBH :>K3H,!J,3pM11 qynanH KOCe H TYKJIH je HHje MBJll.'.IrC3JI3, Hero je Ca jorn BehOM MpiiCl-hOM H CBHjemt.y HaCTaBJbaJia 6op6y. llpsH ny~aH> ycraHHt{Ke nyrnKe cxB3TiiJia je Kao noaHB nopo6JbeHe ,ll,OMOBHHe H3 6op6y. O.n:JIY'IHO H xpa6po OHa opraml3yje noMot npBHM napnt33HCKHM ie.n:HHHI..\aMa. Kpaj lbeMaqKI1x reHKOBa ICOjH cy
ara3HJIH cno6o.n:y Harne .n:oMOBHHe, Pa.n:ojKa npoHocH MerKe 33 Harne 6opl..\e H noat1se y 6op6y. Ha roM nocny
yxsaTHJIH cy je KpBHH~H fecnno3. PyMeHe, nnasol\oce Pa.n:ojKe HeMa BHrne. Am1 je ocrano cjebafbe Ha jyHa'IKY
meHy Koja je tyrKe H3.n:pmana csa MylfeH>a, ynyrHBrnH Ha caMpTH npHjerelie puje4H csojHM yOHI..\aMa: Momere
ME y6HTH, 3JlH MeHe fie .n:pyrOBH OCBeTHTH !
..
BaxH.n:a MarnajJIHh o.n:p3cna je y yrne.n:Hoj MycnHMaHCKOj nopo.n:HI..\H. Yqecrsyjyi1H y pa.n:y 6albany'IKHX
H3£Ipe.n:HHX .n:pyunasa, OHa je HeyMopHo OKynJbaJI3 H 36Jifti1Casana MYCJIHMllHCKe meHe, opraHH3osana npocsjerHH
p3.n: Mel)y H>HMa, nocseliyjytH TOM nocny senHKY namH>y. Ka.n:3 ce Ha.n: cpncKoM .n:iel..\oM 11 iiCeHaMa Ha.n,BHO ycralliKH Hom, Ka.n:a cy cpncKe nopo.n:HI..\e roH>eHe y norope H nporOHl'TBO, OHa ux 6e3 crpaxa H HeyMopHo noM~)I(e.
06ylfeH3 y 3ap, BaxH.n:a npoHOCH MyHHI..\Hiy, xp3Hy, JIMjeKose 3a napTH3aHe. HH oH.n:a Ka.n:a je .n:ocnjena y aarsop,
HHje MHposana. Je.n:He seqepH . .n:oK cy ycTarne cnpeMane HOBa MyqeH>a 33 JarscpeHe po.n:oJby6e, BaxH.n:3 je no6jerna.
0Ha HacrasJba pa.n: Ha ocno6oi)eHllj repl1ropHjH. 0KynJba meHe, cjetu•H>yje Mycni1MBHKe, CpnKHH>e 11 XpaaTH~e y 3aje.n:HHlfKoj 6op6H. VfcKpeHa Jbyoas BaxH.n:HHa npeMa Hapo.n.y, Icojy je 'Ha .n:jeny .n:oKa3HB3na, orsapa
Cp~e oja})eHyX CpllCKHX MajKV. H OHe je npHMajy K3C' CBOjy.
Her.n:je Ha pyjHrnKHM 6p.n:HMa, y KpsasoM OKprnajy ca rnsancKHM 3JIO'IHHI..\HMa, .n:ana je Bax11.n:a, y 6op6H
33 CJI06o.n:y, CBOj )f(HBOT.
*
3HMH 1942 np~H nyr caM cpena ,ll.aHH~Y Me.n:aa Y no~rpMft{Kl1M ceJIHMa je spHno. Tara .n:aHa cy npsw
nyr Ha cno6o.n:Hy repHTOpHjy .n:ornnH Tan11jaHH. Y:ermtlfKH ar.HTaropH .n:eMopanucanu cy Hapo.n nponaraH.n,oM 0
CH33H H Heno6je,;{HBOCTH T3JIHjaHCKOf opymja.
,ll.aHHI..\3, ca rpoje He jaKe .n.iel..\e, cje.n:Hna je y co611 ocsHjeTJbeHoj cpHTHJbeM 11 nnena 33 BGjcKy. Oa6HJbHa H 6nara
,ll.aHH~a o.n:asana je MHP H o.n:JIY4Hocr. 0Hrana je KaKo rpe6a opraHH3osant paA Mei)y meHaMa, aKo npo.n:pe HenpHjareJb.
3a I<parJCo BpHjeMe ,ll.llHHI..\3 je nocrana je.n:Ha o.n: HajnonynapmtiHx u HajOMI1JbEHHjl1x iiCeHa Ha no.n:rpMeqKOM repeHy. Mace iiCeH3 3BBOJb~ne cy osy csojy o.n.nyqHy .n:pyrapHny u n HOeHne ce lbOMe. 0Ha je 6Hn3 opraHH·
Jarop noMobH sojc~H H paH>eHH~HMa, nocraJia je 6pmKH3 ManJ, 3aje.n:Ho ca ocramtM meHaMa csora Kpaja 33
.
.
'
HfKOJIHKO CTOTHH3 K03apcKe ,l{)eUe KOJY cy Xp83TCKH 60pl..\11 C03CHJIH H3 ycrarnKOf noropa.
Ha seJIHt{3HCTBeHoi cMorpH Hame sojcKe 3HMH I 943 ro.n:HHe, ,ll.amtl..\a je Hcnpe.n: no.n:rpMe'IKHx meHa
noa.n:pas11na .n:pyra THra H npe.n:ana MY .n:apose.
·
Y Kpsasoj IV ocpaH3HBH norHHyna je npH nosna"'eH>y npe.n: HenpHjareJbeM.
"'
,ZJ;pam~3 Op3BHI..\3, BHcoKa nnasoKoca .n:jesojKa, 6opau jow 113 rnKOJICK KJiyne, 6una je noHoc xepl..\eroaatJKHX meHa. Ops~tx .n:aHa ycraHKa aHa CMjeno cryna y pe.n:ose opraHHJaT pa Hapo.n:Hor omopa. 3aje.n:Ho ca np·
BHM 60pi..\HM3 JYPHrna Ha HenpHjareJba .. A nO~Jllije 6oja CKpOMH3 ,1\jesoj a O,ll..I133H y Hapo.n:, Mfi)y OMJia,l{HHY H
iiCEHe, xpa6pH HX H YtJH. 0Ha HX ti3Ull\3 CBOJI1M POAOJbyfiJbeM H xpa6pornhy, OHa UtJHMJepoM nOK33yje K3KO ce.
CBent y6H~3M3 H K0Jb3t{HMB.
no~Hasa~a je Xep~erosnHa c~ojy ,lJ.pa,llHI..\Y 11 nOHOCHJI~ ce fboMe. Ka.n:a cy je "'eTHHt{KH 3JIHKOBU11 yxsarHJIH,
npe.n:aJIH cy Jf H~JeMI..\HMa. My•mnH ~Y 1e, T}'KJIH H MPI..\B~PHJIH nHJBHH fbeMai.JKI.f o¢HI..\HPH H o.n:&parHe lfeTRH"'Ke H3.n:ftjl.f~e.
YMpna 1e y MyKaMa, an11 1e ocrasHna ,l{HBHY ycnoMeHy npao6opl..\a.
,l\.K.
14
�JEnEHA
HOI-bOHEHHO
J1AJK£
CosjercKe >KeHe, ~tajKe Koje cy po.D.une H o.D.rOjiMe 6eJ6poj CJIBBHHX jyHaKa H jyBBKHiba
para J>KHBajy Hajsehe nornro nalbe csoje couujaJIIICTH'!Ke .D.OMOBHHe
npercje.a.BHlllTBO Bpxossor C eTa CCCP-a ycraHOBHJIO je 38 3l CJIJ>Ki<e M8jKe O.D.JIHf<O·
OBj
nalba op.D.eH .,M arepHHCKa cnasa" 11 ,Konajaa M&repHHCTBa"l{osocuMo penopra>Ky MOCKOBCKe ,npas.D.e" o nocjeru .D.ecer npBHX o.a.nHKOBaHHX cosjercKHX M&jKH KO.Il npercjeAHHKS BpxoaHor Cosjera M. 11. KanHibHHB, KOjH liM je TOM npHJJIIKOM llO.lllljeJIHO O.llJIHKOBIIIb8.
OTai,I6H~IcKor
JleceT MajKH 11~e y KpeMJb.
0He npeJia3e npeKo UpseHor Tpra H,n:yhH Ka
CnacKI1M BpaTH.Ma. 0411 cy HM nyHe cpehe, nyHe
MJia,n:OCTH. 4aK H y cTape MajKe, MapHje MaKCHMOBHe
PHlllKOBe 113 rpa.D.a TyJie, - oHe, o.n: 'lHje ce .n:eceTepo
.n.jeu.e OCMepo 6op11 Ha cppOHTY ...
- focno.n:e, Kao .n:a H,n:eM Ha sjei:IIJalhe, - ocMjexyje ce CBHM 6opaMa JIHU.a Map11ja MaKCHMOBHa, H3a TOJIHKHX HalllHX 6ecaHHX uohH ...
- l13a CBHX HalllHX MaTepHHCKHX HeMHpa, H3a
CBHX HalllHX MaTepHHCKHX 6pHra H Halller Tpy,n:a, CeKyH~Hpa joj rOpKOBCKa KOJIX03HHI.{a JeB,n:OKHja 0asJIOBH3 CoJI,n:aTosa.
BojHHU.H HM no3.n.pasoM o~ajy no1.1acT.
... Op~eHe H ,n:H.nJioMe npe~aje MHxajJio 11saHOBHh KaJIHihHH. Ca nolllTOBa!heM H Heo6Hl!HO TonJio
cTe)f{e OH PYKY csaKoj Maju.H - xepojy. Y cpe6pHHM
apaU.HMa c~o~jajy 3JiaTHe 3BH.jea.n:e. He3aMjelhHB op.n.eH !
HeMa Ha csHjeTy BH.llle TaKsor op.n:eHa !
- Ja 3H3M lllT3 3H3'1H ynpa8Jb3TH T3KBOM BeJIHKOM nopo.n:HU.OM, Ka)f{e M. 11. KaJIH.IhHH, MHoro je pa.n:a, )f{H.sau.a, ocjehaja yJio)f{eHo. BJia.n:a TO
1.\HjeHH, BH.COKO U.HjeHH ...
M. 11. KaJIHihHH roBopH KaKo je TO sa)f{HO, .n:parou.jeHo, H.3BeCTH, o.n:rojHTH, .n:o6po sacnHTaTH. HeKoJIHKO ~jeu.e, K3K3B je TO OrpOMaH H 6Jiaropo,n:aH Tpy,n:.
11 oHe, )f{eHe, KOje cy 6HJie y cra!hy .n:a TO ypa.n:e,
33CJiy)f{yjy CBeHapOJl.HO llOlllTOBalhe H ITO'l3CT.
- )KeJIHM BaM a.n:paBJba H cHare, - 3aBplllasa
MHxajJio l1saHOBH.h csoj cp.n.al!HH rosop.
3axBaJbyjeMo BaM!... qyo ce o.n:rosop.
- BJia.n:H Hallloj • . . ~paroj . . . xaaJia ! . . . KaKBa
je TO cpeha!
- Jlpyry CTaJI.HHY Hall:leMy . . . JocHcpy B~o~ca
pHOHOBHhy . . . XsaJia ! XsaJia U.HjeJiora )f{HBOTa !
- KpaTKO, y36y.n.JbHBo. CsaKa 611 xTjeJia MHOro
pehH, BpJio MHoro. OyTosaJie cy OBaMo l!HTaB )f{H
BOT cy y cjehalhy npeTypaJie: o~ npseH'ta .n.o noCJbe~!her ~jeTeTa, cse MyKe H pa.n.oCTH,
can HeMHp 11
6p11.re, 11 6orH.Jbe, H lllapJiax, H npaor yHyKa, H H.cllpahaj y aojcKy, 11 MHoro, MHoro Tora. AJIH ca.n:a HeMa
pHjeqH, 3a6JIHCT3Jia je l!HCTa Cy3a Ha MaTepHHCKHM
TpenaBH.LJ.3Ma. Yf C3MO Ce 1.1yje THXO, HcnpeKH,D.aHO :
- 3axsaJbyjeMo ! ...
- )KeHe cy y36y~eHe y ~HY cpua. To je HajJbenlllH ~aH y lhH.XO!:lOM )f{HBOTy. Jla, TaKBHX Jl.3H3 H
HeMa KOJl. lhHX TOJIHKO. To je, yonlllTe, BeJIHKH H HajJbeiTlllH ,n:aH. HH.Ka.n:a H HHrJI.je jolll HH.Cy no,n,H3aJIH
MaTepHHCTBO Ha TaKBY BHCHHy .
•npHTH.IDhyhH Ha rpy.n:11 u.pBeHe KYTH.jH.u.e 11 Jl.HnJioMe, o,n:Jia3e MajKe y cTpauy. Jl11u.a cy MM TaKBa Kao
~a BI1~Hlll Ha lh11Ma JIHjemt cau. 11 ycH11U.e ce cTaJIHO
OCMjelllKyjy 11 HelllTO lllanyhy.
A M11xajJio l1sauos11h KaJII11hHH aose )f{eHe aa
CTO. Ou 11x 3ose TaKo je~HOCTaBHO, ynpaso TaKo Kao
~a O~aBHO IT03Haje He CaMO lhi1X Hero 11 CBe lhHXOBe
MHJie 11 ~pare, cse oHe Koje cy OHe Ha pyKaMa HocaJie, HaseJie Ha nyT 11 sacnHTaJie.
- A ja hy c saMa, Ka)f{e OH H cje~a no
cpe~HHH.
3a HeKOJIHKO TpeHyTaKa cse ce ocjehajy y TOM
BeJII1KOM KpeMaJbCKOM Ka6HHeTy CJI060~HO, 11 ya 'i8lllY
qaja Te'le HeyofJbeH pa3rosop.
- A np11je HeKa~, y CTapo spHjeMe, o TaKsoj
nollaCTH Maju.H HHcy HH MallJTaJIH, Ka)f{e je~Ha
o~ )f{eHa.
-- Op11je je H sJiacT 611Jia ~pyra, - npHMjehyje
M. 11. KaJIH!hi1H.
11 HaCTaBJba:
- . . . 11~e MY)f{ HanpHje~, a )f{eHa noaa~11 ...
a ca.ll;a s11~11lll : HAe je~Ho nope~ ~pyror, a MY)f{ jolll
11 ~HjeTe syqe. To je 6oJbe o~ csera, TO ce Haj6oJbe
BH~H ...
~ajKe ce 3a~osoJbHO CMHjellle. H MHxajJio 11aaHOBHh Ce TaKo~ep CMHje.
- Jecy JIH BaM CBHMa )f{HBH My)f{eBH? ITHTa
M. 11. KaJIH!hHH.
- MeHH je yMpo, - o~rosapa CepacpHHa BaCHJbeBHa 11rHaTI1jesa. 0Ha je 113 JlelhJ1Hrpa~a. 0Ha
11Ma ce~aM CI1Hosa 11 TPH KhepH. H KaKsa je To
yrJie~Ha nopo~HU.a I CHH HHKOJiaj, asHjaTHliKI1 nyKOBHHK, TPH nyTa o~JIHKOBaH up~eHoM. Ca~a je y HopselllKoj. 0 !heroBHM no~BH3HMa qyJio ce npeKo pa.n.11a.
CHH AJieKcaH.n.ap je Majop, .n.sa nyTa OJl.JIHKOBaH op.n.eHOM. OH ce HaJia311 y OpycKoj. He.n.asHo je nocJiao
MajU.H BeCeJIO ITHCMO : "MaMa, He 6p11HI1, ja Hehy Jl.O·
hH .n.oK He nocTaHeM KOMaH~aHT rpa.n.a KeH11rc6epra.
CJia)KellJ JIH ce c THM?" CHH 11sa H "Balh YlllKa",
KaKo ra 113 MHJIOlllTe Ha3H.Ba CepaQ:>11Ma BacH.Jbessa
rap~HjCKH je KaneTaH, apntJbepau., TPH ITYTa OJl.JII1KOsaH op~eHoM . 4enipH nyTa 6110 je pa!heH. Ca.n.a ce
HaJia3H y PyMyHHjH. CHH Mojc11je, KaneTaH, norH.Hyo
je y 6ojesttMa 3a CTaJbH.Hrpa~. O~JIHKOBaH je op~e
HOM UpseHe 3acTase, op.n.eHOM 0Tai,I6HHCKOr paTa
I cTeneHa 11, nocJIH.je cMpTH, op.n.eHoM Jle!hH.Ha. CepacpH.Ma BacHJbesHa npH.MH.Jia je y36y~JbHBO nHCMO ca
cppouTa. Y ToMe nHcMy ce KOMaH.n.a 3axsaJIHJia Maju:~o~,
3aT~ lllTO je OHa OJl.fOjHJia TaKO My)f{eBHOr, 'lBpcror
'lOBJeKa. CHH M11xajJio Je lllecp pa,ZI.HOHJn~e npe.n.yaeha
y neTponaBJIOBCKy. O.n: !hera je ynpaso CTHrao TeJierpaM: "MajliHU.e, qecTHTaM Tn o,n:.'lHKOBalhe Hallie BJiaJl.e op~eHoM ,MaTH - xepoj". JKeJIHM TH a.n.paaJbe 11
15
�.n.yr
)l(HB01' paJJ.H Hallie cpehe. rpmi Te OJ!. CBer cpu:a
Tsoj CHH MHxajno". CHH Jlas je ne!-hHHrpa.n,cKH MajCTOp yMjeTHHYKor JIHjesa!-ha. OH je H3JIHO cTaTyy KHposa, a ca.n.a pa.n.H Ha CTaTyH B. l1. Jle!-hHHa, Ha cTaTYH 3oje Ko3MO.n,eMjaHme. CHH OeTap je cTy.n,eHT }!{eJbe3HHYapme TexmiKe. KhepKa Bepa je HH}!{HI-hep TexHonor. KhepKa Ha.n.e}!{.n.a je 3aspumna eneKTpoTeXHHYI<H HHCTHTYT 11 ca.n.a je HH}!{H!-hep 11 ceKperap
napTHjCKor 611poa y npe.n.y3ehy. KhepKa Jby6a 3aBplliHJia je ylJHTe.(hCKH HHCTHTYT ,Xepu.eHa" 11 ca.n.a cTy.n.Hpa y HHCTHTYTY cTpaHHx je3HKa. Csa .n.jeu:a - no3a.n,HHU:H O.D,JIHI<OBaHH cy KO.IlajHOM ,3a o.n,6paHy JleJbHHrpa.n:a". vi caM a CepacpHMa BacHJbeBHa TaKo~e
je HarpaljeHa Ko.rrajHOM ,3a o.n.6paHy Jle!-hJmrpa.n.a".
0Ha je y .n,aHHMa 6JIOKa.n,e pa.n:HJia y XeMHjCKOj pa.n,HOHHU.H je.n.Hor paTHOf npe.n.y3efia 11 3.li.YlliHO yYeCTBOBaJia y CJiy}!{6H 6aTaJbOHa npOTHBaBHOHCKe o.n,6paHe.
Orau: je 6110 YYHTeJb.
CepacpHMa BacHJbeBHa je ca.n.a seoMa y36yljeHa.
Csi-1 Ha 1-hY rJie.n.ajy. M11xajno l1saHOBHh KaJIHI-hHH
flHTa je 3a CHHOBe ... , a O.D, y36yljel-ha OHa He MO}!{e
.n.a nporosop11.
- r.n.je CTaHyjeTe? - llHTa MHxajno I1BaHOBHh.
- Ha J1HTejHoM.
-- Je JIH TO npHBpeMeHH CTaH?
O.n. o6HYHHX }!{HBOTHHx nHTa!-ha HeCTaje pacTpeceHOCTH. CepacpHMa BacHJbeBHa ca noHoCoM rosop11 o
CHHOBHMa.
Me!Jy }!{eHaMa cje.n.H 11 je.n.Ha MaJiora pacTa, u:pHHX OYHjy, Ca U:pBeHOM MapaMOM 11 Mje.n:eHHM MHHljyll!aMa. To je BaJIHMa Aca.n,yJIHHa. 0Ha je 113 oall!KHpHje, 113 KOJIX03a ,BopOlliHJIOB", y 411lliMHHCKOM pajoHy. M. Yl. Ka J
IHibHH ca TOflJIOM Jby6onHTJbHBOlllhy
pa3rosapa c IbOM o 1-heHOM }!{HBOTy. BaJJI1Ma He pa3YMHje cse. 1-boj je Tell!KO .n.a ce o6jalll!-hasa Ha pyCKOM H TO je pa3JI0f ll!TO OHa He MO}Ke )l.a HCllpHl!a
}!{eJIH.
0Ha caMo Ka}!{e .n:a je l-he3HH
cse
ll!TO
3ycpep nomHyo Ha cppOHTY 3a CosjeTCKH Case3, a
HajMnal)eM 1-heHoM .n.jeTeTy HMa TPH ro.n.HHe H HMe MY
je <l>a11c. Tpoje IbeHe .n.je,mu:e HAY y ll!KOJJy, a ocTaJia
pa.n.e y Konxo3y. Ha o6pa3HMa BaJIHMe je rpo3HHYaso
pyMeHHJlO H TO llOKa3yje KaKO OHa HaneTO npO}!{HBJbaBa csoj 6opasaK y MocKBH.
Ca AHOM CeprejeBHOM KHpHJIHHOM H3 ceJia CHsopoTKHHO Ha.D.OJi.le3yje ce pa3rosop o KOJIX03HOM }!{HsoTy. lJ.sa cy joj CHHa Ha cppOHTy, TpH H.li.Y y lliKOJiy,
HajCTapHja Kim je y .n.aTa, a oCT ana .n.jeu:a cy jolll MaJieHa. HajMnal]eM cy TPH ro.n,HHe 11 HMe MY je HHKOnaj CeprejesHh. MHxajJio I1saHOBHh rrHTa KaKaB je
OBOfO.D,Hllll-bH JiaH.
-- LI.o6po naH Ye, .n.py}!{e KaJJHI-hHHe !
-- OcTaBJbaTe JIH ll!Toro.n. .ce6H 3a spehe, 3a
XaJbHHe?
- OcTaBJbaMo, -- CMHje ce AHa CeprejesHa.
- Op11je cy TY ry6epHHjy cMaTpaJIH cHpoMalllHOM, a ca.n.a je 6oraTa, - npHMjehyje M. l1. KaJIHI:bHH.
AHa CeprejesHa xsaJIH }!{eHe Koje .n.o6po pa.n.e y
KOJIX03y.
M11xajno l1BaHOBHh, -- o.n.jeKyje r.1ac JeB.n.oKHje nasnosHe Con.n.aTose, I<0•1X03Hnu:e apTeJba
,MaKCHM fopKH" 113 illaTKOBCKOr pajOHa fopKOBCKe
o6JiaCTH, - ja HMaM TPHHaecTepo .n:jeu:e 11 csa cy
}!{HBa. A MeHH cy lleTp.n,eceT.n.sHje.
-- ETo, aKo ce 6y.n.eTe npeceJbaBaJIH, o.n.Max je
TY KOJIX03, - seceno npHMjehyje M11xajno YlsaHOBHh.
-- U,HjenH I<OJIX03, - Ka}!{y }!{eHe O.l(o6paaajyh~.
16
.,
Jes.n,OI<Hja IlasnoBHa npH4a .na joj ce MY}!{ Bt>aTHO C cppOHTa; OH je HHBaJIH.D, 0Tai,I6HHCKOf paTa, a
.n.sa joj CHHa ca.l(a Jie}!{e pai:beHa.
- TeK ll!TO je.n.Hor oTnpeMHllle, He 3HaM KY.n.a, a seh
.n.pyror, MHxajno I1saHOBHhy, .n.oso3e y 6onHHU.y, y
l1saHoBcKy o6nacT. Pal:beH je y Tp6yx. . . - MajKa
y3.IJ:Hllle.
- 3HaTe JIH MY a.n.pecy? ,llaheMo saM B03HY
KapTy, na OTilljHn~. nocjeTHTe ra.
- Ax, 6ahyll!Ka, He y3ex CHHOBJbese a.n:pece.
rony6Hhy, MHxajJIO Y!BaHOBHhy, ex, ll!TO MH je }!{aO
ll!TO He noHecox ca co6oM a.n.pece. XsaJia BaM, xsana
3a caocjehal:be i
Jes.n:oKHjH OasJIOBHoj je I<pHBO ll!TO HHje noHHjcna ca co6oM a.n:pecy. M. l1. KaJIHI:bHH je YMHpyje:
To ce MO)I{e ype.n,HTH 11 KOA Kyhe. 06nacHH H3Bpll!HH
KOMHTeT fie joj flOMOftH .n:a nocjeTH CHHa.
- Ill To je cp.n:a'laH! - lllanaTOM BeJIH MapHja
MaKCHMOBHa PH)I{KOBa H3 Tyne. To je nyHalJKa cTapHu:a, _9Kpyr Jia JIHU:a, 6pH)I{JbHBa .IJ:OMaftHI..(a 11 BjelliTaKHI:ba y fle'lel-hy HMeH.IJ:aHCKHX llHpora.
Hall!a HaM je BJiaCT 11 oTaU: H MajKa, - no.1yrnacHo seJIH CTapa MaTH. I1, HeMajyim cHare .n:a calJeKa .n:oK ce M11xajn o l1saHOBHh H 1-hoj
o6paTH
HeKHM m1Tal:beM , r nacHo KaMe:
-- OcMepo .n:jeu.e o.n. l:bHX .n.eceTopo, .n:pyMe KaJIHI:bHHe, flOCJiaJia CaM y paT. illeCT CHHOBa H )I.BHje
KhepH. Y Hallloj nopo.n:wu.w HMa 11 KaneTaHa, 11 3acTaBHHKa, 11 BOjHHX JbeKapa H CTpHjeJiaU:a Ha CBHM cppOHTOBHMa. A .n:jesojJ<e cy MH 6oJIHHLJapl<e ... OcMepo Moje
;.I.jeu:e 6paHe COBjeTCI<Y 3eMJby.
MHxajno HsaHOBHh je 3aTHM Hapo'mTo cp.n:alJHO
11 .n:yro CTe3ao PYKY MapHjH MaKCHMOBHoj. 06oje cy
ce je.n:Ho .n.pyroM 3axBaJbHBaJIH: Map11ja MaKCHMOBHa
Ha flOlliTOBal:by 11 Jby6a3HOCTH, a MHxajno l1BaHoBHh -- Ha .n:o6poj .n:jeu.H. Map11ja Mai<CHMOBHa HHjt.
Morna, a .n.a He Hcnpwia o TOMe .n.a je 3aje.n.Ho ca l:bOM
y MocKBY ,nonyTosao H l:be3HH CTapau:, M11xajno I1.111h,
KojH je ca.n:a, nornTo cy y KpeMJb 6Hne no38aHe caMo
MeHe, Kao H3ry6JbeH.
-- An11, HHll!Ta, seJII1 oHa o.n.na3ehH y cTpaay,
ja fiy ra Befi YMHpHTH; - MOja ,3BHje3.n,a" 611he HaM
3aje,n:HH4Ka ...
A MHxajJJo l1BaHOBHh seb rosop11 ca TaTjaHOM
CeprejeBHOM 5y6noBHOM. To je CTaCHTa, 3.n.pasa MeHa
H3 Csjen6poscKe o6nacTH, H3 Bjepxl:be - OHWMHHCKor pejoaa. Ll.pyr KaJJHI:bHH je nHTa 3a AjaTcJ<o TpeceTHO npe,ny3ehe - r,nje pa,ne oHa 11 l:beH MYM - H
3a .n.jeu:y. TaTjaHa CeprejesHa HMa .n:eceTepo csoje
.n:jeu:e jolll spno MaJieHe. PacTy Mna.n:Hn:e! BHJ<Top H.IJ:e
y TpehH pa3pe.n:, Jypa - y ,npyrH, BaJieHTHHY je ce,nMa ro,nHHa, OaBJIHKY -- 'leTHpH, TaMap04KH - neT,
a Jly,nMHJlH je Tel< je.n,Ha fO,U:HHa.
•
CsaKa o.n: ,neceT MeHa MeJIHJia 6w .n:a nopa3rosapa ca M. l1. KanHI:bHHOM. He MOMelll o.n:Max .n.a
ca6epell! MHCJIH H Haljew pHje4H, HHCY MHCJIHJie .n:a
fie .IJ:Oim .IJ:O TaKO ll!HpOKOf pa3fOBOpa.
- Y Map11je O .'IaTOHOBHe ApKa,njese H3 pa.n:HHYKor Hace.'ba oOKCHToropcKa,, Jlel:bHHrpa.n.cKe o6JiaCTH,
lJeTHpH CHHa CTOje Ha 6paHHKY lJ.OMOBHHe. OorHHYO
joj je CHH AJieKcaa,nap, seJIHKa paHa Majl!HHa. AnH
pacTy jow 'leTHpu MJia~a CHHa 11 ,nBHje KhepH. MHoro
je 6pHre. AnH H ReJIHKe pa,nocTH !...
AHHCja MHxajnosHa 5jenoycosa, I<OJJX03HHU.a H3
cena no.u:6jepe3HHI<H 113 KonoMeHCI<Or pajoHa H.MII je.l(aHaecrepo .njeu:e. 4eTsepo je aa <}lpoHTH. My)l{, Ky3Ma
�BacHJbesl1h, OH je ua cPPOHtY - pa.u,a. Au11cja MwxajnosHa, Me~yTI1M, ycnjelllHO BO.lll1 Jl0M3hi1HCTBO 11
aKTI1BHO yqecrayje y KOJJX03HOM )f(I1BOTy. C11Hy AJbollll1 je Tp11HaecTa fOJI:I1Ha; ~aK je, an11 je KOJIX03Y JJ:aO
110 paJJ:HI1X JJ:aHa! na oneT, CBI1 fie OHI1 6HTI1 CI1TH.
3a Many BaJby, Koja ce pOJlHJia 1942, npHM11JJa je
AHHCja MHxajnoBHa 5.000 py6aJba.
- A HMa n11 OBJJ:je MocKOBJbaHKH? - n11Ta M.
H. KanHlbi1H.
- HMa, Kai<o ue, - O.lla311Ba ce AHa CaseJbeBHa
AneKCaXHHa, - Ml1 CMO H3 nywKHHCI<Or pejoHa. Ja
HMaM JJ:eceT CHHOBa H JlBHje Khep11. CeJJ:aM 'CHHosa
paTyje, a OCMH, MHrna, CTynHhe y BOjCKY y HOBeM6py ...
A Map11ja JeroposHa CMarHHa je H3 caMe MocKse.
0Ha je C3CBI1M MJJBJJ:Of Jli1K3. nnaBOji<a, JIHjeno
noqernJbaHa, cTpojHa ...
- Jl11jeno, n11jeno ... Moci<sa je seh .llana JlBHje . .
To je Jl06po . .Y MocKBI1 Mapa 611TH MajK11 - xepoja.
nonHJJH cy qaj H O.ll cpu.a nopa3rOBapaJJI1.
M11xajno HsaHos11h ce onpawTa ca )f(eHaMa.
- Xsana saM, MHxajno HsaHOBHhy, 3a yro.llaH
pa3rosop, - Ka)f(y ca y36y~elheM Maji<e- xepoj11,-
MOJUIMO sac JtHjeno Aa H~PY4M're HaUle nos.zr.paae Joc11¢y BHcap110HOBI1Tiy, ll03JJ:pase OJJ: CB11jy MajKI1 !
PyKyjyh11 ce Ha pacTaHKY ca MajKaMa - xepoji1Ma,
M. H. KaJJI1Fbi1H jow jeJJ:aMnyT rosop11 o TOMe JJ:a he
BJJa.lla 11 napTHja BHCOKO U.HjeHI1TH CBaKy MBjKy KOja
je OJJ:roj11na 11 n11jeno sacn11Tana csojy .u,jeu.y.
PaJJ:OCHe )f(eHe c11na3e HH3 w11poKe MpaMopHe
cTeneH11U.e KpeMJba: I-b11xose cKpOMHe xaJbi1He yKpaweHe cy 3JJaTHI1M 3BI1je3JJ:aMa.
- <J>oTorpa¢11 cy Hac CJJI1KaJII1. Calla he Me MOjH
CI1HOBI1, M0)f(Jl3, MOtiH JJ:3 BI1JJ:e, Yx, peh11 fie, lllTO JJH
HaM y MajKe c11ja 3sHje3JJ:a! - seceno Ka)f(e JesJJ:o-'
KHja naBJJOBHa COJJJJ:aTOBa. HeKa, HeKa Ha uac
rJJeJJ:ajy. BHJJ:jehe BaJbJJ:a MOjy 3BHje3JJ:Y H MOj CHH?
B11.lljehe je! Cs11 cosjeTCKI1 rpa~aHH rneJJ:ahe Taj
Haj'lyJJ:eCHI1jl1 OpJJ:eH Ha rpyJli1Ma M3jKI1, H, rJJeJJ:ajyhH
ra. CBaJ<I1 OJl HaC he 11CKa3aTH llOlllTOBalbe 11 Ca 3aXBaJJHOWfiy nOMI1CJJI1TI1 : Eso, npona3H MajKa - xepoj! 0Ha je oTxpaHI1Jia csojy JJ:jeu.y, oua je nposoJJ:I-1JJa HaJJ: lbHXOBI1M y3r JJaBJbeM 6ecaHe HOhl1, OHa je
B3Clli1T3Jla 'laCHe, 3JJ:pase C11HOBe H Khep11 ,llOMOBI1He.
- CBaKa joj qacT.
p e B e 0 : M. r.
n
•
MHTHHr JKEHA CP&IIJE
28, 29 H 30 jauyapa y CJI060l{HOM 6eorpaJJ:y OJJ:p)K8H je npBH MHTHHf . aHTH¢alllHCTKHlb8 Cp6Hje.
2000 JJ:eneraTKI1lba oJJ:ymesJbeuo cy MaHH¢ecTosane pacnono)f(elhe )f(eHa Cp6Hje npeMa 6op6u, H>Hxosy cnpeM·
uocT JJ:a y'lHHe cse .lla ce paT wTo npHje .llOBpwH, .lla noMorHy nocTpaJJ:aJJHM KpajesHMa 6paTCKHX 3eMaJba, .u,a
JleMOKpaTCKY ¢eJlepaTHBHY JyroCJiaBHjy .
.Uyro speMeua HenpHjaTeJb ce CBHM CHnaMa TPYJJ:HO JJ:a Cp611jy OJJ:BOjH OJJ: ocTaJJHX seMaJba JyrocnaBHje. HHjeMU.H cy qysanH 6eorpaJJ: H Cp611jy JJ:a 611 ocHrypanH csoj oncrauaK ua 6anKaHy, a 'leTHHU.H cy aacTojanH JJ:a O.ll Cp6Hje uanpase csoje ynopHwTe sa 6op6y npOTHB uapoJJ:a JyrocnasHje.
J\n11 y TOMe HHCY ycnjenH. Haj60JbH CHHOBH H KhepH Cp6Hje 60pHJIH cy ce sa CBOjy JJ:OMOBHHY no
'IHTasoj seMJbH, a y nnaHHHaMa Cp6Hje HHje npecrajana Hepasua 6op6a sa cno6oJJ:y.
no6je.lly cpncKor HapoJJ:a, cno6oJJ:y Cp6Hje JJ:O'leKanH cy CBH HapoJJ:H JyrocnasHje. Kao csojy. XHJbaJJ:e
HOBHX 6opau.a Cp6Hje nowne cy ua ¢poHT. 0HH cy ce saKnenu .lla aehe nyCTHTH opy)f(je us pyKy JJ:O no6jeJJ:e
aaJJ: n!TneposcKOM I-beMa'lKOM. 4HTasa cpnci<a seMJba noKasana je csoje cno6o.llapcKo, JJ:eMOKpaTCKO nHu.e.
)KeHe Cp6Hje OKpy)f(HJie cy namlbOM H Jby6asJby 6opu.e jyHa'lKe THTOBe apMHje, CHHOBe CBHX seMaJba JyrocnaBHje. 6p11)1{Ha cpnCKa MajKa 6JJ:I1je Hall paH>eHHM 6opu.eM XpaaTCKe, 6ocHe, Ll.pHe rope, MaKeJJ:OHHje. AKU.HjH 38
noMoh nocTpaJJ:aJIH:M KpajeBHMa np11JJ:PY)I{HJia ce orpoMua Maca )l{eHa Cp6Hje.
Hhi<aJJ:a HHCY 6une Jly6Jbe sese Koje cnajajy cpnci<y )l{eHy, saaHjeHy y JJ:y6oKy u.pHHHY sa aajMHJJH·
jHM Koje joj je YHHWTHO HHjeMau. H 'leTHHK, H )l{eHe ocTanHx HawHx Kpajeaa. )KeHe Cp6Hje roaopHne cy ua
CBOMe KOHrpecy OHO lllTO )I{HBH y cpu.y CBaKe pOJJ:OJby6HBe )l{eHe JyrocnaBHje. 3a 6paTCTBO W jeJJ:HHCTBO HaWHX
uapoJJ:a, sa H>Hxoay pasuonpaauocr H cpehy,- )l{eue Cp6Hje cnpeMue cy .lla Y'lHHe cse WTO je noTpe6Ho. 3a
JJ:eMOKpaTCKY ¢eJJ:epaTHBHY JyrOCJI3BHjy JJ:aJie cy OHe XHJbaJJ:e CBOjHX CHHOBa.
YJMe TlfTa, BO~e H8illHX HapOJJ:a, Sa CpllCKe )l{eHe npeTCTaBJba CHM60Jl HOBOf )I{HBOTa H CJJ060JJ:e,
11 KaJJ:a je THTO rosopHo, KaJJ:a HM ce o6paTHO sa noMoh y 6op6H sa ocno6o~eH>e H usrpaJJ:H>Y seMJbe, KaJJ:a
ux je nossao JJ:a ce aKTHBHO saJIO)I{e sa uarpa.llH>Y uawe uapoJJ:He BJiaCTH - cpncKe cy )l{eue caojHM 6ecKpajnHM
o;zyweaJbelbeM noKasane JJ:a cy HenoKone6Hao sa Jlpyra THTa, aa ¢eJJ:epaTHBHY Jyrocnaaujy, sa ocTaapeH>e nporpaMa uawe 6op6e.
CpncKe )l{eue, xpa6pe 11 cno6oJJ:oJby6Hae, jacuo cy peKne .lla he ce O.llJIY'lHO 6opliTH npoTHB pas6ujaqa uapoJJ:nor jeJJ:HHCTBB. 411TaBOM aeMJbOM OJJ:jeKHYO je OJJ:JJY'IHH rnac npoTecra Cp6HjaHKH npoTHB Hsjaae KpaJba neTpa. noKJJHU.H .XoheMo THTa, ueheMo KpaJba • saopHnH cy ce 'IHTaaoM Cp6HjoM. .UeceTHHe XHJbaJJ:a 6eorpa~aHKH, JJ:eceT 11 no X11JbaJJ:a )l{eHa qaqauci<or cpe3a, XHJb8Jle )l{eua wHpOM U.Hjene Cp6Hje H3HWJie cy Ha
ynuu.e JJ:a Hspa3e caoje ueroJJ:OBaH>e npoTHB ouHx, KOjH caoje JIHIJHe HHTepece npeTnocraaJbajy HHTepeCHMa uapoJla. To je 6uo JJ:ocrojaH O.llroaop Cp6Hje CBHMa OHHMa KOjH cy ce naJJ:aJIH JJ:a he y Cp6Hjl1 uahH Ma K&Kay
nomopy 3a caoje npoTHanapoJJ:He U.HJbeae.
Kourpec )l{eHa Cp6Hje, noKasao je rJJ:je cy cpn<ZKe lKeue. Ha H>eMy cy oue JJ:Hrne onTylK6y npoTHB
OHHX KOjH cy y HMe .cpncraa" 00611JIH JJ:eCeTHHe XHJball,a Cp6a no JIOrOpHMa H TaMHHI\aMa, KOjH cy y6Hj3JlH Jtaj60Jbe CHHOBe Cp6Hje HJII1 HX npeJJ:aBaJIH HHjeMU.HMa, KOjH cy y HMe ,.cpncraa" patnHpHBaJJH Mp)I{FbY H Me~y
C06HO y6Hjalbe Me~y 6paTCKHM HapOJJ:HMa JyroCJI8BHje.
)Keue Cp6nje cy OJJ:JIYIIHO H 6ea OK.IlHjeaaHoa nowne nyTeM jeJJ:HHCTBI CBHX )KeHa Jyrocnaeuje. A TO
H3rpa~yjy
jC BeJIHKH ,D.OnpHHOC no6je,D.H HipO.D.HO·OCJI060,D.HJ13lJKOr nOKpeT8.
�MjeceLJI-IHa o6acjasa CHHjer. 3eMJba 1cao ,na cnasa. l1lhe no rpaHaMa csjernyQa, LJHHH ce .na cy
rpaHe onroLJeHe ,npantM KaMelheM. THWHHa, rnyxa TH·
WHH3 3HMCKe HOhH.
l13a 6p,na H811WJia je KOJIOHa QpHHX npHJIHK8
KOJe HeLJyjHo, 6e3 rnaca KopaLJajy npntHOM. Ha MjeceLJI1HH JII1Qa cy Kao HCKJiecaHa. Ha qeny KonoHe owrpo ce oQpTaBa orpOMHa npi1JIHKa MHTpaJbecQa. J13
csaKor MY noKpera 113611ja cHara. H ocH MI1TpaJbe3 6ea
cMjeHe. Wra je TO 3a lherosa nnef:ta.
KonoHa np11JI33H ceny Koje cnasa. Ceno je nonJbaLJKaHo H pa3jypelfO. n onOBHQa je nonaJbeHa. KoJIOHa npHna3H KyhaMa. Os,nje he npeHohHT.H, a y CBHTalbe 11,ny y aKQwjy. Pacnope,n no Kyf:taMa spw11 ce 6e3
MHOfO 6yKe H MaJie KYhHQe Beh ryrajy 60pQe KOjH
np03e6m1 pacmtpy,iy 81\Tpy Ha 3anpeT.aHHM OflbHWTHMa. YKyhaHlt cy Ct.: no~Hrmt, a .u,ieQa Kpo3 cy3e rnE-_najy Ha _nOWJbaiCe. npo6y,ni1Jll1 Cy HX.
Y Kyt.H y,nosuQe Mape ropu nojaHHQa. l13,ny6na
je Mapa, o cra 11 ~KnM, " oMmtp 11 y lhera MeTHyJia
JIOj H <}lHTHJb o_n np t}e. fopH CJI360, aJIH r ,pH. DOpQH
cy nocie,namt oKn Orl-bHWTa 11 cywe o6yt.y. Ycny>KHa
Kao 11 ysHje!C, Mapa je npo6y,n11na .njeQy, .na npoKp4H
cnaMapi1Qe c no.ua ,na ,npyroBH HMajy Mjecra. l1Ma
Mapa lbi1X rpoje - Jby6y, 6 opy H MHMy.
- Ocrano MH TO rpoje c11poLJa,nw, - o6pant ce
npyrosHMa. 0Qa HM y6wno ,npso Ha pa,ny y Cp6Hjw.
MopaM ce caMa 3a cse 6pHHYTI1. MHMI1 je, ero, re1c
4 ro,nHHe. ,llowna cy 3Jia speMeHa. TewKo je csaKOMe,
a KaMOJIH Y.liOBHQaMa.
0Ko BaTpr:! pa3rosop je nocrajao cse >KI1BJbH.
Pacn11ryje ce Mapa 3a HOBOCTH. Cyrpa je cacTaHaK y
ceny, a CBH cy >KeJbHH ,na .Z.03Hajy WTO BHWe 0 <flpOHTy,
.l{leQa, HaBHKJia ,lla CB3KI1 ,naH BH,ne napTH38He, CJI060,nHO cy npi-IJI331-1Jia.
MHMe, MaTepHHa Ma3a, CTanHo je 3arne,nao MHrpaJbea. ,[\a MY je .na OKHHe 6ap je.naMnyT, Kao OH.na
0
* "'
*
npe.n 30PY 6opQI1 KpeHywe. MjeceLJHHa je jow
ysHjeK 6nwcTana. KonoHa je >KYPHO 3aMaKna 3a 6p.na.
Tora jyTpa MHTpaJbe3aQ je Ha6pojao je.naHaecr
wsanci<wx Jbewesa y oKpsaBJbeHoM CHI-Ijery. PyKa u1-1je
33,npxTaJia, MHTpaJbe3 je CHrypHO KOCHO .
.11 TO je 3a Man MHf:ty *, - 33l(OBOJbHO je y3.naxHyo MHTPaJbeaaQ.
Bepa JypHti
YI103H >HeHa A116aHHje y 6op6H 3a c11o6olly csoje .QOMOBHHe
HapO.llHO-ocno6o~HIIa'lK8 6op6a npo6y.llHJI8 je lKeny All6aHuje. npatoljeHa Koja Ce y TOKJ OBe 6op6e .lleCHJia )' lKHBOTJ 8JI·
6aHCKe lKeHe orpoMHa je 11 MHoro Beha Hero Ma y KOJOj .npyroj
3eMJhll. O.n npoux ltaHa Hapo.nnor oTnopa a116anc:K8 ce lKeH8 HaJJ83HIIa y3 coora MylKa, oua H 6pa18 Koju cy ce .a.Hr.1H na ycTIIH8K,
O.ll no'leTK8 oKynauuje >KeH8 je nOK833118 MplKibY npeM8 cjlawu- ·
CTHM8. Ta Mpllnba je K.tcnuje npeTeopena y .njeJJo. 11 oneT je upn8
cpepe1,1a npeKpHJJa liHUe MHOfiiX >KeHa. Ooora nyTa TO je 6uno y
3H8K lK8JIOCTH 38 JJ3ry6JheHOM CJI060.ll0M 0KynaTop je BIJ.llHO Be·
IIHKY on8CHOCT y yqewhy lKeHa y oCJio6 oJtHII81JKOj 6op6n. 11
on nx je nporomro,
38TBapao,
uttTepHHp8o,
MY'IHO,
TI8·
JIHO Kyhe,
y6ujaO Ajeuy.
Amr
lKeHy HHje CJIOMIIO HHKa·
KaB Tepop.
)i(ene rp1.nooa noce6ao cy norllaBJhe y pally lKeua y oCJio6oAiut&l{KOj 6op6H A n6anHje Y THp RH, y AprupoKacrpy, y Kop'llf,
y 6epaTy jyHa'lKH ce je 6opu118 an6a11CK8 lKeHa. Y TupaHH K8.ll8
cy cjl8WHCTH XTje1111 ,11,8 O,llBe.lly H3 38TBOpa aJIU8HCKe 6opue, .ll8 6H
cnp uje'!Hne lbHXoao o.naol)elbe, >KeHe cy ce 6auH11e na MHTpaJhecue.
Y Hapo.nao-ocno6o.nHn81JKoj oojcuu A116amtje BeJJI!KH je 6poj lKeHa.
Ii>HX HM8 OKO 1200 ll(eRa • 60p4U8 OA KOjHX cy BeJ!IfKH AHO BOjHH
18 .
Ka~a MY je Caso .nao nywl<y. ,llsa nyra je Ta,na onamw.
O.n cae .njeQe y ceny, OH je je,n""" nyQao 1-13 npase
nywKe. noKyUlaBa MI-IMe .na ce npi16JII.t>KI-I MI-ITpaJhe3y,
an11 w 11poKa nneha MI-ITpaJbecQa Hcnpl-ljeLJI-IJia ce Kao
crHjeHa. noKywao ie " .na MY ce KPI-IWOM npnsyLJe,
HO MHTpaJbe3aQ ce MpKo o6peQHY ua lhera. Ta.na
MHMe DO<Je 06HJI83HTH OKO MHTpa;beCQa He 611 JIJ.I Ce
KaKo cnpl-ljaTeJbl-10 c lhHM. Haj3a.n noKyma .na MY ce
ysyqe Mei)y I<O.TheHa. MwTpaJbe3aQ ce rpy6o " ocjeTHO
1-13MaKHy. Mapa To npi-IMjeT" 11 neQHy ce. H1-1je jow
HHKa,Aa BI-I,Ajena .na ce napTH3aH" oTpecajy Ha .njeQy.
ETo, cse Te .npyrose oHa je o.n cpQa npi-IMHJia, H sapeHMKY l-IM npHCTaBHJia; ,njeQa CyTpa Heile I-IMaTl-1, a
osaj seJII-IKl-1 osaKo. Yni-ITHO je norne.nana no Kpyry
OKO sarpe. Cs1-1 t>opQI1 Haje,nHOM 3ahyraJIH. OcjeTH
Ma a .na je " lhHMa TewKo. HHKO ne rne.na y MHrpaJbecu;a. A on crerHyo waKe 11 ;\y6oKo ce 3aMI1CJIHO.
HHje MY HH .no saTpe, HH .llO jena. Hajpai)e 611 ca.na
Ol(Max y 6op6y, Ha jypww. CTI-I.A ra je Mape " .npyrosa. He 3Hajy OHH .na ce ynpaso uaspwwna ro,n1-1Ha .naHa
oriCaKo je .ll'13Hao Jl3 HeMa m1 .njeQe, .na HeMa HI-IKora. Pyje
6on y lheMy Kao QPB y ja6yQH. 1.13 3apo6JbeHHWTsa ce
BpaTl-10 KyhH KOjy BHWe HHje Hawao, CaMO je 3rapi-IWTe 1o1 nonynaHo nocyi)e csje,no<JI-IJIO .na je Ty HeKa.na
6110 .noM. KaKo ce OT8Jla cpQe 3rpLJI-IJIO !
Y11M je yrne.nao Manora M11My, yLJHHI-IO MY ce
I-ICTH lberos M11ha. fywwne cy Y3Jlp.ll<aHe cy3e "• .na
He nponnaLJe npe.n CBI-IMa, o.nrypHyo je ,n1-1jeTe.
H nonuTu'lKH PYKOBO.lli!OUH. 3a BJI6aacKy >KeHy je BenHKa IJBCT
6HTH 6opau. CoujecT H jyn8WTBo BJI6aacKe lKette-6opu8 He 380craje HHMBIIO 38 CBHjewhy H jyHaWTBOM lbeHOf8 MYlK8. AJI68HCI<e
lKeHe TIO.llHOCHIIe cy 3HMy, rna.n, ocKy.nuuy Koje cy IJecro npen831flle IDHXOBe CH8fe aJIH OHe cy CBe H3,11,plK81le, TIOK838BWII .ll8 C:Be
Mory lKpTBOB8TH 38 H8pO.llHO·OCJI060.llHJI8'1KY 6op6y.
Bjewntna 11 opraHH38UHJ8 Hose lKeHe A1168Huje jactto ce
ocjeTHII8 na 1 KOHrpecy 8HTHcjl8WHCTKHH>a An68HHje, o.nplKBHOM
o.n 4-8 HooeM6pa 194~ ro.nuae y 6epaTy. KoHrpecy 1e npt;cyclBooano 311 lleJJereTa H3 CBHX oCJio6oljenux H jow aeocJJo6o~eHHX
KpajeBB AJI68HIIje. MHWJhelb8 KOja cy OB.llje H3palKeHil 6HJI8 cy
MHWibelba TIOIIII MHJIIfOHB 8JI68HCKHX rp81)8H8. 0B8j KOHrpec 6HO
je o.n aeJIItKOr 3H81Jaja 38 Hapo.nHO·OCJio6o.nuJI81JKH noKpeT An6a·
HHje. Kottrpec je o.nplK8H HenocpeAHO noCJiuje nporJJ8Wtlb8 HaUifOH811HOr KOMHTeTa OCJI06of)elb8 A1168HHje y npuopeMeay BJial{y
An61HHje. OH je .a.ow8o y opnjeMe Ka.na je nomyno ocno6oijelbe
3eMJhe TIOCT8JIO TIHT81be .ll8H8 Y T8KBOj ClfTJ8UHjH KOHrpec je TIO·
K8380 .ll8 cy lKeHe An68Huje cnpeMtte H cnoco6He .na H3Bpwe cse
38,!J,8TKe KOjH CTOje npe.ll lbi1M8,
�SPATCTBO &YrAPCHOr M HAWMX HAPOAA
Ya noMoh Upseue apMHje 6yrapcKH Hapo.ll. je
HCTjepao H3 csoje 3eMJbe !heMa'IKe sasojesal!e. BJia.ll.a
0TaJ)OHHCKOr <PpOHTa OOjaBHJia je paT XHTJiepOBCKOj
1-beMal!KOj. 5paTCKH oyrapCKH HapO.ll., nOCJIHje CKOpO
neT rO)I.HHa OKyna~Hje, O.li.Jiyqyje CaM 0 CBOjoj Cy.li.6HHH. npe.ll. uapO.li.HH CY.ll. H3Be)l.eHH cy paTHH 3JIO'IHH~H
KojH cy sa BpHjeMe oKyna~Hje CTajaJIH ua qe;xy seMJbe,
noMaraJIH HHjeM~e y 6op6H npoTHB BJiaCTHTOr Hapo)l.a
H opraHH30BaJIH 6yrapcKe oKyna~Houe Tpyne Koje cy,
saje.li.HO c HHjeM~HMa, splliHJie 3JIO.ll.je,..Ia H uacHJba y
uallioj seMJbH. Ys je.li.HOrJiaCHO O.li.06pasa!he 'IHTasor
uapo.ll.a, cy.ll. je ocy.li.HO ua cMpT TPH uaMjecHHKa 6HBllier 6yrapcKor KpaJba 5opHca, 22 MHHHCTpa H 78
nocJiaHHKa.
noraljajH y 5yrapCKOj 3Hal!e HOBY CTpaHH~Y y
passojy O.li.HOCa HalliHX .li.BHjy 6paTCKHX seMaJba. YMjecro Mp>K!he Kojy cy paCnHpHBaJIH 6HBlliH BJiaCTO.ll.pW~H, pa3BHjajy Ce O)I.HOCH npHjaTeJbCTBa H capa)l.lhe.
3a 6paTCTBO 6yrapcKor H HalliHX uapo.ll.a npe.ll.aHo ce saJia>Ky H 6yrapcKe >KeHe. lliaJbyhH )l.apose
Ha <l>pOHT, OHe He .li.HjeJie 6yrapCKe BOjHHKe 0)1. 6opa~a
Hallie BOjCKe. npHJIHKOM 60>KHHHHX npaSHHKa OHe cy
noCJiaJie ua <PpouT neT saroua )l.aposa, qapana, KO>Kyua, py6Jba HT.ll.. sa Hallie H 6yrapcKe 6op~e.
5yrapcKa Ha.li.OKHaljyje lliTeTy Kojy cy 6yrapCKH
<PaWHCTH HaHHjeJIH HalliOj 3eMJbH. ny60KO CBjeCTaH
.11.a cy uapO.li.H JyrocJiaBHje, 6opehn ce 3a CJIOOO.li.Y
csoje 3eMJbe, sojesaJIH H 3a CJio6o.ll.y 5yrapcKe H
llHTaBor 5aJIKaHa, 6yrapcKH uapo.ll. ce O.ll.y>Kyje uapo.li.HMa JyrocJiaBHje lliaJbyhH HM 6paTCKY noMoh. 5yrapCKa npHMa Ha XHJba)l.e Hallie paTHe CHpOl!a)I.H, nHpJbHB je 6Ho .li.OlleK jyroc;xoseucKe .ll.je~e y 5yrapcKoj.
Y B030BHMa, HCKHheHHM jyroc;xoseucKHM H 6yrapcKHM
3acrasaMa H 3eJieHHJIOM, Hallia cy .ll.je~a njesaJia H
KJIH~aJia seJIHKOM soljH HalliHX uapo)l.a MaplliaJiy
THTy. THM l noKJIH~HMa npH.li.PY>KHJIH cy ce XHJba.ll.e
6yrapCKHX JbY.li.H, >KeHa H .n;je~e KOjH cy HM flO CTaHH~aMa npHpeljHBaJIH cp)l.allue .li.OlleKe. CycpeTaJio ce
MJia.ll.o ngKoJbe!he <Pe.ll.epaTHBHe JyrocJiaBHje H 0Tai,I6HHCKo-<PpoHTOBCKe 5yrapcKe. 3a 6oJby 6y.ll.yhuocr
lhHXOBy, 3a 6paTCTBO H cpehy lhHXOBHlC Hapo)l.a 6ope
ce H saje.li.HO JMHPY lhHXOBH oqesH.
5yrapcKe MajKe npHMHJie cy c Jby6asJby HeKoJIHKO XHJba.n;a jyroCJioBeHcKe paTue CHpol!a.li.H. Oue he
HM 3aMjeHHTH MajKe H HaJJ;OMjeCTHTH JJ;OMOBe KOje CJ
jyroCJIOBeHCKOj )l.je~H nopylliHJIH lheMal!KH OKynaTOpH .
neJiera~Hja 6yrapCKHX >KeHa TOnJIO je fl03JJ;paBHJia MHTHHr >KeHa Cp6Hje H npeKo !hera, cee >KeHe
Jyi'oCJiaBHje Koje cy )l.aJie npHMjep KaKo ce Tpe6a
6opHTH sa CJI06o.n;y )I.OMOBHHe.
Kpo3 3aje.li.HH'IKY 6op6y H Meljyco6Hy noMoh
crsapa ce uepa3pylliHBO je.li.HHCTBO Hapo.u;a JyroCJiaBHje
H 6paTcKe 5yrapcKe.
npea OHpyH<HO HOHcpepeHUHja Atll.J-H-a HO 6HxaiiHOM OHpyry
17 JJ.eu.eMCipa 1944 r. lKeHe 6HxahKor oKpyra o,a:plK!Ine cy caojy npBy OKpylKHy KOHCpepeHU.Hjy KOjOj je npHCYCTBOBIIO BeJIHKH
opoj lKeHa. KoactJepeHu.wjy je OTBOp~IJia MyHHpa TpHOBJbiiKOBHh.
n o3,D:p8BJb8jyi1H JJ.eJieraTe H CBe npHCYTHe, OH8 je HCT8KJI8 3H8'IIIj
H8111BX .li8H8 KII,D:8 ce lKeHe, no npBH nYT y CBOM lKHBOTY, cnoCio,D:HO cacTajy H pje111auajy o caojoj cyJJ.CiHHH. Y HMe AtP>K-a XpBBTCKe, Be.a;a 3arop 3.U. ll3pyt~ana je no3tl;p11Be lKeHa XpaaTcKe H
nosua.11a lKeHe CiHxat.Jwr oKpyra Hll npaa Kosrpec A<l>>K-a XpBIITcKe. Koa<jlepeHUHjy cy nosJJ.p&BHJie H lKeHe .n,eneraTH JlHKe, KopJJ.YHII H 6&HHje.
nocnHje npO'I~ITIIHHX pe<jlepaTII, MHOre CT8pHje H ~ma~e lKe·
11e, MycnHM&HKe, CpllKHibe a XpBIITHU.e rouopHJie cy o cnoMe
p8JI.y, 6op6H H naTib8M8, 0 3JI01.JHHHM8 OKynaTopa, yCT81118 H 'leT-
PaA
H<eHa
S:HKII. npaqane cy Cll noHOCOM K8KO lliiiJbY CBOje CBHOBe y RllpOJI.HY BOJCKy, KIIKO cy nOCJI8JIC: JJ.IIpOBe 8 JjCUH, KIIKO KpHjy JI8~e
H8 YHH .a:a ce HenpHjaTeJb He MOlKe lbHMa npeao3J.tTII H nJb8'1t<8TH
cena. CeH.na Wa6aH no3HBSJYiiH npHCYTHe AP) rapHu.e .11.8 lliTO BHIlle pa.n,e 38 no6Je.D.y, ucnpH'IdJI8 je KaKo je lbeH oTau. Ci Ho npoTIIBHHK BapO.D.HO-OCJI060)l.HJI8'1KOf llOKpeTII H K8KO je OHil CIIMII
H8111JI8 CBO j nyT.
Cua cy rosopH o,a:pll3HJIH noaoc H piiJlOCT lKeHa WTO cy
JlOlKIIBjene ,D:Il y'leCTByjy y nOJI HTl1'1KOM lKHBOTY CBOf8 Hapo,a:a.
Ha Kpajy je H3a6paa oKpylKHn 0.11.6op A<l>>K-a 38 6uxatl y
KOjH je y111no npeKo 50 lKeHa. 3a npeTcje.llHHUY HJa6paaa je Ca.lleTa no3.D.epa~ .llpyrapHu.a HypHje flo3.Qepu.a, nompeTCje)lHHKII
ABHOJ-a KOjH je norHayo y neTOj aenp~o~jaTeJbCKoj o<jl&H3HBH.
jaja"''HOr
C&HjelKHH RaMeTH CiHJlH cy y OBHM KpajeB l!MII OTelKIIJlH
npaaHJIIIH cao6pahaj 11 cHa6.!1Hjeaalbe HBille aojcKe, Te cy Hapo,a:Ro-ocJio6o.llHJJII'IKH o,a:6opH noKpeHyJIH 8KUHjy 38 'IHillhelbe CHIIjera.
}i{eRe OJbeBCKe H JIHCHHCKe OlllliTHHe 38je.llHO Cll OMJIB.II.llH·
CKHM Opf8HH38U.Hj8M8 Kpesyne cy O.llMIIX ,a:o6pOBOJbHO H8 pa,a:.
THM M&jKaMa H cecTpaM/l 6opaua VII H IX EpHr8.11.e RHJe cMeTIIJia
HH XJI8JlHOha HH CJiaCia O.D.jeha.
>KeaaMa a oMJIIIAHHKaMa cena Bpl;aaa .llpyroaH cy auwe
nyTa roaopuJJH .Ill npeKHHY pa,a:, anH cy oRe Olli'OBilpaJie: .Kua
cpe3a
Mary 6opU.H Hll OO.IIOlK&jy, MOlKeMO H MH. J1 OHII HllC 'IyBajy H
Ciope ce H no aajFehoj 3HMK" .
3a cse BplljeMe ,ll.OK je cao6pa1;aj !Sao oaeMnryliea oMnaAlfHII 11 lKeRe npeH'"JCHJIH cy H8 ne~11Ma xpaay 311 sojcKy. Ka.a:a je
,a:o111no HBpe~elbe HapoJJ.HO·ocnoCi r .ll.'·•n .qKHX O.ll6opa .11.8 ce xpaaa
npe6au.a 38 JBjl.le, O.liCiopaHua A<l>>K-a cena 61 ~aHa O.liMBX ce .llll·
rna c p~1je'!HM8: ,H,a:eM .ll8 noKpeHeM Hallie lKeHe .ll8 Moje ceno
aaj6plKe H3Bpllle 3£. .11.8TaK• .llyra nosopKa npeaocHna je xpuy,
cejeao H ocTaJie noTpe6e no HeKon~KO cant xo.Qa .
HapoA TecnHiia 3a o6Hoey 3eMibe
Y TeCAahy je ornot~eJia KIIMnaH.a caKynJbalba npHJiora sa
H3rpU1bY Bllllle PIITOM nopyllleRe ,li,O~\OB~He. ViaKo cy H T'j CBH
APJiliTBeHH cnojeBH TelliKO noro~eaa <jlawHCTH'IKOM oKynauHjoM,
)lllTH npHJIOJH CBje,a:oqe All Ce HSpO!!; Be ycTelKe HH O)l KaKBHX
lKpTIBII sa caojy Hanat.eHy JeMJ&y. - Beh npaor ,a:ana KIAlll&lbe
CllKynJ&eao je y rOToay aosu.y I, 200.000 Kysa. HeKH cy rpal)a&H
ARIIa.llH HIKHT H .llYKBTe. 0RH KOjH HHCY HMIJIH XOIII.ll AIJIII cy
np~o~nore y lKHBOTHHM naMHpsau,aMa.
Hapo•n\tO (.y lKeBe Tat.nm.a
TOM npHJIHKOM OOK838Jie BllCOKY narpHOTCKY CBHjeCT. TaKO cy
.D.pyrapaue Xajpa MaxMyToaat. H Pa3a Xo3o .Qane csai<a no 50.000
.llHHapa. ,li,HpJbllB je npHMjep caMonpajeropa ,a:pyrapHue ,ll,parHae
flanuh. napTH38HCKe MlljKe, qHjH Ce CIIH CiOpH y 1 flponeTepCKOj
CipHrSAH O.ll 19-tl ro.llHBe. O.a: caoje neTopo .11.jeue osa je OJJ.aojanll H .11.3.118 npanor 0,11; 1.000 ,a,HHipa.
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EHE HAM
y ...
CA nVIBAH:lCHOr OHPYrA
CA MAPTVIH6POACHE OnWTVIHE
Hawa oonacHa H OKPY>KHa KOHQJepeHQHja nocTa·
SHJie cy ~:-~aM MHore 3a,uar1ce, 1wje CMO set. noqene
H3Bpwasant raJCMHI.telil1 ce ca >KeHaM.a 1.\BjerHHliKe onWTJtHe. ,l\oca,ua CMO n o cntrne ose peaynrare : Ha re"13] 33 HenHcMeHe ot<yn.TiteBo ie y Hawoj onwrHHH 296
meHa. Ollpmane cMo 54 KOHcpepeHL\Mie !fa KOjHMa CMO
LJJ.nane • )l{eHy .uaHacc H ,upyre Harne JIHC . o se.
0olJeJie CMO 113 pa,UHMO 11 Ha nOOOJbWSH>y XHrH·
jeHe y HaUJHM cemtMa. HapottHTO CMO n ocsenwe na>Kii>Y cy36uja!hy ntcpyca. :>KeHe cy noK33ane senHK
HHTepec 33 npe,uaBaH>a 0 33p33HHM OOJJecntMa. Y Ha•
woj onwrHHH set. je cnaJbeHo 5 KpetJaHa H OKpeLJeHo
348 Kylia.
)l{eHe senuKor OLJ11jesa ycjeKne cy 14 KOJI3 ,!lpsa
33 .cuporuH>y. )l{eHe M apntHopo,ua npeRyKne cy npeKo
YHe norpe6He oansaHe 3a rpa.nH>y n oropjen11x Kylia.
OcHM rora, Harne >KeHe ,uaposane cy sojcQH: 5 OHJba1.\a, 20 LJapwactJa, 6 MapaMHQa, 45 napH LJapana, 38
napH HapaTaKa, 13 jacryKa, 5 npwH>atca, 15 nernKHPa,
1 KOWyJby, 23 napa pyKaBI·il..\3, 4.633 Kr xpaHe, 5 JlH·
rapa SHHa 1 17 JIHtapa paKHje, 30 aapJ.tliaKa opaxa H
8.130 .ll:HHapa 33 Hawy wraMny.
Ha Haw no3~-tB Ha capa,u!hy, :lKeHe
nocnane cy HaM CJIHje,!lelie nHCMO :
nHsalbCKor
OI<pyra
»C BeJIHKHM O,!lyWeSJbelbeM n03,1J;p38Jb3MO nO•
Kperalbe Harner nHcra. MH ra HelieMo caMo 'IHTaTH
nero lieMo noMararH H !heroso H3na:lKel:be. MH iteMo
nHcaTH 0 HaWeM >KHBOTy li p3,!ly, 0 njeJIOKynHOj OOpOH.
OolJetKOM ,ueQeM6pa MH CMO O.Ap>Kane H3Wy o·
KPY>KHy KOHQJepeHQHjy Ha '-<Ojoj CMO pacnpaBJbaJie
KaKO ,IJ;S WTO SHWe fiOMOrHeMO Harne BJiaCTH H Hawy BOjCKy. 3aje,IJ;HO ca OM113,!lHHOM MH lJHCTHMO
rpa,!l, npeHoCHMO KaMetbe, nujeC3K n Kpeq aa nonpas·
KY Kyba, PHOSMO Harne ype,ue " opnHeMO ce aa paH>eHHKe. 3a OOJIHJ.fl\Y Harner O,Ape,!la He,U3BHO CMO CKy·
rntne Belie KOJJHlJHHe Macna, KajMaKa, jaja, Me,!la, Botta,
llapana, nocreJbHHe H nocyt,a. 3a nocJbe,!lfba TPH Mje·
ceQa caMo )l(eHe JIHBatbCKor cpeaa .~~:a.11e cy 1.580 paAHHx ,U8Ha.
)l{eJIHMO ,ua H3lll JIHCT nOTCT3KHf lllTO WHpe
li UJTO noneTHHie yqernite HaUIHX )KeHa y ODOj ~"DOll•
CKOj HapO,UHOj OOpOH.
Y3 ,upyrapct< n03.11P8B
31
lKtHe JIHB81bCKOr Ot<pyra
flperejuaa~a,
rHeHe MapTMH6poAa
AopHHHa"'
llpare .n.pyrapHQe,
Han33H npBH 6poj JIHCTa 6oC3HCKo-xepQerosatiKHX .>KeHa.
OcJIOOO)J.HJiaqKa oopoa H8WHX Hapo.n.a noKpeHyJia je XHJba)J.e H8WHX .>KeHa.
Cse CMO MH, y pa3HHM KpajeBHMa Harne )J.OMOBHHe y'leCTBOBaJie y OBOj CJI8BHOj 6opOH, CBe CMO MH Ha pa3HHM DOJbHMa )J.OnpHHOCHJle nooje)J.H.
Y HaweM .>KHBOTY MHoro ce Tara H3MHjeHHJIO. illHpoM KpajHHe, XepQerOBHHe
H HcrotiHe oocHe, no cenHMa H rpa,AOBHMa CBaKO.ZJ.HesHo ce paasHja HOBH .>KHBOT, o·
CJio6alja ce H rpa.AH H8W3 aeMJba. Ha tbHBH H y pa.n.HOHHL\H, y ooJIHHL\H H aM6ynaHTH,
y WKOJIH H O)J.6opy, y qeTH, - Ha !f>pOHT)' H y D03S)J.HHH Hallie .n.pyrapHQe 3KTHBHO ytieCTByjy y ,ll;pyWTBeHOM H .ZJ.p.>KaBHOM :lKHBOTy.
Hawa opraHH38l\Hja npeTcrasJba je.uaH o,u Ba)KHHX ocnoHaua HapO,Il;HO·OCJIO·
oo.n.HnatiKor noKpeT3. lla OH no6je.n.a ,IJ;Owna wro npHje, .n.a 6HCMO nocranH jow lja'IH,
Tpe6a je YtiBpCTHTH, npomHpHTH ynaCKOM HOBHX CHara, tpeoa joj /(8TH <::MjepHHQe
y pa.n.y.
lliHpoKe Mace HawHx .>KeHa .>Kene ,Aa yqe, ,ua ce npocsjehyjy. 0He rpa.>Ke
UITaMny, oHe Tp3.>Ke o.n.rosop Ha MHora nHTafba Koja HX HHTepecyjy.
OcsjeTJIHTH Hanope H pa.n. H3WHX .>KeHa, TIOBe38TH .>KeHe WHpOM oocae H
XepQerOBHHe H yno3H8TH Hx Me~yco6Ho Ha pa.n.y, H3MHjeHHTH HCKycrsa H3 pa.n.a H
opraHH33QHje, noMohn .>KeHaM3 ,ua ce nonHTHt,~KH H KynTypHo ya.n.HrHy - TO je aa.n.aTaK ,.HOBE )f(EHE".
lla 6H y roMe ycnjena, norpe6Ho je .n.a je cse .n.pyrapHue npHMe Kao csoj
JIHCT, .n.a ra yHanpeljyjy, noMa.>Ky, KpHTHKYJY· CaMo aKo WHpoKe Mace )f(eHa npy)Ke no.
Tnopy caoMe JIHCry, oH be nocrHhn csojy cspxy, OH he yHCTHHY 6HTH rnac 6ocaHCKOxepl.\erosatiKHX )f(eH3.
0HWHTe HaM 0 pa.n.y H 6op6H y B8WHM KpajeBHMa, 0 TOMe WTa pa.n.e )f(eHe
noje.n.HHHx cena H rpu.osa, cpeaosa H OKpyra, KaKBH cy peaynrarH y pa.n.y, Ha KaKse
TeUlKOHe H3HJ183HTe H KaKBH Ce npo6neMH llOCTSBJbajy y OpraHH38QHjH.
l.ilaJbHTe .n.onHce ype.n,HHlllTBY .Hose >KeHe", CaHCKH MocT.
=========================HCOPAB,KA:
20-
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Ha crp&HH 13 y 'IJJaHKY: ,l1 CaucKH MocT ompt<yje" y JlpyroM puy
Tpeti&
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fiJJH3y 200
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Periodika/časopisi
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
SP
Periodika
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Nova žena : list Antifašističkog fronta žena Bosne i Hercegovine, God. 1, br. 1
Subject
The topic of the resource
Antifašistički front žena
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Antifašistički front žena Bosne i Hercegovine
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Historijski muzej Bosne i Hercegovine
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Antifašistički front žena Bosne i Hercegovine
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Antifašistički front žena Bosne i Hercegovine
Language
A language of the resource
SH
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
01-SP
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
22 str.
AFŽ
Bosna i Hercegovina
Josip Broz Tito
Narodnooslobodilačka borba
žene borci
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/b4a20d82a653563e06def053392e58af.pdf
1c0e55a7a124b6bb4435444b0bd24a95
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1
�JEDINSTVENA NARODNA VLADA
Cit.:w,t 11asa :cmlja s rad• scu je docckala jcdtno
s-tvenu narod'nu vladu, obrazovanu u Bcogradlu 7 marta, pod prersjednistvom marsala Tita. Ta radost i:raz
je duboke vjere da ce vlada demokratske federativne
Jugoslavije, oslanjajuci se na tesko izvojevane tekovine narodno-oSJlobodilacke borbe, dlovesti zemlju do
konacne pobjede i do opsteg ;preporoda.
Stv.aranje jtedinstvene vlac;le krupna je pobjeda
demokratskih snaga nad svjetskom i domacom reakcijom u njenom •
pokusaju da nas razjedfini i na taj
nacin omete brzi zavrseta.k. nase borbe.
Pored toga, nova vlada u medunarodnim odnosima moCi ce punopravno da pretstavlja interese naroda J ugoslavije, da punopravno doprinosi obezbjedenju mira u svijetu i da ubrza pomoc Saveznika,
koja j'e tohko potrebna nasoj iscrpljenoj zemlji.
Sastavljena od clanova Naci<onalnog komiteta,
clanova bivse vlade dra .Subasica i pretstavnika drugih politickih grupa, nova vlada ima siroku mogucn?st dJa okupi sve narodne ·nage na izgradnji boljeg
z1vota.
I po Deklaraciji, koju je objavila, vlada je ,pokaz.aJ.a da je njen program u punom skladu s narodnim teinjama, da je c:Lubo.ko shvatila stva rnost
kao i sve zadatke kojle ta stvarnost namece.
Deklaracija prije svega istice konacno ciscenje
otad~bine od okupatora i domaCih izdajnika.
Medu svojim prvim zadacima ona takode postavlja prisaje.d~njenje nacionalnih teritorija koje su
od prvog svjetS'kog rata ostale izvan nasih gran~ca.
Ravnopravnost medu narodima naglasena je 11
Dek1araciji kao »kamen te.melj~c srecnije buducnosti,
blagostanja i mira za sve njih.« Ona 6~ jos jace ucvrstiti nase u borbi iskovano bratstv• i svima omoguo
Citi slobodan i nesmetan razvitak.
o
Demok.ratska prava, . izvojevana t• kom narodnooslobodilacke borbe, na kojima se temelji nasa na-
•
rodna vlt1st, bicc , prcma dcklctraciji, Ctt \ ,u1.t 1 )111> '+
rena sto jc mogucc vi ~ e. M.cdu tim pravima ;pudrazumijevaju se i prava zena kao punopravnih grac1ana,
priznata odlukama II Zasjed 1
anja AVNOJ -a.
Zene su odavno ista.kle da su odluke AVNOJ-a
za njih najvece prizn_anje. Zato ce ie ne svim svojim
si lama i svim poletom novooslobodenog covjeka pomoCi vladi u sprovodenju njenog demokratskog programa.
Jugoslovensk.im ze nama priznato je pravo glasa
1
k.oje je jos uvijek uskraceno mnogim ienama svijet.l.
Svojim zrtvama i naporima u d'ivovskoj narodnoj
borbi mi smo postigle da mozemo ravnopravno s naJm drugovima odluCivati o sudbini svoje otadibine,
glasati na izborima i ucestvovati u narodnoj vlasti.
ocijalne mjere koje vlada namjerava preduzeti
bice, kako se u Deklaraciji istice, u prvom redu posvece ne siroki m radnim masa ma koje su najvise zrtvovale u borbi za slobodu.
Kao najhitniji zadatak vlad'a postavlja obnovu
nase razorene i opusto·ene zemlje. u tome ce je, kao
i do ada, pomagati Citav naro.d\ Mi zene, koje smo
glavna snaga pozadine, mozemo na tome poslu ogromno doprinijeti i zato cemo ga pnihvatiti sa istim
onim poletom koji nas je nosio k.roz sve vatre nase
borbe, sa onim istim junastvom koje je nagradeno
najveeim priznanjem naseg voljenog Narodnog heraja pretsjednika nase naro dne vlade marsala
Tita.
Narodi Bosne i Hercegovine , koji su tako tesko
osjetili zloCinacki fasizam i koji u borbi za slobodu
nisu prezali ni odl kakvih zrtava, spremni su da i
dalje, u bratskoj saradnji sa narodima ostalih federalnih jedinica, daju sve od sebe kako bi jedinstvena
vlada sto prije ostvarila svoj program. Oni su to pokazali i svojom radoscu i povjerenjem k.ojim sn po::dravili n·ovu narodnu vlad'u.
IZ DEKLARACIJE
-.Jedinstvene narodne vlade demokratske federativne -.Jugoslavije
DemokratSika prava koja su izvojevale nase
narodne rnaiS• u toku narodno-oslobodHackog rata, a
e
koja se u ;prvom redu izraiavaju u strukturi narodne
vlasti, moraju biti ocuvana i prosirena u.koliko je to
najvise moguce u danasnjim ratnim prilikama. To naroCito vaii za gradanske slobode, kao sto su: licna
sloboda, sloboda vjeroispovjes.ti, sloboda govora,
stampe i udruiivanja.
Vlad.ra ce obratiti potrebnu painju na pitanje strogog kainjavanja ratnih zloCinaca, agenata okupatora
i narodnih iz.dajnika, kaJko krivci, ukaljani krvlju naroda, ne bi izbjegli zasluienu kaznu. To od nas traze
stotine hilj~<Lda nevinih irtava. Vlada smatra da rukovodeti. princip pri izvrsavanju te zadace mora biti pravednost i teinja za o'uvanje mira i poretka u zemlji
od protivdemo.kratskih elemenata. Rudovodeci se tim
principima i smatrajuci da sarno ielja ::a osvetom ne
mo.ie biti pravi put ka obezbjedenju unutrasnjeg poretka i konstruktivne izgradnje, vlada ce svim zavedenim dati mogucnost da svoje greske u proslosti
isprave pravilnim radom.
... Vlada smatra za potrebno da naroeito istakne
Cinjenicu da su naiteie irtve u krvi i materijalnim dobrima za oslobodenje zemlje podnijeli i jos podnose upravo najsiri narodni slojevi, tj. na5e radne
mase. Zato je sa podizanjem nase privredne snage u
cilju konacne pobjede nad ne,prijateljem nerazdvojno
vezan i :adatak hitnog poboljsanja ishrane i snabdijevanja, kao i cjelokupnog ekonomskog i socijalnog
poloiaja svih slojeva, a u prvom redlu u onim krajevima gdje je privreda najvise razorena, upravo u krajevima koji su za oslobodenje zemlje dali najvece irtve
u krvi. Vlada ce u najkrace moguce vrijeme pristupiti rje.Savanju takvih pitanja ik ao sto su - ll pogledu
seljastva - agrarna reforma i kolonizacija, kako bi
siromasni slojevi seljastva dobili na uzivanje zemlju
sa potrebnim inventarom; u pogledu seljastva i zanatlija: rje.Savanje problema dugova; u pogledu radnika i inteligencije: rje.Savanje. pitanja ne,posrednog poboljsanja ekonomskog polozaja, stvaranj~ nslova socijalnog i kulturnog podizanja, socijalnog osiguranj-1
itd. Vlada ce posebnu painju posvetiti irtvama rata:
ratnoj sirocadi, porodicama zarobljenika, invalidima,
porodicama boraca i ratnim za t'obljenicimi\.
�:JCrvatice !l3osne i :JCercegovine
Ali, uopce uzevsi, bosansko-hercegovacke HrvaProljetno sunce obasjava nasu domovinu. Ov-oga
proljeca nasa srca obuzima d1osada nepoznata radost: tice politioki jos dosta zaostaju. Ishna, u bivS.oj J ugo- mi znamo da usk,oro ulazimo u novi, ljepsi - slo- slaviji, na zbowve HSS-a, stranke u koj.oj je bi:la
bodan .Zi.vot. Duga i krvava borba nasih naroda za ve6ina hrvatskog naroda, dlolazile su i iene, no to se,
slobodu, za iivot dostojan covjeka, primice se kraju. uglavnom, svodilo sa:m.o na maruofestacije. Inace poliSvi oni k.oji su u toj borbi sudjelovali vedro i pono- tick:om odgoju nasih iena nije se poklanjala nikakva
sno ocekuju nove dane.
painja. One nisu imale pravo glasa, te ;prema tome
U narodno-os1obodilackom ratu zene su dozi- za tadasnje politicare nisu imale n<i znacaj glasa:ca.
vjele dubok preobrazaj. Ocelicene u te5koj i nerav- Kulturni rad Seljacke sloge bio je og.ranicen samo na
noj borbi s neprijateljerp, u o,pasnom i napornom neke krajeve Bosne, aJi opet s manjim uspjehom meau
ienama. J edino je izvjestan broj iena naucio citati i
radu u pozad• - seljanke, radnice, intelektualke ini
postale su ·svjesne svog udjela Ll drzavnom zivotu. u pisati na analfabet~kim tecajevima.
svetoj domovinskoj borbi one su ponijele jednak teBosansko-hercegovacke Srpkinje i muslimanike za
ret sa muskarcima. Zene-partizanke postale su uzor vrijenie bivse Jugoslavije nisu nista bolje s.tajale od
svima ostalim zenama koje nisu imale prilike i mo- Hrvatica. Ali, na.rocito su se srpske iene, kroz nagucnosti da dosada aktivno ucestvuju u nasem po- rodno-oslobodilacku borbu, u mnoglim krajevima i
kretu.
politicki i kulturno siJno uzdigle. Pros.log ljeta b~o
Pred narodima Bosne i Hercegovine stoje danas sam u Livanjsk-om Polju. Poslije zbora dla.le su srpske
veliki i teski zadaci. Neprijatelj se jos nalazi u nasoj omladinke uspielu pri:t;edbu. Stari hrvatslki seljai ,
k
zemlji i u posljednim trzajim.a jos uvijek kid:a zivo bivsi pretsjednik opCinske organizacije HSS-a, koji j1
e
meso s naseg narodnog tijela. P-otrebno je uprijeti kraj mene sjedio, primijetio je: »Prije su se Hrvati
sve snage da ga cim prije istjeramo iz zemlje, i isto livanjskog kotara smatrali mnogo kulturnijim od srpbko prionuti na rad oko njene obnove. •
skih seljaka istog kraja . .Aoli jasno je d'a su il1aS srpska
Bosnu i Hercegovinu podjednako vole i Srbi, i sela kroz oslobodilaaku borbu dale'ko pretekla.«
Hrvati i muslimani. Ona je zalivena njihovom zajedKod nas , osobito na iene, svecenici imaiu veliki
nick.i prolivenom krvliu. T e~;ka ie bila nasa proslost. u;pliv. On se osjetio i tokom ovoga rata. Otvoreno
Kroz vjekove svi nasi neprija~elji, da bi lakse ostva- nepri iateljski stav znatnog d'ijela bosansko-hercegorili svoje osvajacke teinje, nastojali su da nas sto vise vackih svecenika prema ·narodnoi borbi - jedlan je
meausobno zavade. Na toj osnovi fasisti su p01kusali od razloga da su mnogi Hrvati i Hrvatice ostali ,i zvan
da powuno porobe nasu zemlju. Ali njeni najbolii oslobodilackog pokreta. Meautim, svecenici su hrli
sinovi i kceri nasli su sv-oj pravi put kroz nesalomljivo najpozvaniji da u ovim sudbonosnim danima stanu
oruzano bratstv.o. Da bismo u novoj driavi sacuvali ''Z svoj narcd i. da osvjedocenom istinom razbiiu laii
tesko izvojevanu slobodlu i uspjesno ispunjavali ::a- kojima neprijateli prilaz~ neukom naro&u, tvrdeCi da
datke koji ce joj obezbijediti napredak, moramo, smo rni protiv vjere i crkve. Koliko je bliie sveceprije svega, produbljivati to nase krvlju posveceno nickom pozivu proooviiedati narodu bratstvo i ljubav
brats.tvo.
- mjesto mrinje i velicanja 1
krvnika i izdajica hrvatskog
U toku naro.dno-oslobodilacke borbe, zene, po naroda.
prvi ;put u povijesti, ulaze u nas politicki Z.ivot potHrvatske iene moraju shvatiti da se kroz narodnopuna ravnopravne a muskarcima. Ucesce iena u tom oslobodilaOku borbu i~)punjavaju vjekovne teinje hrzivotu bice jedan od odlucujuCih faktora :a nasu bu- vatskog naroda. Ula:eCi u novu d'riavnu zajednicu juducnost.
goslovenskih n:ucd<t, i hrvats;\i narod ostvarice sve
Mnoge Hrvatice Bosne i Hercegovine jos nisu 0110 zasto Sll ll njegovoj sJavnoj prosJosti davali
svjesne duinosti k,oje Jana.s od1 njih traie zemlja i na- zivote najbolji hrvatski rodoljubi. Danasnja federalna
rod. Ali to nije problem sam :a sebe. Treba uociti Hrvats.ka i federalna Bosna ·i Hercegovina, zasnovane
cjelokupan poloiaj i drianje jeclnog dijela hrvats.kog na demokratskim temeljima, znace ispunjenje ielja
mtrod.a u Bosni i 1Iercegovini koji, u ovom vremenu Matije Gupca, neumrlog v-ade ;pobunienih hrvatskih
u:asnog neprijateljskog divljanja, tesko pronalaz1 svoj seljaka, koji su se digli protiv nenarodne gospode put.
za ostvarenje osi'lovnih prava n:aroda, za stare pravice;
Prosle godine, u rano proljece, prola:io sam :naCi ispnuienje programa brace S,tjepana i Antuna
ho:. hrvatska scb Po ~avine sa XVIII hrvat kom R<tdica, .k oji su, osnovavsi HSS, aktivizirali hrvatske
Istocno-bosanskom brigadom. Zene i djeYojke nasmi- seliake u voaenju narodne politike. U teskim danima
jano SU S•retaJe nase borce i srdacno ra:govara!e S nji- za vrijeme Austrije i bivse Jugoslaviie, hrvatske iene,
ma. Kro: sestrinsku su~retljivost i t:larovc, kro:. slobo- iako nisu imale pra vo glasa, svojim rod'oljubivim
darske pjesme boraca, koie su one odnnh prihvatile, drianjem davale su poddku hrvatskim borcim.a da
zracila je ljubav posavskih Hrviltica :a borbeno Ora- istraju u upornoj borbi za narodna prava. Dana .
sie, Hu in, Lepenicu i druga hrvatska sela tu:lan_ke kada je narod, taj dosada »veliki slijepac«, konacno
okolice, koja su narodno; borbi dala tolik.o junaka. orogledao, moraju i iene odlucno i bez. straha da stanu
S dru:;e strane, po tim selima i. ostalim krajevima na tranu pravd'e, postenja i boljeg iivota domO'\-ine.
Poslije toliko gorkih i~kustava, jasno je da je
Bosne i Hercegovine imao sam prilike da vidim s koliko poleta nase hrvatske :ene poma:u narodno- t. ::v. N czaYiEna dr:ava H rvatska naka::na tvore,;na
oslobodi!a()ku borbu, razvijajuCi se istovr~mc:no i kul- jedne bande ::locinaca, radi koje su mnogi Hrva
turno i politicki.
i:.gubili :ivote :a intere e fa'i::ma, boreCi e pro··
�rodmog naroda. Nijedna n{ajka i .iena koje su fZgubile sina, muia ili brata ne mogu a da ne zamrze, ne
samo fasistiake porobljivace, nego i sve one domace
i;:dtajnike koji su krivi z.a smrt njihovih najbliiih.
Srpsik.a zena, cije je neizmjerne patnje ovjekovjecio veliki hrvatski pjesnik Vladimir Nazor u svojoj
pjesmi »Majka pravoslavna«, pruza mku hrvatskoj i
muslimansk,oj zeni i zeli da zajednick·i lijece rane koje
im je nanio zajedn:icki neprijiCltelj. I rodoljubive svjene Hrvatice glcdaju u srpsbm i musliman~.kim zenama svoje sestre. To sestrinstvo, posveceno nevinom
krvlju bezbrojnih zrtava, sve bosansko-hercegovacik.e
zenc moraju cuvati kao svetinju.
U nasoj narodnoj armiji dana.s se ::ajedno bore
sino vi sviju nasih nC\Jroda. T 0 VCZ1.tje mnog~ hrvatske
zene uz narodni pokret. .Hrvaticama Bosne i Hercegovine nek.a budu ,primjer - zene HrvatSike, Dalmacijc, Istre, Slavonije i Like, koje su uzele sirokog
ucesca u NO pokretu i zajedno sa svojim sinovima i
bracom pronijele slavu Titovih boraca.
Antifasi s·ticki front zena, kao clio opsteg NO
fronta, treba dl okupi sve zene, jer samo zajedtnicbm
a
naporima rijeS.ice se sva nasa zivotna pitania. od ko jih je sada najvaznije oslobodenje i obnova domovinc .
Nijedna Hrvatica koja vo.li svoiu domovinu ne SD11JC
izostati od toga plemenitog posla. Buducnost hrvatskog naroda traii od njih da odbace sve sto ih je u
proslosti sapinjalo i da podu svijetlim stazama NO
pokreta.
Bogomir Bratkovic
•
Proljetna sjetva J8 otpoCela
Ulazimo u peto ratno proljece. Ali to ratno pro·liecc razlikuje se od sviju dosad1anjih, - ovo je proJj~ce pred konacnom pobjedom.
Nasa vojska vodi sa neprijateljem ogorcene bojeve. Hercegovina je sloboc!lna, ali u Bosni jos bjesne
borbe. U nasoj dlomovini jos se nalazi neprijatelj i sve
nase. snage danas su usmjerene da se pomogne frontu
i da se ubrza konacno osiobodenje. »Sve za front jeste i ostaje nasa osnovn.a lozinka«, kaze se u Deklaraciji nase jedinstvene narodne vlade. A prvi i najvainiji zadatak pozadine u ovim dlanima odlucnih i
pobjedonosnih bitaka, bitak.a t oje se biju i u pozak
dini, jest - snabdjeti vojsku hranom, snabdjeti je
hJjebom. Bosna je zemlja koju je neprijatelj najvise
o;pustosio. T rebace mnogo napora da se on a izgradi
i obnovi. Ali od mnogobrojnih zadataka koji nas ce.kaju ovoga proljeca, prvi i najvazniji zadatak jest
pravodobno i u po~punosti izorati i zasijati svu obra. divu zemlju. Moramo biti svjesni da je uspjesna sjetva je.dan od preduslova nasih uspjeha na frontu, da
je ona ujedno preduslov uspjesnog podizanja i obnove
nase pozadine.
I ovu sjetvu, kao i sve prosle, mi cemo izvesti
svoiim vlastitim s1nagama. Mi znamo da su poteskoce
velike; mi znamo i koje na!S poteskoce cekaju. Mi nemamo dovoljno sjemena, nemamo d'ovoljno sto,ke, jer
ju je otjerao neprijatelj; nase su alatk.e rasklimane iii
pokvarene, a plugovi unisteni. Nasa radna snaga je
smanjlna, jer su muzevi i braca na frontu, a u pozadini ostale su Z.ene i omladinke, starci i djeca. Ali zar
mi necemo i ovaj zadatak ispuniti kao i sve ostale?
Zar ce nas potes.koce moci sprijeCiti da izvrsimo takve
zadatke koji su preduslov brze i konacne pobjede,
koji su preduslov brzog ostvarenja naseg konacnog
cilja? N ema te iene ili tog muS.karca koii u ovim dl a
nima, u ovim sudbonosnim casovima, ne bi napregnuo
sve svoje snage da se ovaj zadatak i::vrsi.
Mi smo orali i sijali i proslog proljeca. Uslovi
rada bili su tada ta.kode tesk.i . Neprijateli je u nasoj
zemlji driao znatno veci clio teritorije. Veze izmedu
pojedlinih oblasti i okruga bile su oteiane. N eprijatelj
je cesto napadao i ikidao ih. Uzajamna pomoc jedne
oblasti drugoj, jedlnog okruga drugom u sjemenju i
zapreznoj stoci izgledala je cesto nemoguca. Pe~ ipak
su se karavani iz Koz.are probijali kroz neprijateljskc
polozaje i mimo neprijateljskih zasjeda, kroz vatru
mitraljeza, da donesu Drvaru sjeme za sjetvu. Sa
ncvskog sreza prebacivala se zaprezna stoka i stotine plugova u dubicki srez, a iz petrovackog sreza u
;k.liucki. Bilo je mnogo takvih karavana . Visoka
sv.ijest pozadine u tim tes.kim danima najjasn.ije je
dokazala da nema zapreka koje se ne bi mogle svladati. Prosloga proljeca, uprko svim teskocama, mi
smo vehki clio zemlje zasijali.
I ovoga proljeca pred nama je isti zadatak. Plan
o tome kako eemo najbolje i najpotpunije obraditi
zemlju stvorile su nase narodne vlasti. Taj se plan vee
izvodi. Obradivanje napustene zemlje, koje samo u
Krajini imade na ~to tine hilja d'a dunuma, nesumnjivo
ee ::adati mnogo pote ·koea. Predvic1eno je da se poiedini kompleks• napustene zemlje, kao narodna doi
bra, abrade Z<<jednickim snagama u korist vojske 1
narodnc-odobodilac. ~ih fondova . Osim toga razna
napustena imanja bice dlodijeljena na jednogodisnju
obradu porodicama nasih boraca, inva·lidima i zrtvama fasistickog terora. Ukoliko oni ne mogu sami
zemlju da abrade, pomaie im se radnom snagom, stokom ili sjemenom. Ada se docie do sjemenja, ~ tvaraju
se sjetveni fon.dovi u kojima ee se skupljati sjeme do
biveno otkupom, zamj1
enom iii na dobrovoljnoj bazi.
I:: tih fondova dijelice se pomoe u jemenju onima koji
ga nemaiu. ili ga nemaju u dovoljnoi kolicini . Pored
toga, opstine. srezovi i okru::i vrse vee ::amjene u sjemenju, a u zapreznoj stoci i radnoj snazi pomoCi ce
opstina opstini.
Da bi se ,sjetva uspjesno i pravodobno izvrsila,
formirane su kod narodno-oslobodr lackih odbora sjei
tvene k.omisije koje treba da izvrse mobili::aciju ::apezne stoke i radne snage, te da vode brigu o jetvenim fondlovima.
Nasa narodna vlast - jer joj interesi fronta i pozadine Ieie na srcu - ulaze sve svoje snage da proljetna sjetva uspije. U tom nastojanju narod joj daje
punu podrsku, pc5to je svjestan kakve bi posljedice ::a
�njega imala neuspjela sjetva. A1i jos nesto. Mi smo
S• kroz OVe cetiri godine prekaJili ll borbi, mi irnamo
e
golemo iskystvo u svladavanju poteskoca i potrebnu
spr_etnost u snalazenju. Zene Koza, e grade ne samo
r
kuce i mostove - sto niikad prije nisu radi·le - nega
grade i drve-ne plugove, jer plugova nemaju, a oni
u sada najvazniji. Nekada su muzevi i biiaca ddali
ruCice pluga i gonnli volove, a danas ce rucice pluga
uhvatiti zena, a volove ;potjerati dj1
ecak od 10-12 godina. Narod vodi brigu i o tome da se zasije sto veca
povrsina zemlje. Na Lijevcu Polju radne cete i brigade oru zemlju nocu na dlomak neprijatelju. U Radicu
i Suvaji, pod zastitom nasih mitraljeza, oru zene i
omladina. Zemlju obraduju ne samo seljaci nego i
gradani. Nijedan pe.cLaJj1 zemlje ne smije ostati nezasijan - 1oz• nka je koja se izvr5ava.
i
Snaga nase pozadine utoliko je veca sto ne radimo pojedinacno, oSIYaki za sebe. Ne oslanja se vise
svako samo na S¥oju snagu, nego smo ;povezani, radimo zajednicki, radimo organizovano li planski. I
.kao sto je ove zime omladina Kozare pomagala u . Grmecu pri ,sjeci d!rva, a zene Grmeca zenama Drvara
dale jaja za nasad, tako cemo i kod ove proljetne sjetve jedni pomoCi drugima. Zene prijedorskog sreza
reikle su na svojoj okrmnoj konferenciji: >) U zoracemo najprije zemlju nasim drugaricama sa novskog
i dubiCkog sreza, jer je tamo neprijatelj vise ·opustosio
i popalio, a poslije toga svoju.« Banjalocki okrug sakupio je tri vagona kukuruza za potrebe Drvara, a Centralna Bo·Sina poslala j·e travnickom okrugu tri vagona
krompira.
,
T a nasa solidarnost, to samoprijegorno i nesebicno pomaganje jednih drugima uslov j.e nasih U5-
pjeha i to nas je u toku ovoga rata vee bezbroj pufa
osposohilo da izvedemo ono sto je izgledalo neizvodivo. T a, nasa uzajamnost cini nas cvrsCim i odlucnijim. Ona nam daje poleta, a skora pobjeda potstice nas da sve ;poslove oko sjetve radimo udarnicki.
Udarnicki popravljamo pLug.ove, udarnicki oremo zemlju, udamicki je ::asij,avamo. Natjece e selo sa selom, opstina s opstinom, jedna ceta s dlrugom.
A mi, zene, glavna smo snaga pozadine. Sjetvu
treba ,da shvatimo kao sv.oj posao, uspje.h u 1
S1jetvi i
nas je uspjeh. Mi treba da pomognemo narodno-oslobodilacke odbore i sjetvene komisije u njihovu radu,
mi same treba da aktivno ucestvujemo kod izvrsavanja tih zadataka, mi treba da ih potsticemo na pravilno i pravodlobno obavljanj·e svih poslova oko sjetve, mi treba da ih upozoravamo na uoinjene propuste.
Uspjeh nase ovogodisnje sj1
etve znacice uhrzanje
svrsetka rata. On ce znaciti i ud'arac po svim nasim
neprijateljima, koji - jer n.isu mogli vojnick1 da nas
slome - hoce dla ostlabe nase snage u pozadini i da
ometu nas rad na izgradnji. Ali mi to necemo dozvoliti. Cvrsti i zbijeni su nasi redovi. Zene i ornladinh
nosile su nekada ranjenike na svojim ledima umorne
do klonuca, kad ISlU avioni sijali smrt i kad nam je
neprijatelj bio za ;petama. Danas mi oremo svoju zemlju, a neprijatelj se gusi u vlastitoj krw, gonjen onamo odakle je dlosao. To udvostnucuje nase snage.
Ovogodisnja sjetva bice nas pri1og porazu neprijatelja. Plodove koje cemo pobirati uZ.ivacemo u slobodi. Ulozimo zato sve svoje snage i sve svoje znanje
da i ova bitlka bude dobivena.
Dr Ana Kulenovic
V13 rosopa .npyra T:Je.ne
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11
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jaHyapa .no 21 cpe6pyapa H3pa,n;l1,11e cy 140 jopraHa. A
3a ocaM .LI.aHa meHe Ty3JJe 3aM11jec11Jie cy peaaHal(a 113
:lfJO Kr 6parnua 11 3.000 jaja.
�!l3osna i :JCercegovina
nece ostati neptsmena
•
Dugo jc robovala nasa izmucena zernlja. A za.S ta znace 6ve Cinjenice? Ko je poveo na tecaj
jedno sa ropstvom narode Bosne i Hercegovine pratila nepismene Srpk•
inje, muslima111ke i Hrvatice da zae
je kroz. vjekove zaosta·Lost u svakom pogledu. Na- jedno uce Citati i pisati? Ko j1 pobudio zene Sanice,
Budiml• c-Japre, Janja, Han Bile, Duvna da id'u u
i
rodne teznje za napretkom ugusivane su nasiljem.
skolu? Nas napredni pokret dao je simkim narodnim
Za sva opljackana dlobra narod je dobivao mrvice.
masama ono sto nikada nisu imale - slobodu i deJedva bi se otvori•la po koj•a skola za nekoliko sela mokratska prava. On okuplja sve ljude podjednako i
jednoga kra•a. Tako rijetke, skole nisu mogle primiti
j
vojim ve1i.kim pobjedama napaja ih zeljom za :SJtalni polovinu .djece. Os,im toga one su bile daleke i tude &
nim napretkorn i znanjem. T e zelje izrastajtu u zelje
narodu, ;posto njihov rad nije bio odmjeravan stvar- za stvaranjem i stvaralackim izrazajern. One dolaze do
nim potrebama sirokih narodnih masa. I ono malo izraza preko bezbroj ornladinskih horova, diletantskih
citaonica i prosvjetnih ustanova sbo ih je bilo stajale
grupa, ,kulturnih ekipa gradova i sda. Domovi kultusu puste i mrtve. A cifre • nepismenosti omladin~. re, gdje se da:ju prosvjetne priredbe, postali su svaO
zena i ljudi ras.le su iz dana u dan.
kodnevna potreba najS.irih narodnih slojeva. ·
T ako je okupacija zatekla narodle Bosne i HerceBrobudena siVijest rasplamsala se u zeljama da se
govine u velik·oj zaostalosti.
sto prije napise ono sto i• punjava srce. Da proCita pas
Planule su ,~Jaomne bosanske kuCice, nestajala rolu koju nosi na mitingu i zbo.ru, da nauoi omiljenu
citava sela u plarnenu zajed1no sa s.eoskim skolama.
pjesmu o Crvenoj armiji .i nasoj v.ojsci, da napise ime
Sa snagom ustanka narodne mase ponio j1 kul- VToljeoog komandanfa Tita, da boloje zapamti radioe
turni polet. Do juce uglavnom izmireni sa svojom zao- vijesti, da kaze na zboru ono sto zeli, da prati osude
staloscu, kroz borbu za slobodu, stariji i mJadi, ljudi narodnim izdajicama, da napise borcu ptismo - eto,
zene i djeca zazeljeli su da nauce oitati i pis• ti. Olovka to potsofice nase omlad.ince, zene, odbornike, bo.rce a
i papir postala je sastavni clio ratne spreme nasih bo- .da uce, da se neprekidno kulhuno razvijaju. Takve
raca. Take, zajedno sa bujicom narodnog pokreta, ljude ceka domovina cLa uloze sve svoje snage u njenu
stalno raste odusev.ljenj.e z.a napretkom. Djevojka obnovu i izgradnju.
plete carape, .p jeva pjesmu o borbi i napreze se d l
Veloike su misli koje zagrijavaju probudena rodoizveze slova na peS.kiru, rupcu i carapama. Cobance, ljubiva srca nase zernlje. One cijelom narodu svijetle
cuvaju6i stoku, urezuje prva slova na preslici i cutu- primjerom u borbi porotiv opste kuJtume zaostalosti
rici i trazi od svakog !;>orca 1
koga sretne olovku i pa- - j1
ednom od najvaznijih zadataka nase nove driavne
pir da uCi pisati. Omladinke i zene cuvaju u njedrima 1zgradnje.
omiljenu ,p jesmaricu iE pricu iz bo.rbe.
Mila Bafalica
Pismenost postaje obaveza na frontu i u pozadini. N epismena bolnicavka, pisu6i prva slova, uzvikuje: »Mislila sam da je mnogo teie, da nikad necu
nauciti ... « Zena iz Podgrmeca uci se pisati na tablici s.voga sina i cesto .se cuje i od starica toga kraja :
>>Grehota je danas nepismen OS'tati«.
Prema podacima iz 1931 godine pismenost u Bosni
Taj polet za prosvjeCivanj1 ponio je cijeli naem
1 Hercegovitti obiljeze.na je ovtm stanjem: u Bosni ima 31
rod, a najvise omlad•inu i skolsku djecu. I ona najma posto pismenih, ili 69 posto nepismenih. Hercegovina ima
nja zele da sto prije nauce p.isati, pa ne izostaju od
34 posto pismenih, ili 66 posto nepismenih. Nepismeno t je
skole ni dana. N ase skolske uCionice prepune u
.1esrazmjerno veca kod zenskog svijeta. U Bosni ima 39
djece. »Drugarice, ja cu ovdje uz prozor, samo da sluposto pismenih mu ~ karaca, a u Hercegovini 55 po to; dok
sam« - rekla je jedna mala Kozarcanka, kada je uCije pismenost zena u Bo ni i u Hercegovini svega 15 .ad ·sto.
teljica napomenula da djeca nedorasla do S:kole ne
Za godinu dana orgCllnizovanog prosvjetnog rada u
mogu dolaziti, jer nema dovoljno klupa. U glamockim
Bosanskoj Krajini otvorene su 133 skole ' sa 203 odjeljenja,
selima svaki pismen ornladinac vodi tecaj u selu. Odbornice uce po dvije tri nepismene drugarice pisrne- na kojima radi 267 uCitelja. U Slko~u idu odraslija djeca ukupno 12.806 djece. Za odrasle nepismene postoje 514 tenostoi, takmice6i .se rnedu sobom.
cajeva koje pohada 16.918 lica, vecinom omladine i zena.
Nasa su sela pl'obudena i svako traZi skolu i uCi- u pozadini naucilo je Oi1ati i pisaii 12.500 odraslih u toku
telja. Narodne vlasti razvijaju siroku inicijativu i poborbe.
mazu narodu, koji sam pronalaZJi gradu i stare eksere
U cazinskoj Krajini radi 27 skola; 10 vise, nego
za popravak skolskih zgradla i za potrebni skolski namjestaj. SreS!ki narodno-oslobodilaeki odbori nastoje prije rata. Dok su prije rata isla u skolu samo dva do tri
da ;podignu sto vise novih Skola, naroCito u krajevima zenska djeteta, danas skolu pohada 556 djevojCica i 1.387
gdje ih ranije nije nikada bilo. Svakoj opstini potreb- djecaika. U okolici jajca, u janju i Pljevi, gdje je pismen
fovjek bio rijetko -t, sada svako selo ima analfabet ki teeaj.
ne Sll barem dvije do tri sJoole.
Nekoliko podataka
7
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meHaMa
nonlt1Tlt1L~KV1
)f{eJie Harne 3eMJbe y oae 4eTH.pH ro,n;HHe npernJie
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�!Pedesetpef vjeSala na ~arin-dvoru
Svi nasi grad·o vi oslobodeni od okupatora imaju vladu obezumljenih ustaskih krvoloka i bezdusnili
nesto zajednicko 'lt .StVOm spoljnjem izgledu. N eki Hitle11ovilh komandanata. Ona je hila zavjet rodoljubiod njjh poruseni su manje, neki vise, ali' svi podjed- vog sarajevskog gradansd:va da ce se bol'iti protiv fanako pokazuju tra·gove vlasti koja je svakim postup- sizma i ·svih reakcionamih klika do njihovog konackom, svakom preduzetom mjerom odavala karakter nog unistenja.
surovosti i prolaznosti. Nasi gradov-i pod <Okupatorom
Za Citavo vrijeme narod.no oslobodilackog rata na5e
prestajali su da .Zive, jer j·e u njima, mjesto domacina, su zene ucestvovale u borbi protiv fasizma. One su
gaz.dJovao bahati osNajac k<Oji, uprkos deklaracija o se za njiU zalozi~e neocekivanim samoprijegorom i
»novom poretku«, uprkos nastojanja da' bar na izgled izdriljivoscu. Dale su najvise sto su mogle - IS. ojlu
v
sredi prilike, nije mogao drukcije djelovati nego kao djecu. P.okazale su najplemenitije herojstvo- herojstvo
rusilac. Okovana cizma fasizma pre5la je preko nase majki. Zato Sle nasim zenama fasizam svirepo svetio,
=emlje i ostavila svoj razorni, ali privremeni trag.
Svaki nas grad imao je SVt jle zrtve, svaki je imao zato je i·s ao za tim da nas sto bolnije ujede za srca,
O
svoga Luburica ih T O ja, svaki je, okovan i krvareci, da ih pogaz·i, da ih slomi. Ali tS,e i neprijatelj bezbroj
'l
ostao nepokoren, cloocekujuCi slobodu 1 o plod irtava puta uvjerio da i ona koj1a je smrcu ugusio, nije sloka,
koje je za nju dao.
•mio. Mi ne mozemo zaboraviti da su ta mrtva nepoTo smo vidjeli i ovdje, u Sarajevu, dtragom glav- lkorena srca uzidana u sveti temelj nase slobode. O na
nom grad'u nase federalne Bosne i Hercegovine. Pred ce svjetliti primjerom hiljadama zena u borbi za bolji
samu slobodu jednoga jutra zanjihalo se na vjesalima
pedesetpet nevinih zrtava, na kojima su fasisticki zivot.
Blizu su dani ;potpune sJobode. Da ti dani sto
dzelatt iskalili s:voj bijes zbog izgubljene bitke. Objesi• su pedesetpet !judi i zena jedino zato sto su prije dodu, treba uloziti sve napore, treba se boriti
li
• sve dotle d'ok se ne unisti fasizam u citavom svijetu,
volili otadzbinu, sto su mrzih 11opstvo.
Pored hiljada irtava namucenog Sarajeva i cijele kao uzrocnik rat·ova i nosioc ropstva i mraka. Mi
nase zemlje, neprijatelje optuzuje jos pedesetpet cemo se uvijek ljecati prolivene krvi nasih boraca i
vjle5ala. Optuzuju skrsene mlados,ti gimnazistkinja Sa- irtava, vjesala na Terazijama, Marin-dvoru i mnogim
estima. Mi ne mozemo zaboraviti beskrajne
ma,rd.zic Ives i Olge Radulaski, optuzuje objesena nasim mj1
majka troje djece, radnica Stefanija Cerkez i starica oatnie nasih naroda koje je podnio od fasistickih ZJUA nda Budan, kojoj je jedini sin ;poginuo u narodnoj lumcara i njihovih slugu. Mi ne mozemo oprostiti suze
majki koje oplakuju izgubljenu djecu. Sa tim zivim
vojsci, kao i sve ostale irtve.
Sahrana objesenih bila je ne samo potresna pocas.t rana.rna u · srcu mi cemo se ,s,vim snagama d~ kraja
pahm zdvama, vee ·i mocna d!emonstracijla slobodar- boriti da jednom zauvijek ne.Sitane u svijetu ti·r ana
Sikog g.rada Sarajeva, kojil je cetiri godine trpio straho- i dzelata.
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9
�3stra i 0/ovenatko primorje bice nase
y
U casu, kada je za na su bracu u Istri i Slovenackom Primorju poslij1 I imperijalistickog rata 1914e
1918 iskrsla nadia da ce se zauvij.ek rijesiti mukotrnog
austrijskog ropstva i da ce se s1
jediniti sa svojom bracom u J ugoslaviji, velikosrpska izdajnicka klika izruCila ih je Rapa• skim i Rimsk• m ugovorom na milost
l
i
i nemilos• ta.J.ijanskim zavojevacima. Pod kundacima
t
fasistickih karabinjera i milicionera Hrvati i Slovenci
u Istri, Slovenackom Primorju, Julijskoj Krajini, Gorici, Trstu i Rijeci - pola miliona nase drage brace
- trebalo je da zaboravi svoj materinji jezik, da popljuje ,svoju narodnost i svojc ·obicaje, da se pokori
tali janskoj • mperi j1
i
alistiCikoj sili.
-
u
nasoj stampi vee se mnogo govorilo 0 divljastvima, poCinjenim nadl nasim stanovnistvom u tim
krajevi~a. Ali nikada nije dosta receno. Rapalskim
ugov-orom zajamcena je nacionalna individualnost
Hrvatima i Slovencima, koji su dosli pod s•
uverenitd
tahjanske drzave, ali ni.kada, nijednoga dana, nijed··
nog casa nijedno od garantovanih prava nije bilo ll
praksi primjenjivano. Umjesto toga talijanski reziin
od prvog casa ulaie sve sv·oje srnage da slavensko
stanovnistvo potalijanCi. Odlmah je poce1o zatvaranje
hrvatskih i ~lovenackih sk.ola, a nasa djeca morala su
ici u talijanske. Od 537 hrvatskih i s• ovenackih skola
!
l:l_godini 1914. nema ise nijedne skole u godini 1922.
Zabranjuju se novine i casopisi, pale se >)Hrvatski
domovi«, izbacuj1 se hrvatski i sl.ovenac.ki jezik iz
e
svih ustanova, Hrvatima i Slovencima naturaju talijansk.'l. imerra, omladinu salju prisilno u fasisticke
organizacije, a slovenske seljake ~reseljavaju dubljc
u Ital•iju. Svaki otpor gusi se u krvi. Tamnice su pune
roddjuba. Njih muce i ubijaju, tjeraju u koncentraci·one logore, salju ih da robijaju na zloglasne Liparske otoke, ubijaju ih.
Kad: je izbio rat koji j e prijetio unistenjem svih
Slavena, kad je pregazena Cehoslovacka i Poljska, kad
51\.1 svapski j talijanski okupatori pcdijelili Jugoslaviju,
kad je napadnut bratski Sovjetski Savez, narodi ] ugoslavije digli su se u ·o branu svoje zemlje. Nasa
braca u Istri i Slovenackom Primorju snasli su S'e Ll
novoj situaciji ne5to tcie nego njihova braca u domovin-i. US'lijed 25-godisnjeg fasistickog terora, u casu
opceg ustanka u ] ugoslaviji, u tim kraje' ima niJe bilo
razvijenih politickih snaga. Najbolji 1 najborbeniji
sinovi morali su pred fasistickim terorom emigrirati
da se te.k 1942 vrate i da d~gnu ustanak. Postepeno s ~
razvi)ao partiz.anski ,pokret u lstri i Slov..:nai:k<Jm Primor~u. Stvarane su prve partizanske grupe, narodnooslobodilacki odbori, vrsene prve sabotaze. diverzije
i napadi. A kad je u S'e ptembru 1943 g. kapitulirala
10
Italija, Istru i Slovenacko Primorje zapljusnuo je val
ustanka. N arod osvaja fasisticke garnizone, oslobada
gradove, dok se cr.nokosuljasi guse u vlastitoj krvi.
Nal'Od Istre i SiovenaC.kog Primorja ~odllucuje da se
pri~.ajedini svojoj braci u Slo· eniji, odnosno Hrvatv
skoj, a domovina s odusevljenjem , pozdravlja tu ·o dluku svojih napacenih sinova. Fasisti bjesne. Nijemci
koncentrisu nekolik6 divizija u Istri, i u oktobru iste
go dine zapocin je velika ofanziva. Mlade ,j neiskusne
partizanske jedinice , ovlace .se na teren Jugoslav~je,
p
ali u narodu i dalje tinja iskra ustanka, da se razgori
opet na proljece 1944. Jos jednu ofanzivu - sa svim
5trahotama - spremio je oikupator u aprilu 1944,
ali je narod neunistiv. Stvaraju se bnigade, divizije,
korpusi. Biraju se narodno-os,l obodilacki odibori; danas ih samo u Istri ima preko 500 sa Oblasnim odborom na celu. Preko 50.000 zena i omladine organizo•vano je u antifastisickim organizacijama. Istra je dohila preko 100 osnovnih skola u kojima daci uce na
materinjem jeziku. Istra se je zatalasala. Ona je osjehla slobodu i nitko je vise nece vratiti u mrak i
ropstvo.
N arod Istre i Slovenack.og Primmja rekao je jasno svoju rijec. Namd, :koji je god·inama stenjao pod
jarmom Austrije, koji je nesretnih godina 1918, 1920
bio prodan 1
kao roblje Italiji, taj narod, sada, u
sveo,pcoj borbi protiv fasizma ne dozvoljava vise nikome da ~e igra njegovom sudbinom. »Tude necemo,
a svoje nedamoc< - te odlucne rijeci T-itove ispunile
su radoscu srca nase brace u Istri i S1ovenack:om
Primorju.
Logicno je i moglo se ocekivati, da ce se protiv
pokreta nase brace podiCi reakcioneri svib boja u
Italiji i . inostrans't vu. N eprijatelji s-lobode malih naroda nasli . su se svi na okupu dla sprijece ·ostvarenje
zelja naseg naroda. Najubjedljiviji razlog za prisajedinjenje Istre i Slovenackog Primorja federativnoj Jugc!laviji jest da se sam hrvatski i. slovenacki narod
tih k.rajeYa .kro:: ustanak opredijelio za sjedinjenje.
Svi narodi Jugoslavije bdiju nad slobodlom- svoj1
e
brace u Istri i Slovenackom Primorju. Krimska konferencija jos je jednom potvrdila princip samoopred1
jeljenja naroda. Sva demokratska javnost Italije pri::naje pravo nasem stanovnistvu u Istri i Slovenac.kom
Primorju da ~e slobodlno opred1jeli, a i veliki broj
talijanskog stanovnistva u tim tkrajevima vee se je
izjasnio za prisajedinjenje Titovoj Jugoslaviji. Samo u
sklopu demokratske federativne Jugoslavije, gdje je
svim narodima i man}inama osiguran put slobodnog
razvitka, moci ce se nasa braca, a i talijansko stanovnistvo u:: njih, osjecati sloboclni i sretni.
A. K.
�Velika man ifestacija antifasistki nja
Hercegovine
U slobodnom Mostaru zene Hercegovine oddale
22 aprila otpoceo je radni die konferencije. Cesto
su 21 i 22 o. mj. svoju Prvu oblasnu 1
konferenciju. Na prekidana dugim odobravanjem i poklicima, drugatoj velikoj manife.s•
taciji slobodoljubivih Hercegov.ki rica Danica Kurtovi.c procitala je svoj referat o izb.Jo je pris-utno oko 800 delegata iz svih srezova i gradnji fecberalne Bosne i Hercegovine kroz Narodnoopstina. Po :prvi put taka siroko okupljene herceg·o - oslobodilacki front. Priie dis.kusije po referatu govovacke Srpkinje, muslimanke, Hrvatice - mC~Jjke, zene rila je drugarica Kata Pejnovic.
i sestre nasih junaka, zene borci fronta i pozadine u vdo Zivoj i plodlnoj diskusiji, u kojoj je ucesvojom radoscu u jedinstvu i slobodi, ·siVoj• m poletnim ! tvovao veliki broj, zena, narocito je s radoscu i cesto
i
govorima i parolama mocno su potvrdile odanost s d ivnim primjerima istaknuto bratstvo i jedinstvo
Hercegovki narodno-oslobodilackom pokretu.
nasih naroda, iskovano kroz zajednicke patnje i dugu,
Svecani clio lkonferencije otpoceo je 21 aprila. tesku borbu.
Posto j.e otvorila .konferenciju, drugarica Danica KurStara fabricka radnica Bosa Bilan.ovic odala je
i·ovic dala je njec popu Novaku Mastilovicu koji je to,;::,lo priznanje poirtvovnom radlu muslimanki grada
pozdravio prisutne ispred Zemalj1
sokog antifasistickog l\1o t: tara za vrijeme okupa cije. Pwfesor Anka Nazecic
vijeca narod:nog oslobodenja Bosne i Hercegovine. U ;- ~akla je . :macajnu ulogu zena intelektualki u proime boraca organizacijama AF2-a izrazio je zahvalnost !:vjetnom uzdizanju naseg naroda tokom oslobodilackc
i ,priznanje ka.petan Milan Milicevic. Ispred NOF-a borbe. Druga rica Mara D akic borac - invalid iz T rekonferenciju je pozdravio drug Radovan Papic, se- binja govorila je o radu iena na izgradnji i obnovi
kretar lzvdnog odbora NOF-fl, a ispred omladine nas e zem{ e, kao i drugarice Zlata Sa:lahovic i::. Modrug V •
lado Ivkovic. Pored toga konferenciju su po- stc ra i Hrvati cc Ol ga Jakic iz Ljuh1 ~1kog i Matija
::dravile druga:rica Olga Mara:sovic. zatim Dievahidla P c lja k i:: Sirokog Brijega.
Midiic ispred sarajevsk·i h zena i drugarica MujbegoFoslijc d :s.kusije i::abran je siri Oblasni odbor
vic isprec:IJ iena Istocne Bosne. Docnije su stigle i drugarice delegati iz Dalmacije i pretsjednica Centralnog Hcrcegovki na celu sa I::vrsnim odborom , u koji su
usle drugarice: pret~·jednica Olga Starovic, potpretodbora AFZ-a Kata Pejnov·ic.
sje c1
nica Samija Kurt, s ekretarica Danica Kurtovic i
U oh·iru :S• ecanog dijda konferencije proCitane
v
clanice J ela M-ilojevic, Bisera Puzic , Mirjana Ratkosu i upucene pozdravne dlepese A VNOJ -u, marsalu
v ic itd .
Titu i ZA VNOBIH-u.
Na kraiu je i:vrsena podjela darova Oblasnog
Istog dana poslije podne otvorena je izl.ozba•
odbora AFZ-a netjboljem s- ezu i nil!jbolj1
r
em gradu
;tampe, slika iz bo.rbe, rucnih radova i darova zena
i:: raznih Hezova, namjenjenih borcima i ruJkovodi - H ercegovine. Bdecki srez i grad Mostar dobili su
ocima. Sa izloibe zene su zajed'nic.ki otisle u bolnicu lijepo izradenu petokraku zvijezdu sa ~Ekom marsala
i .c!arova• ranjenike hranom i rubljem. U 6 sati na T ita u sredini i sa posvetom Oblasnog odbora AFZ-a.
le
Pune poleta za dalji rad, razisle su st: zene HercP.trgu Musala ,priredeno je narodno veselje, a navece
je Obla:!r a pozorisna grupa, u saradnji sa mjes nim g o vine sa ove znacajne konferencije , ikoja je siroko
n
cdboroni AFZ-a, dala za zene lijepu i uspjelu pri- ocrtala napore nasih zen a i nove smjernice u doprinosu za ~ recniju buducn ost o tadzb:ne.
redbu.
ANTIFASISTKIN~E BOS. KRA~INE
POZDRAVL~A~U ZENE ~UNACKOG MOSTARA
Povodom oslobodenja M os.tara, Oblasni od bo r A ntifasistiakog fronta zena za Bos. Krajmu uputio
Je slijedeCi telegram zenama junack og Mostara:
Drage drugarice ,
I:: Bos. Kraj-ine , sa rad a i iz borb e, koji ~ u zajed ni cki svim a nasim zenama , po zd ravl jam o tmtmg
ru;n]e n't \ po gomne' oo roe 1 pa tnJI, vt ste aoceJ<ale aan Konacne sloboae. lYlt se pn dntZUJem
vasoj radosti. Znamo da ce va s miting donijeti ploda, d a ce on biti borbeni poziv svima zenama 1\lo tara i
Hercegovine u borbi za konacno os\obo d en je ci je1e nase zem\je, na radu ::.a njenu obnovu.
Nasa K·rajina se oslobada. Neprijatelj n as n ije mogao slomiti . Danas smo jaCi nego ikada i, udffiZuju6i snage svih Srpkinja, muslimanki i Hr vatica sa citavim narodom , oslobadamo i gradimo nasu napa ~enu Krajinu.
OBLASNI ODBOR AF2-A ZA BOS. KRA]I T"
11
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WI1Ha CaHHTeTOKe CJiyM6e. AJII1 CBH cy je KO,ll, HaC ITOJby611Jia« ... Map11ja ra 1ITOJby611 y yCHe KOje cy ce
3BaJII1 caMo - Map11ja. A 3BaJII1 CMO je Tai<o, 3aTo seh xJiall,rHJie. 4yje: Hewro waiTyhe, xohe HewTo .11.a
WTO · je 611Jia npeMa HaMa yMHJbaTa, 6p!1n<.lbHBa, cy- Ka)!{e. 0Ha r.1y rrpHHece yxo .11.0 caMHX ycaHa . . »Pep:11cpeTJbi1Ba 11 CB11M3 je TOITJIO np11Jia311JI3 H 3a CBaKora Te -rnamao je MJia.n,a MopHap- ApyroBHMa )!,a Me Hr
e
je 11MaJia JII1jeiTy p11jet.I. HeK11 ITYT ITOCJII1je ,n:yror 3a6opase« ... 11 TaKO, ITPI1tJaJia HaM je Map11ja, KaKo
Mapwa 11JII1 ITOCJII1je 6oja, Ka\[i,a cy 11 jat.IH OA !-be CITa- joj ITOCT3He 1eWKO, CTpaWHO Ka)l. Ce CjeTH T~ra xepoj,n:aJIH C HOry, Ka,n:a 611, CBaKaKO Tpe6aJIO ,n:a ~ce O)l.Ma- CKOr rropytJHI1Ka 11 1-berOBHX ITOCJbe.ll,l-bHX p11je'lJI1.
pa, OHa je CTaJIJ-frO 6HJia Ha HOraMa. 11 TaKO H,lle O)l.
3aBHXBOCT je ITohyrao, TewKo y3,n:axHyo 11 ITposaTpe .n:o sa1 pe, o.n: 3eMyHI11..1,e .u.o 3eMyHHI..I,e, pa3ro- AYJKsHO:
sapa C 6paTOM - BOjH11KOM rl1 CBe je 3aHHMa, )l.O CBera
- 113 0Aece oHa je OTITYTOBaJia nocJbe)l.l-bi1M najoj je CTaJIO.
.
po6po.II.OM, OH.:r,a Ka,n:a cy Ha 1-b 611Jia yHeweHa ITOCJbe,n:Yl)e JII1 y 3eMyHI11..J,y, y li>Oj Kao ,n:a o,n:Max ITO1-ba HOrCHJia. 113 CesacroiTOJba cy je, y 3a,n:.i>H tJac ~o,n:
l
craHe CBjeTJIHje. Je,n:HOMe npH}je, YIT11Ta: IT11We JIH
MOpH111..J,OM 0)l.BeJII1, jep je CTaJIHO ca611paJia, pa!-beHI1MeHa; ,n:pyroMe ITOMOrHe ,n:a HariTHWe ITI1CMO Kyfi11, a
f<:e. 3aTI1M je ,n:ocrrjeJia y Hawy je.U.11HI1UY 11 c HaMa je
CBe je TO KO,ll, !-be 6HJIO HeKaKO BpJIO cp,n:at.IHO; TpefienpowJia o,n: Kepqa ,n:o caMI1X ITa.D.I1Ha Kapnara. CaMo
MY ITpl1lllHje ,n:yrMe Ha Wl11-beJI. 6110 je KO)l. Hac' je,n:aH
ce ,n:BaiTyT o,n: Hac o,n:soj11Jia, Ka,n: je 611Jia pa!-baBaHa,
KaO I..J,HraHHH, HHKaKO ,n:a ce o6p11je, a OHa 1-beMy ITOna 11 Ta,n:a HaM je 113 6oJIHI11..J,e ,n:oJia311Jia. M11 cMo ce
KJIOHI1 - opHjalm rJ-fO.lK!Hh ...
611J111 TOJIHKO np!1BI1KJIH Ha Hawy Map11jy ,n:a ce TO
lliTO ce Tl14e r-beHe pe,li,OBHe CJiy)!{6e KOja 3HalJI1 He ;\IO)!{e H11 . 11CKa3aTH. 611BaJIO je T3KO- 6oj, rpOXOT,
l
jow . y TOKY 6op6e yKa3aTI1 · p31-be:IfHI..I,HMa ITPBY no- CBa Ce 3eMJba ITpOITHI-be, apTHJbep11ja Jiyn<H, CBI1 ce
Moh 11 l13HI1jeTI1 HX 113 BaTpe - Ka3ahy BaM jOW H ITpHJby6Jbyjy .ll.HY poBa, a OHa 11CKatJe, ITa ITO 3eMJbH,
OBO: 3a OBe Tp11 H ITO fO,ll11He para J3H,ll,HO caM MHO- Kao ryw1 epHua. He .nocrrjesaw HH ,n:a ce orJie,n:aw
ro 6oJIHHIIapKH, aJII1 TaKse Kao WTO je MapHja- HH- OKO ce6e, a OHa sell rry)!{e c pal-beHHKOM ...
caM BH,ll.110. Oa Ma CBa 3eMJba yHaOKOJIO ropjeJia, OHa
3aBHXBOCT je 3afiyrao, na OH,n:a THXO rrpo,n:ymHO.
he yJieTjeTI1 y 'BaTpy, ITpeBHTH pa!-beHHKa 11 H3HHjeTI1
- PaTOBaJIH CMO, .eTO, 6aw y. OB11M 11CTHM i\ljeCTH113 aarpe. TaKo je 113HI1jeJia a11we. o.n: CTOTI1HY Jb)')l.l1,
~Ia, a 6ojesu cy 611J111 seJII1KI1, ynopH11. Je,n:Ho rreT ITyra
na 11 caMora MeHe.
rora ,:xaHa npe.1a311JIII 010 y Ha·rra.n H rret ITyra ce spaCjehaM ce, ITpo,n:y.tKHO je 3aBHXBOCT, ham - raKBa je 6HJia sarpa. HHjeMI..J,I1 cy, Mon<e ce
Ka,n: CaM ITO TpehH ITYT 6110 pa!-beH H I<a)l. CaM lJeKaO
..'!,a ~Je o,n:Hecy y ITpesHjaJIHWTe, paHa Me je raKo ITeKJia pehu, csaKy 1paBLIIII..1,)' raljaJII1, a ITpocrop 6pHcaH, Ha
,n:a Mli je ,ll,OJla311.7IO ,n:a rJiaCHO. 3ajayKHe~l. Jle)!{HM II neT Bpna HH 6y6y ,n:a BHA11W. VI yiTpaso Ka,n: cy HHUIKPHITI1M 3y611Ma, a Map11ja Ml1 npnl)e 11 petJe: :.Ka)!{l1, ie~11..J,H O.l6H.111 Haw ITeTH Hana,n:, je11,aH Haw MJia..'l,l1 Kono6oey, Kao .n.a TH je JiaKwe, jeJI ,n:e?« A ja 1-hY OH.n,a aai<, eTO Taj Ty MOMLII1Ha, ..'I,Orye HujeMU!l~ta Ha HI1WaH
Ha Ca~tOj HeyTpaJIHOj JIHH11jl1. Jle>KaO je HJHLJI11..J,e 11, Ka)l.
ITI1TaM -o.:r,aKJie je OHa, 113 Kojer je, 6uaa, Mjecra, .n.a
6n apTHJbepHja YMYKJia, t.IyJio ce KaKo jelJH. 113HeHa.na,
Hl1je Moci<OBJbaHKa? »He, - o.n:roaopH, - .ia caM 113
O,n:ece. Ka.u. crroMeHy po.n,HH rpa)(, caa ce 3apyMeHH Map11ja CKoqa npeKo rpy,n:o6paHa 11 OTITy3a. CaM joj
I<ao ,n:jeBOJlJHI..I,a. H JIOlJC.1Ia Ha\t je rrpiFiaTI1 ,n:a joj je KOMaH,n:Hp 6aTaJbOHa BHKHy: »Harpar!«, a OHa Befi .ll,O
OTai..J, 6110 HJII1 6paaap UJlll TOKap, ~1<.1, je,n:HOCTaBHO pa!-beHHKa ,n:ony3aJia, aeh je csa 3ay3era 1-hHMe.
- Beh caM ce c 611jeJIHM cs11jeroM onparnTao MeTaJiai..J,, .na je IKHBjeJia .n:o 16 ro,n:Ima n cpe,nl-by WKO.l!Y CBpW11JI3 6e3 HapOtJI1THX JJ:O)KHB ~aja 11 ,n:a je XT je- re1-wp11heM je omoqeo l..l,paoMal-bacrH Ko3aK, ITopyMeJI3 .u.a yq11 3a arpoHoMa, H 10 BOhapcKy rpaHy. He- HIIBWH 1\aO .II.jeBOjKa ,ll,O ryC1HX I<aO yrJbeHOM Hal..l,pTa!IITO cy joj ce sohli>a.QH spJio CBHijaJIH. O.nje,n:HoM »lfX o6psa. - Ko .n:a Tlf nolrorHe, J<a.n: ce yHaOK0.10
paT, PyM)'Hlt cy yrpo311JUI O.n.ecy, a oHa, I<ao A06po- cBa aeM J oa eKcn.'I03Hje rrponeJJa. YI Haje.n;aHnyT \fyba
12
�je~I, HeKo Ha .\IC!lll KOWYJby pa3;I.epa, OCJI060,ll.11 paHy.
l I o~IHC .J:li1X -
6yHu.a:vt. OrBOpHx 0411- Map11ja. »bo,111 .7!11? CTpm1 ce, crprn1, .ll.PYll1KaHe, o.n,Max hy npHBHTI1 611he 6oJbe.« 0cTa.BI1 TH MOOe peKox
orny)KI'I Harpar, 3a Me je CBeje,ll.HO, aKO CB]JWHM,
caMo .n;a ce 1'11 cnacew. A OHa 11 .n,aJbe npeBHja 11
r Ji aB0~1 Mawe: Hl1je OH J
IO HapaBHO .'mjeno on MeHe -WTO CaM joj TO peKaO, yBpHje)l.JlO C3M je. A OHA3 MH
BI1KIHY: »YXBaTH Me OKO •
Bpara !« ,UHr Jia Me je H ITO·
I-mjeJia. H11je HanpaBI1JI8J HH ner KopaKa, ocjeTHX -cje,ll.e, 3aTHM ce crrycTHJia 11 'iaKo Me je na)!{Jb11BO Ha
3 e~1JbY noJIO)KHJia. Bl1.ll.HM: KPB joj ce npeKo 6Jty3e
jJa.IJIHjeBa . npo6J
II1je).!.l1 K30 J<pna 11 npowanTa:
»YM11peM, .ll.PYWKaHe, 36oroM.
AKo ocraHew )!{11B,
peu11 .rrpyroBHMa y nyKy .rra Me He aa6opa-se«. CasHJ
ia
ce Kao 6pe3HU.a 11 yrHxJia .
Ko3aK O,ll.je,ll.HOM cKO'-!M 11 33•
KpeHyBW11 ce CTt1.!1:,Tbi1BO O.ll. CBHjy, npenyCTI1 JIIHJ,e JbYTO~I JJe)leHOM
BjeTpy.
- 'M H CMO 113 poBa BI1.'I,jeJm KaKo je 1-beMal.JKfl
na·c CHajnep Hawv Map11jy 3ai<Jiao nope.ll. pa.I-be-
Dar bugojanskih zena
borcima Ill Ukrajinskog
fronta
Velika je ljubav nasih nawda prema bratskoj Crvenoj
anniji. 0 tome go, ore mnoge illarodne pjesme, to se tokom
v
borbe prot• zajedni okog neprijatelja ~spoljilo u bezbroj
i:v
vi:dova.
1
Kada su trupe marsala Tolbuhina sa nasom vojskom
oslobodi, e Beograd, antifasistk1n1e Bugojna poeele su da
J
spremaju poklooe borcima I.II UkraJjinskog fronta. Za dva
mjeseca one su zlatom na crvenoj osno~ izvezle divnu veHku zasrtavu sa posvetom ~pod zvijezde, srpa i cekica:
»]UNACKIM BORCIMA III UKRAJINSKOO FRONTAOSLOBODIOCIMA BEOORADA
-
AF:Z ZA
ORAD
BUOOJNO«, Pored toga izradile su vi'Se raznih narodnih
vezova, maramica, pe5kira i t. d.
Na svecanoj alkademiji, prili'kom proslave 27-godisnjice
Crvene armije, ze.ne Bugojna predale su zastavu i ostale
paklone potptukovniku Orlovu, clanu Sovjetske vojne misije pri stabu V Korpusa. Zastavu su razvile tri drugarice,
Srpkinja, Hrvatica i muslimaruka sa rijecima : Predajemo
vam, gospodine potptLkovnice, ove na5e skromne darove,
da ih urucite junaCkim borcima Ill Ukrajinskog fronta. Mi
ne mozemo rijeCima izraziti kofika je nasa ljuhav prema
Crvenoarmejcima, Djelic te ljubavi mi "mo mkale u ove da(rove i oni neka im kaiu da ih volimo i.sto kao i nase rodene borce «.
Potpukovni:k Orlov, osjetno dimut tcm l]ubavlju. zahvalio se toplim rijeeima ienama Bugojna u ime boraca
III Ukraji:nskog fronta. Nje~o\·e HJeci izHI\'ale s•1 odusev!jeno klicanje prisutnog naroda Crvenoj armiji, marsalu
Staljinu, na&oj vojsci i marsalu Titu.
HHKa, - )J{)']JHO je np11XBaTHO 3aBI1XBOCT, - H K3KO
je TO C3MO ,ll.jeJIOB3JIO! be3 KOMaH,ll.e 6opl(li HCK04Hill e
Ha rpy,ll.o6paH . »3a MapHjy!« - BHKH)'O je HeKo . »3 a
Map11jy!« npl1xBaTHWe C-BH 11 rrojyp11we npeKo
ITOJba, npeKO MHHa, Kp03 )J{Hl(y. 3a TI1JII1 '-laC Befi CMO
HO)J{eBI1Ma' o6paqyHasaJI.a c OH,l iM y rrp B11M poiBOBaMa,
a 3a HaMa cy jyp11JII1 ocTaJIH. O.ll. ra,ll.a, l.JHM DH.ll.H.M
)J{HBa H11jeMu.a, CBe MY! ce l.JHHH TO je OHaj ll!TO
je 3aKJiao Hawy Map11jy. Yl Ma KOJII1KO Hx y6njao,
HeMaM MHpa: MO/K.ll.a je oHaj nac- CH3jrrep jow )!{1113.
noHOBO C3~1 BH)IHO K3KO )!.BHje KpynHe tiHCTe cy3e Ki i113HyWe HH3 H36p33)!.3HO JIHU.e C1 apor BOjHHKa.
Ha nyry 3a cj)pOHT, Ko.rr MaJior rrOJbCKOr MjecraHu.a ,UoM6poBa BeJIKH, rroKa3aJII1 cy Ml1 xyMKy,
OBjeH'-!3HY 3JiaTHOM 3BHje3)l.OM, On3C3HY Orpa.zt.HU.OM.
Ha 1-bOj m1we: »CTapjewHHa caHHTercKe cJiy)K6e Mapt1ja illeB'-!.VK«. Ylcrro,ll. OBaJIHOr craKJia rJie,ll.a JIHjeno,
1-he)!{HO ll.jeBojaYKO JII1L(e, ca Bl1jopHHM yBojt(I1'\I3 HC!10.ll. wy6ap11u.e, )!{I1BHX, yMHJb3TI1X otmjy ...
npeBeJia c pyci<Or
P. X.
Cnaca MY je ,n o Hasana"
nyT
Y npoJbefie 1943 r. CKO]JO 411TaBa noc3BHHa 6HJia
j~ ocJio6ol)eHa.
)f{eHe H3 ceJI3 5yKBI1Ka ca nymfM Top63'Ma KpeHyJie cy ,n:a Tpa)J{e M3JeBI14KY 6p11r3.rry 11 y 1-hOj cBoje
CHHOBe.
5para.rr.a ce H3Jia311Jia y rp34aHI1l(H. Ty 5yKBH 4aHKe npB11 nyT BHLI:jewe 3apo6JbeHe HHjeMu.e 11 cpeJI.ll.)!{aH,n:ape KOje cy Hallll1 OO]JU.H 3ap06HJIH y rpa4a HI1l(l1 . .J\1HOf0 cy j3,ll.3 l1 HeBOJb3 WBa6e HaHHjeJie noCaBHHI1 11 mrroMOM 5yKBI1Ky. A ca,ll.a oHe BllfAe mojHM
0411Ma KaKO l-bl1XOBI1 CI1HOBI1 pywe Ty 1-beMal.Jl{y cp3W11CTI14!K• OHJI)'.
Y
Bp3hajyh11 ce Kyh11, Ha nyry 33 illnHOHHL\y, cperowe H11jeMu.a KOjl1 je ycn11o .ll.a no6jeme 113 rpa4aHI1Il,e.
- r,ll.je IT)'T 33 np4KO, K3'KO ja ,ll.OfiH y np4KO, r111rao HX je HaTyl(ajyht1 cpnCKI1.
CnaceHI1j3 B3c11h, npeTcje;xH11U.3 O nwTHHCKOr
OLI:6opa A<t>>K-3, Koja je jow o.u 1941 r. K]JHJia Harne
6opu.e 11 rrOM3raJia noKper, noBeJia je WBa6y ,ll.a My
»nOKa)J{e« nyr 33 bp4KO.
Wsa6o ce nyreM 6 oj3o CBaKor 1,16yHa, 3a3Hpao
o.rr. cBaKor wyMa, no c1 o nyTa nHTao ,ll.a HeM a Her.:rje
Ha nyry naprH33Ha.
npe.rr. Be'-!e HCTOr J;aHa yrra,ll.e y KOM3H.ll.Y MjecTa
y 5yKBHKy rpyna )!{eHa ca npa3H11M rop63Ma o pa.teay, BeCeJia 11 H3CMI1jaHa JII1l(a.
EBO ,n:pyrOB-11, CHHOBHMa CMO )!.a HaC 11Cnpa3HH i!e
TOp6e, a HH B3Ma HHCMO ,ll.OWJie rrpa3HifX pyKy, .10BI1KY je CrraceHHja, rypajyhH WB36y Hanp11je.1.
Ka.ll. je wBa6o Bl1.ll.HO neroKpaKe Ha xarra~ta, npe6JII1je,ll.HO je H IT04eO ,ll.a Ba)!.H nl1ll!TO,'b.
I-beroB 6Jiecas11 norJie.ll. n3o je Ha Cnacy - napTH3aHcKy MajKy. 0H Cl1f)']JHO HI! Ta.la HHje CXB3TIIO
tmjy je 3eMJbY XTHO nOKO]JHTfl.
(¥13
:.>KeHe xpo3 6op6y«)
Beca
13
�:Prvi antijaSisfitki miting zen a
v
3stocne !l3osne
Pnlikom proslave 8 marta, medunarodnog borbenog pTaznika zena, oddan je u T uzli prvi ant·ifasistiC.ki miting zena Istocne Hosne. »Zena kroz
borbu«, list AFZ-a Istocne Bo~:.ne, o toj velikoj manifestaciji, pored ostalog, pise:
... Po prvi put ~.u se sastale iz svih krajeva Istocne
Bosne, od R<Omanije do Po~avine - Srpkinje, musliman.ke i Hrvatice. Okupile su ·i h zajednicke patnje
i narpori za .preko tri i po godine, okupila ih je
zelja ,da se nadu sve zajedno da slobodne iskazu
~,yoju radost ·to njihovi na,pori, nj·: hova zelja da
~e sjedine nisu bih uzaludni.
Sve one na svojim ispacenim licima nose duboke
tragove prezivjelih patnji. To su zene koje su ne''ebicno ispracale svoje sinove i .kceTi u oslobodtilacku
bcrbu i .kroz duge godine krvarile zajedno sa
svojom djecom, svojim muzevima i bracom, zajedno
sa svojom Bosnom- sto je plamtila u oslobodilac1kom
u. tanku - spremne da priteknu, d1a pomognu svuda
gdje je trebalo pritec·i u pomoc.
.. . Transparenti, koje zene s ponosom visoko nose, govcre o njihcvom radu, o njihovim naporima
koje daju rad·ec.i za Narodno-oslobodilacki front, o
spremnosti da • 1 za•
£e
loze jos v·se. »Zivio jedinstveni
Narodno-oslobo d'ilacki frQnt«! Mi smo dale 6440 radnih dana!« »Dale smo 5730 radnih dana za na.Su vojsku!« »Za nase bolnice 7570 radnih dana!« »Dajmo
jos krvi za junacku krv naS.ih ranjenika!« »Nasim
ranjenicima potrebna je njega, podimo u bolnicarke!«
»Hocemo da budemo sve pismene !« »Nijedan ,1·omad
nase ;:emlje nece o::rtati nezasi jan!«
Prolaze junacke Bircanke , zene sa Romanije,
Majevicanke, zene Trebave i Posavine, sto su prez·ivjele sve strahote, sva zvjerstva krvavog fasizma ,
Sto SU O.•jetilc SVU podJost izdaje domaCih izroda.
>>Dolje cetnici, izdajnici i krvnici svoga naroda•!«
''Osveticemo krv svoje djece !(<
Pored Srpkinja sa Romanije, idu Hrvatice iz
Husina
slobodoljubive borbene Husinjanke.
»Mi smo £• Titom, mi smo u-: Tita!« govore njihovi
a
transparenti.
Za njima Antifasisr:ck i front iena T uzle i Kreke,
front majki, sestara i zena hiljada boraca oslobodilackog pokreta sto ih ~ ~ d·1la T uzla. To je borbeni
front rada, obnove, front rad:Oickih zena, rudni.ka,
radiona. »Sve za front - sve za pobjedu !«
Oslobodene zenc O::rena , Puracica ·i Gracanice,
Srpkinje, mu-''l imanke, do juce pod kamom cetni.ka,
pod kundakom zelenokadrovaca, pod . no::em ustasa.
Zene iz. Poiarnice , C:dica , Lopara idu zajeclno,
srecne.
u povorci su prolazile starice sa stapom u ruci ,
zene sa malom djccom u naramku. Cetiri 2·ana su
pjC'Sac.le u ~laboj obuci po snijegu, pn blatu i po ::imi
2a dodu u Tuzlu, d a pro~.Iave ovaj eli ·i dan.
Ponos i poboinost s koiim 1 nose svoje parole i
transparente, svaki njihov pokrct, SYaki .korak. govori
k.ako ~e duboko i ozbiljno prozivliuje ovaj dan - dan
velike • .motre njihov-:h napora i ::alaganja, dan velikog
£
obccanja voljenom d'rugu Titu, svome narodu, ienama
1'4
citavog svijeta da ce istrajati do konacne pobjede.
»2i¥io dlrug Tito !« »lzgradujemo nasu dem01kratsku
federativnu Jugoslaviju«!
M·iting se produzio u Omladinskom domu. Po~lije referata o razvoju ,politicki.h dogadaja, o ucdcu
zena u narodno-o£•
lobodilac.koj borbi i zad'a cima Anti·
fasistic.k.og fronta zena , otpocela je diskusija.
Frva je uzela rijec Azem.a P·iric, muslimanka iz
Tuzle.
- Srecnija sam nego ikada, danas, kada. viclim
da smo ova.k o okupljene, sve z.ajedno, i Srpkinje, i
Hrvatice, i muslimanke. Ovakav £kup ljepsi je od
ikakve kite c¥ijeca, ovo nase jedinstvo najveca je
ljepota i svetinja nasa ...
Na mitingu je doslo d! punog izraza jedinstvo
o
iena lstocne Bosne. One su prebrodile, kroz ove cetiri
godine, krvave i burnc dane borbe i pokolja, a danas,
OSvjcscene .j radosne, S mrznjom i prezrenjcm pominju
••
izdajnike nawda.
- Mi m.uslimani iz. K.Jadnia - kaze Almasa l:'asagic - dugo smo hili pod t~rorom ustasa, koj.i su
okaljali nas e musl iman,ko ime. Ali zahvaljuj.uci
nasoj hrabroj vojsci i drrugu Titu, mi smo sad
slobodne i voljne da pomognemQ ovu borbu za bolji
Zivot u novoj slobodnoj federativnoj Jugos.laviji .
lz sva.ke r·ijeCi. Z.ena sto izlaze na govornicu, izvire
duboka, materinska ljubav za partizane, ::a oslobodilacku vcjsk.u. Otkako je poceo ustana.k, njihove kuce
nikada nisu bile samo njihove. Bile su sirom otvorene borcima oSilobodilaake vojske, koje nisu odvajale od ~~voje rodene djece.
Ka d: smo saznale za sto nas·i partizani krv prolijeva ju - kaze Hava Muratovic iz Zivinica - od svoga
djeteta ne zalim zalogaj uzeti i drugu dati.
Za vri jeme VII ofanzive, dok su fasistic.~a vojska
i t.etnicke bande kao bi jemi psi udarali na sela i :k lah,
zene lstocne Bosne sklanjale su ranjene i bolesne
borce, sakrivale ih ispod zem.lje, po zivicama i stijenama, drhtale nad njima kao nad rodenom djecom.
One su cesto gled'ale kako ih cetnici pronalaze, muce
i uhijaju i ta zvjerstva nece i ne mogu nikako zaboraviti.
- Govore mi cetnici - ka zc Durdija Pelemis
iz Sirece - podaj sina u cetnike pa te necemo progoniti. A\.: ja sam rekla mo me djetetu: sine, pu§.ka
ti srce izbila, ako 'otides u cetni1
ke.
Go ja iz Kojcinovca prica o tdkim i crnim danima
sto ih je Semberija i njen narod podnosin pod terorom cetnika za vrijeme VII ofanzive.
Kroz borbu i patnje iene Istocne Bosne na·9 ajale
[ U se borbenoscu, nepomirljivom mdnjom prema neprijatelju i izdajnicima svoga naroda, cvrsnule u ljubavi ::a tu borbu , ::a dobodu.
- Pet ~i nova sam d ala u partizane - kaze Ana
Askeric iz Birca - i da nisam stara, dla mogu zivotom i ja sesta bih posla da se borim.
- Mi smo partizank~ o::l' prvog d<1na ust.1nka prica jedna borb ena Sekovljanka. - U n 'lsim je selima pukla prva ustanicka pu.S.~a. Ne znam ni
ikcliko smo Oifanziva preturile, koliko bandi ace·
�kale. Ranjenike u ba=e nosile, djecu gladnu po sumama ki·ile, svoju krv, svoje sinove i ljude u vojsku
davale, fasisti su na£• u vatru zive bacali, ali mi ustan.ka
nismo iznevjerile. Nasi su drugovi zobov hljeb jeh i
divljake kuhali, sa svakog brda fasiste tukli, a mi smo
svoju djecu ,patile, a ranjenicima zadnjlll kap rnlijeka
no::de. Kad drug Tito kaze >)jos treba pomoCi« pomagacemo. Mladez su nam fasisti potrli, nema je
mnogo, a evo nas zena udovica - sedamdeset j.e u
nasem selu. N emamo nigdje nista, popa• jeni smo,
l
opljackani, .ali mi cemo svoju krv davati Srbijancima
sto ~e ~tad za nas bore.
Govornici je prisla, sa stapom u ruci, stara nena
Softie.
- !mala sam jednog jedinog sina, pa sam ga
spremila medu drugove da se bori. Da ih, bogdo,
imam jos, sve bi 1h pos]a,la. Saljite, majke, svoju djecu
u Titovu vojsku, a vi, dljevojke, ne ~ledajte momaka
be= pusaka. Poditc u boln:ce, ~ledajte ranjenikc, neka
vam prijc ·ozdrave i puske uzmu.
Zene lstocne Bosne rade sto od njih trazi te -ka
bcrba za sl·obodu.
- Stara sam - kaze Kata Cvijetic iz Husina .
N em am sinova da ih spremim u borbu, da mi budu
dika ·i ponos1 Ali, evo, sama koristim i radim. Nasoj
.
borbi treba starih i mladih zena. Mi cemo sada nasu
!'logu prenijeti i na nasu sjetvu, pa cemo zajedlno poorati, p1e:kopati i zasijati. Nas ce rad radovat·i druga
Tib i nase borce koji od puske ne mogu uzeti ralo
i motiku .
Miting se zavrsio manifestacijama iskrenog odusevlJenja i ljubavi zena Istocne Bome za jedinstvo,
=a borbu, za Tita, za narodnu vlast, za federativnu
demokratsku Jugoslaviju. Citav miting je protekao
u jednoj jedinoj zelji, jednoj misli, d:a se sto vise pomogne vojska, kako cemo sto prije osloboditi. svu
zemlju od fasi~ticke tiranije, kako cemo uloziti sve
Evoje snage da zali jeCimo teske rane sto nam ih je
faS.izam zad<:tO, da bismo sto prije poceli Ziviti srecnim
i mirnim zivotom.
CPBH JAHKE CE B OPE
Jlorat)ajH y Cp611j11 noc.'!Hje ocno6oi)e1ba noKaaaJIIt cy 21.a Hapo,!l, Cp611Je, 11 nope.1, TeWKHX ycJioaa
01<)'11aU11je 1 Ha,!lMOilHOCTil Henp11jaTeJ
.
1
b3, Hl1je Hllje,!I.HOra .naHa npecTajao .na ce 6op11. )!{eHe Cp6Hje,
K80 HH il<eHe OCT3.TTI1X I<pajeB8 Harne 3eM,7
he, HHCY 1130CTaJie 021. 6op6e. CecTpHHCKa pa.uocr I<OjOM cy cae
)l(eHe JyrocJiaa11je ,!l,OLJeK8.7Ie ocJio6oi)etfbe Cp611je jolll
ce noseha.'la Ka,.'la 010 C83HaJie S8 cas xepo113a~1
KOjH cy cpncKe MajKe 11 )l(eHe noKasaJie sa apHjeMe
(' 1 3J)6HIICKOr paTa.
Taj xepor~aa~1 6110 je je.n.HaKo neJiuK 11 Ha ~1aJI11~1
CJI060,!J,H11M Tep!ITOp11jaMa KOje cy OCJJ06oi)aJII1 rrapTH3aHCKI1 o.n.pe.liJH H 6pHr8!le Cp611je H no oKymtpaH11M rpa.n;oBHMa H ceJIHMa r!lje cy )l{eHe jyHa· IH YMilI
paJIH sa cJio6o.n;y.
3a cno6o21.y cy na,Jana 6p8ha 11 CHHOBH, Kyhe cy
ropjeJie, ¢a'll111CTI1 cy ce caeTJ1.71~1 Ha HeBHHOj .n.jeu;H,
)KeHe cy noKpaj HenpHjaTe.7bCKI1X sacje.n;a 6es CTpaxa
HOCII.le XpaHy CBOjOj BOjCU.H.
)!{eHe ycTaHI1LJKe Ja6.7!8HHU:e, KyK8B11U:e, nyCTe
PeKe JIHLJe Ha· *eHe Kpaj11He, E11p4a 11 Majes11u.e. Je!lH8 O.lJ. fbi1X fOBOpl1 Ha I<OHq)epeHUHjH:
- M11, iKeHe, noMaraJie CMO 6op6y Kojy cy ao1l!1 JHI Hall111 MHJIH rrpOTHB .ll.YillMaHa, KaKO CMO SHaJie
11 yMeJie. Be.lliKe CI\IO )l(pTBe .:raJJe. Ll.pare .1Pyrap11u.e,
C
.1o6o.na ce He MO)I{e l10011TH Ha TafbHpy. MH CMO ce
3a 1-hY 6opuJie. LJ.a.7Ie CMO caoje HajMH.mje. A.1IH paT
jaw HHje saapllleH, jolll no Hawoj seM.lbn ra3H Hora
.JYWMamrHa. Ey.rrHMO xpa6pe n .1ajMo ~ osy 6op6y
caoje i\HI.lJe H npeMH.le. CKynHMO cae CHare .:ra yHHlllTH:'>tO HenpajaTeJba, 11a Ha~t HHje.n.aH 3.1HKOBaU. )I{HB
He y~I21KHe . Tpe6a .1a CTBOp!DI :-- 33 Hawy .1jeuv 6o,'hli
n<HP.OT.
A .1pyra, CTap11ua B11.rra HS 8H!lORa4e, onTy)l(yje
qe·1HilKe:
3aTaopumi cy Mojy je;IHHIIU~ · Pa.:ry 11 ~teHII
11.3.1fll H0)1< .1a je KO .'be~t, 3aTO UITO je napnt3aHKa. TyKJJH qy Me, ~IY4,11JII1, .rr.a ja, MajKa, caoje pot)eHo .1ere
::.ai\OJbeM. ETo, TO 1-bHMa, ~JH.'!e Moje, TIIM H3pO!lima
lf 11YlliM3HHMa, ITCHMa, HHKa!{a CTara Bll'(a OflpOCTiiTH
He he.
Ll.aHac )l<eHe Cp611je ys11Majy yLiewha y CBI1M noCJIOBKMa. l1 y nOJIHTI-!l.!KOj 6op6H, > 'Ha 6ojHOM noJby,
H
11 Ha noJby 11srpa,.rune seMJbe.
}f{eHe ocJio6oi)eHor Kpywesu.a 3a je.n;aH .n;aH cy
cKym1JJe 400 Kr soha, 500 Kr ·KPOMn11pa, 500 Kr rpO)I<I)a, 70 Kr C11pa, 30 Kr MaCTI1, 70 jaCTyi<a. }f{eHe HHWKOr cpesa 21.aJ1e cy 2167 nap11 4apana, 1112 new1<11pa,
590 1\r sofia. Y pa21.110H11U.11 Kojy cy opraHI1SOBaJie
yLmTeJbHU.e c1 py4HI1X 11 saHaTCKI1X lllKOJia, sa neT
!lBHa je caWI1BeHo 500 nap11 .py6Jba sa sojc1<y. Ha
XI1Jba.n;e KHJiorpaMa syHe npepai)yjy )l(eHe Cp611je 11
rrJieTy .n;apose 3a csojy sojcKy.
54 9b O.ll. CBHX ,!!.06pOBOJbHI1X ,ll.aBaJiaU.a KpBI1 cy
iKeHe.
•
Ha caHI1TeTCKH~t KypceBI1Ma y4e XtHJba.ne )l(eHa
11 OMJia.ll.HHKH Cp611je.
CBe )I(HBJbe 11 cHa)I(HHje yLieCTayjy Cp6HjaHKe y
nOJII1T114KOM )1{11BOTY CBOje SeMJbe. 0He .ll,H)I{Y rJiaC
hpOTI1B nO.ll.MYKJJHX HenpHjaTeJba CJI060.ll,e H paBHOnpaBHO'CTH H3llli1X HapO,ll.a.
}f{eHe Cp611je c Jby6aa.lby n03,ll.pasJbajy .n.pyra
THTa, waJby MY .n.apoae, OHe MY IT11lllY o caojoj 6op\.hr, crpanal-hHMa, o caojoj cnpeMHOCTI1 .n.a HS.ll.P*e .10
Kpaja.
Cp6HjaHKa je Kpos 6op6y HayLJI1Jia .n;a Mp3H HenpH,iaTe.lba, .n.a ce 6op11. 0He cy ce Kp03 6op6y s6.1If)I{H,1Ie ca CBHM iKeHaMa JyrocJiaa11je. Cp6Hjam<e nHwy:
»Cp611ja Tpe6a na Bparl1 .n.yr OHI1M MJia,ll.liM Kpaji1ll1KHfbaMa KOje cy .n.ecelHHaMa KI1JIOMeTapa, 6oce .
riO CHrfV. H·:JOt.le Ha CBOiHM n.JiefiH:'>ta pafbeHe jyHaKe Cp611je. lfuHXOBH cy !lOMOBH .n.aHac arap11wra,
He;~.ta iv xJie68. He~1ajy O!le.'!a. fbl1~ta
ce npuayK1a
CTpalllHa aseT rJiaD:H. il-h11ae he HM ocrar11 HenoopaHe, tiesacHjaHe, aKo HM Cp611ja He riPY*H csojy 6parcKy pyKy.
Dpy)I(HTI1 nyHy, 6parcKy no~wh nocrpa.aa 1
Kl"8 ifBliMa, TO ,ie .:IY)I(HOCT - TO .ie ..:ryr Cp5uje.
Cp6Hja he csoj !lyr H3BplllHTH ca nvHo .byoaB~I "
MO,nperopa.«
Eop6a 11 njeJJa Cp611jaHKH Haj.'benwl1 cy aonp HOC rro6je.111 H C
.1060.111 Harne sa je..JHII4Ke ..10 !
- lC\IOKpaTCKe rl)e..Jep3TI1BHe .hTOC 1JBI1 je.
15
�[Jf[aKo roBope xeHe ua aaBulfaja HapodHux xepoja
JltewJZe u ·.lJloJZaje
Ca I CpecKe KOHrpepeHLI,Mje Ac:fJ)f{-a y Jajey
AH'BA nonPATHH, cTapiDJ.a lt3
ce.na oycHHa:
YIMana CaM meeT CHHOBa KO
wecT coxoJlosa. CaAa IreMCIJM HHje)l.HOra. CsHx meeT • y Ml1 ycTawe noKJlane.
c
,Ua cy oorlflHyn11 Me~y cwjo.M 6paHOM, Me~y HaillH.M 6opLVI.Ma, 'IHJnl Ml1
ce, H11Ka)l.a ne 611x HH cyae nycntna.
Op~e MH peopa paa,!l.Hpe, ann paarosap<I!M ce oso111 senwrH!H'OM ·11 cno6oAOM.
OcTa\l oliiH je YHYtJHh. HcroM My jc
10 f'O)I.ma. Ka11\0 cpehe )l.a je ,!l.Opacmo, JJ;Cl! 6apeM tbera MOry nocnan1 y
Hamy sojcKy.
Harne je ce.no ManewHo 11 CHpOTHO,
am1 je jym'IKO a 6op6y 6es yMopa
noMa•
JKe. O.n; 6oJKHha Harne cy JKene
Aane 133 pa)l.Ha )!.aHa.
,Ua 6or .IJ.a,JJJte )l.a WTO np11je <iy.IJ.e
uawa a Hawer Aparor T1-na MapwMa
csaKa rpy)l.a Harne aeMJbe Kojy cyn~e
11 Mjece1.1 o6acjasa ...
~TAHA KYPEJIAU. H3 cena Ep~aHa:
- Ce)l.aM TewKHx o<Prumnrsa M~ CMO
npeKo ce6e npeOa1.1HJJll. BpahanR CMQ
ce ys~tjeK Ha ropH.nmuTa, aJIR CMO
C 60]>~HMa OJ!. Cp~a )l.HjenH!JlH Hi OHO
xpaHe rnTO 611 OCTaJIO CKpKBelfO y
TPanas~o~Ma.
HaiW Kpaj je .n:ao Haj6oJbe 6opu.e ,
Me~y . lhHMa MeTny 11 illoJlajy. PaJlHlt
6a'l'a.JbOR 1 awer ce.na H'OCH HMe CHMe
H
illOJiaje, Aa TaKBO HMe H!fi(J,ii,J 11e
ynme .••
DETPA JAMPH1i H3 cena fp6aBH~e:
MH 6aw IHHCMO 6Hne Hay•JHe )l.a
rOBOpHJ\\0, aJII1 ce CTW!eMO JI:Cii 11 TO
3Ha:zr;HeMO. ja CaM jatbKa - n!i!lTH3a'IIKa OJ!. npsora )laHKa. jatb ropno ;
]atb ce 6op110; jatb <Pawl13aM m1je
ITOKOJ>KO ...
AH.KA DYDH1i, )leneraT MpKOibl1hKOr CpeJa:
Y anpHJIY 1941 ro.a,HHe, npuje
Hero CMo Morne cxsanliTH wTa ce
)l.eiiiasa, HaiiiJia ce Haiiia seMJba noA
HoraMa O'KynaTo.pa. AnH HenpHjaTeJby
ro Haje 611.no .IJ.OCTa . Xn10 je )l.a norasto~ H AYlllY Haiiiy. HMao je .n.o6py
pa'IYH'IDJ.Y - · saBa;J.Hrl'l1 llapo.n. l1 TaKO
. ra HaJjnaKwe nopo6HTH. Tiornnn cy
TpaHcrrop11H sa 6HJXaliKy Kyny, sa jaceHOBal.1 . 1 .n.pyre norope. HHje 611no H'OIIII
1
)l.a H»je n~ano .Koje cpu.e 11 O'llf ce
aamrjesane cyaai<\la, rJle)l.ajytm nocJbe)l.lblt nyT sana3aK cyHl(a 11aa pemeTaKa
16
6atbaJly'IKe UpHe Kyhe. ,li.je~a cy 6pojana Jbemese Koje je ~p6ac IHOCHO.
MH CMO Ta:n,a cnOMJbeHa cp~a )eAHa
,11,pyroj ro:sopHne: O.saKo he )l.OBKje.Ka
TpajarrH; HKKa)l. 11mpa, HH'KaA en ore!
Am1 asora anpHna MH CMo ce, es o,
y MHpy Hawne )l.a nporosoplfMO o
yqsprnhetby 6paTCTBa, o o6HOBH Harne
3e~1Jbe. MH HHCMO 1941 rO)l.lllfe HH y
ouy catbaJle )l.a he~10 3aje:n:no 11 Cpn~Utbe 'II JlfYCJlHolltaHKe 11 XpsaTH~e npesaJbooamt rro 50 KM .n.a o611~elllo 1
11awe
.patbeHILKe, KOjH Cy HCTO TaKO saje)l.HO
H'a 6yHKepe jypuwamt, Jaje)l.HO KpB
nponHjeBilJllli.
3axBaJbyjyhll MY,li,JJOM pyKOBOACTBY
KoMy.HIICTH'!Ke napn1je, osa op6a HHje
6aJla ca~10 6op6a sa ocno6o~e1be
3eMJbe, Hero H llJKOna y KOjoj CMO HaY'lHJie Aa jyHa'IKH nperapaMO, Aa aoJit~MO, MH H .n.a MpSHMO.
... Kpoa
napOAH'O- ocno60AIIJJa'IKy
6op6y HH~e Ce H.CKOBaO ca~IO BOjH111<xepoj, uero H !Rosa JKeHa, nocse Apyra'IH>ja 0,11, oue Koja je lKHBjena rrpHje
paTa. ,Uamc 11m ueMaMo m1 .apeMeH'a
Hn BOJbe aa TpH'Iase paarosope H pa3ue 6ecrrocnl!l{e. Ma ce ,ZJ,aHac caCTajeMO )l.a ce )I.OfOBOpHMO KaKO HeMO WTO
ycrrjeuJliiHje TIOMOH!i HapO,!l.He snaCTH
npH'nHKOJ\1 cjeTBe, ltJIII rrp!-D ITO)I.H'3llihy
lllKOJia, HI3 KOjHX He H.3HhH )I.06pH II
nowTeHH' rpa~aHH. Tpy)l.H.MO ce Aa
Harna )l.jeu.a IHe AO'!ekajy sna Koja CM O
Mil )I.O'IeKaJIH.
Temii(O je 6per.te Hasamw o saj paT
Ha lKeHCKa rTJielia . Ho MH 3HaMo .n.a
Ca~to HCTpajHa 6op6a MOlKe )l.OHIIjeTII
;-,rnp II CJI060AY 11 )l.a He~IO y TOni-I.KO
np11je caBJla)l.aTH a saocTanocT y KOjoj Cl\\0 paHHje lKHBjene, y KOnHKO ce
'llOlKpTBOBII'Hje 6y)l.eMO 60pl1.He H pa)1.11Jie. DP11lie csera Tpe6a .a,o Kpa. a
j
)"HiirnTHTlf HenpnjaTe;ba Kojtf j om 11
AaHac parryje ll ca HaMa JKeHaMa, 11 TO
lie CaMO lKeHaMa-BOjHU.UJIMa , Hero II
>KeJia.Ata y rtosaA11HII. Haillewhy caMo
je)l.aH npHMjep. He.zr.asHo je je.ll.JLY crap~y ca Hawer cpeaa, 'IHja ce tJeTKpH
.:1ma 6ope sa cno6o;1.y, >tcnpe6uiana
jeAHa 'leT.Hit'IKa 6aH)l.a. AnH TO HHje
U\e.l tl DOHOCHY MajKy )l.a, II n ospujeljeHa 3ApasJba, )(<lJla3H ua cse Kau<PepeHI.{uje, .n.a H ,ZJ,aJbe noMalKe 6 ~ p6y ...
rOCDABA DAHI,[H1i 113 cena Ea6~otlia:
4ernu•IKH 113POJJ,fl HeKII AaH cy MY'IKl:f y6um1 P,lfKY .Hamer cena - ,Uywa~1 a
PaK1rry, KOjl1 je Me~y nps11Ma )1.1!3ao
ycTaJHaK. Osa ce seMJba ocno6a~a. Bell
c
Ha1 orpH;jesajy cse 6o•
JKHlje MHnocnl.
Hawn jyHa~H ocno60AHnH cy uawy
nplljecTonnH~y Hawe Capajeso. A
~HI, Sap 'He MOJKeMO llCTpnje6tfl'H rna•nmy Mp~HHawa KOjH spwJbajy no HaWlf/\1 cemma? ,LI.pyrapiDJ.e, MopaMo 11x
nO'Ta.\laiiiltTII. fomtAI heMo ax pyKallla
TpraTH •• •
Hs pe<PepaTa 3JIATE MHJJHqEBH1i:
Osa KoH<PepeH'-\Hja Tpe6a Aa HaM
CBHMlJ. )l.a')l,He HOBOr rroneTa 11 BOJbe Sa
paA. Ka)I,a ce spaTifTe y csoja cena,
nolKypnTe ca CTsapatbeM ceocKMx 11
onlllnmcKHX <>A6opa r)l.je jow He noCToje, jep TaKo 36HjeHe y pe)l.OtBe Hawe opraiHH<~au.~o~je, cnpe~mnje he~10 )l.OtJeKaTH cso~ senHKII npaeHHK - I KoHrpec lKe.Jra EocHe H XepueroswHe. Otr
lie 6wru CMOTpa Haw~rx cnara 11 .pe3ynTaTa IHawe.r pa)l,a. Ha KOIHPpec he
p,oh11 JKeHe 1.\lfjene EocHe 11 Xep~er-o
BKHe. M<lipaliW ce JMOlKHTH )l.a HGII~eMo csHjeTna 'lena Ha Taj ~seJTH'KJ.i
)l.aH. He ClltHjeMo .n.oosonum Aa 11awa
)l.jena o
HBOCTaJHY ma )l.je.na jyHa'IKHX
ocno6o)l.HJla~a Capajesa.
Kao np~-rnpeMe Ja KOHrpec MH CMO
oTno'leJle T<JKliiH'Ietbe ca JKeHaMa ocraJ
mx cpe3oBa Harner oKpyra . Y TOKy
Tora TaKMK'!etba Mi'! CMO sell .n.ocaA
CTBOpHne 20 HO.BHX CeOCKIIX O)l.tlopa
A<l>)f(-a 11 4 onrnTH,HCKa. ,LI.yJK'HOCT je
CBHX O)l.6opa Acf>)f(-a )l.a paSBHjy TO
TaKMW!eJbe H )l.a aa6HJ&eJKe cse pesynTaTe. Tipo.n.ylKHMO H noja'!ajMo 3a,,aratbe 3a 6paTCTBO II je)I.HIHCTBO 'I'O lie 61!TK nam HajJbenwl1i .n.ap I
Kowpecy. 06ehajMo .n.a HeheMo ycTYKHYTH npeA TemKohaMa Koje jow
CToje npe)l. Hallla.
Y!CTifHa je )la je Hawa 3eMJba
OI!Jba'!KaHa H onycToweua, anH Ka,ZJ,a
ce XHJboa)l.e py1<y HamHx JKel-!a seceJIO
AKrny Ha nocao, ca)l.a y rtpsoM pe.n.y
rrpH cjeTBH, neMaMo ce 'lera 6ojan1.
HeKa Hawa rrapoJla 11 )l.aJbe 6yJI,e:
cse aa no6je,l(y!
Ose Ja <PpoHT noneCHTe noa.n;pCIIBe CBIIL\\a ApyraPHJ.\31<\Ia CpnKIDbaMa, liiYCJlHMCIIHKa.\\a 11
XpsanmaMa aawHx MjecTa H pe~ure
liM .IJ.a je Ham rJICI'BHlr sa~araK nO'MOhH
ioi3rpa)l.tby HaUJe Se.\!Jbe, 110,\ \0liH CBaKII
rrocao KOjH noKpehy Hapo,!l.He snacnt.
YnolKHIMO cse CHare Aa 6HcMo Ha
csoj I KoHrpec .n.owne y ocno6o~eHo
Ca.pajeso ca lllTO BHWC ycrrjexa y
pa,!l.y.
1
�!Posljednje pismo
lstorija Mlre Cikote bolna je istorija trndanja ze11n herojske Koznre.
Bila je korounista. Dok su se na Kozari formirale prve ustanirke cete, ona je u gradu kao ilegnlka neumorno orgn·
nizovnla pomoc partizanimn. Iz rodoljubLvog Prijedora dolnzio je zayojni mnterijal, municija; prisli?Atli su novi borci. Vj~ta
i hrabra, Mima nije zalila .truda, nije preznln pred opasnoocu.
Borci J(!ozare i Podgrme~n 1942 godine uni~tili su njemaillw-usta;:;!;:i garnizon. Nad Prijedorom se razvila narodna zastava.. Na velikoro narodnom zbont, na koj,i. se sllila sva Kozm·a. Mir.a je govorila narodu, pozivaln zene na borbu.
Kada je okupator u lje1o 19-!2 predu:zeo ofanzivu da unisti ustru1icku Kozll!fu, u obrucu, u kojem je bilo 80.000 ljudi.
zena i djece, nnsla se i Mira a svojom kcerCicom Ljiljom. Dijeli.la je s narodom sva stradanja u povlai!enju, neravnu
borbu sa podli.vljalim neprijateljskim hordama.
Kozara je gorjela, a hiljade zarobljenih zena i djece odvedeno je u logore. Spaljena kuciSta, 1 u t<>S; mrtva djeca i
p
1zene, ali i hiljade pobijenih krvnika o tali u na obroncima i \POljima Kozare.
Naslavak ~talove ofan:I'Jive bila su si1ovanja zarobljenih djevojaka, trijeljnnja i vjesanja. I Miru su uhvatili neprijaLeljski v.ojnici. Izveli su je pred sud. P·<>Sto je dugo bila u zatvoru, izrecena je pre.suda: smrt vjesanjem. Oni su odabrali
mje to vjesanja - trg u Prrjedoru; onaj i ti trg sa Jwjeg je prije nekoliko mjeseci na narodnom zboru odjekivao Mirin
gins. lako je Mira bila u drugom stanju, krvniri nisu htjeli da odloze ~vrsenje kazne.
PrOSljednje Mirine T.ijeci bili su plRllleni poklici borbi i •
prezrive rijeci krvnicima. Umiruci Mira je dizala vjeru u
pobjedu svome porobljen.om gradu, najavljujuci dane slobode.
Do.nosimo odlomke ~q; posljednjeg pismn Mire Cikote, mapisanog uoci njene junacke smrti, kadft je vee znala da fe
sutra biti objesena, javno, na trgu, u rodnom gradu Prijedoru.
7Jraga moja mama,
Proslo je mnogo mj1
eseci otkako ti nisam pisala. Bila je prekinuta pruga i posta nije isla, ali ja
sam cijelo vrijeme rnislila na sve vas i brinula se jeste ~ z·d\ravi i Zivi. I, evo, poslije vise rnjeseCi pisern ti,
nazalost, posljednje pismo. Osuda je izrecena. Sjedim u ·celiji i cekam da do.du po mene. Nisam
ovdje sama. Razgovara se, pjeva se. Zamisljeni smo, dodluse, ali, vjer.uj, nij1e strasno. Htjela bih vam svima
rec.i da se ne zalostite. Dok je covjek na slobodi, ovakav polozaj izg!eda mu IS1traSa:n., ali nije. Uiivila
,sam se u ovo stanjte, a pomisao d:a je ovako zavrsilo na hiljade i hiljade lj.udi ublazuje moju bol i zalost
za zivotom. Cula sam da je moj!Ci draga Ljilja kod vas. To mi je toHko olaksalo ovo ·srtanje. Mirna sam, jer
mi je ·Ona hila je.di.na briga; strahovala sam cia ce 010<l ostati daleko od vas. Obec'ala sam joj zadnjih dana,
dok smo bile zajtedno u Prijedoru, da ce otiCi svojoj baki, pa sam zadovoljna da je ta!ko i ispalo. Sunce
moje malo, mnogo je prepatila posljednjih dana, lutajtuCi i bjeieci sa mnom. Nadam se da ce se wskoro
oporaviti i da ce biti dobra djevojCica. Znam da je svi mnogo volite, ali znam, draga mama, ·d a sam ti
zadala i mnogo brige, jer ona je jos mala, a sad joj se valj·a privikivati na jedan novi zivot .u kojtem nece im:ati
mamu koja razumije ~IVoje di.jete i stoji ruvijek uz njega,. Ucite je na red i .rad d. neka ti vee SCIIOO pomaie
u malim kucnim poslovima. Mislim da hi biJo dobro da jos ove godine ne pode u ·slkolu, jer je fizicki slaba,
a ako bude moguce, neka ide ove godine u ·d;jecije zabaviste. Kupite j.oj tablicu i djeciju zabavnu knjigu.
Ona vee ;i:na pomalo citati i sigurno vam se hvalila time. Poljubi je mnogo puta, reci joj da je
mama pozdravlja i zamoli je da bude dobra i poslusna.
Jednom ce joj1 doCi tata, ja se n.adam da je jos u zivotu. Ja sam joj o tome govol'ila, ali ne zam
je li upamtila. Naialost, sada ne mogu • tome opsirnije pisati. V:oljela bih znati kako ste i jeste li
o
zdrwd.
. ... Zavrsicu ovo pismo. Majko moja d:raga, ne ialosti se. M,oralo je ovako biti. Eto vam sada
Ljilje. A ti se cuvaj, znam &a si slaba i osjetljd.va. Tatu pozdravi i poljubi, ja mu za sve zahvaljujem.
Vas oboje vrlo voli.m. Ljilja, Lala i Nada neka mi ispunt! Z.elju i neka budu ,ozbiljne i .dobre.
Da, mozda cete cuti razna prepricavanja, ali u cijeloj mojoj stvari sve je bilo najbolje i najpostenije.
Pozdravite sve Bozine i ostale poznate, a vas sve pozdravlja i voli
vasa
Mira
�Yrosop o nplllJaTefbCTBY l!1 capaArblll
li13Me1jy CCCP ll1 Jyrocna slllje
DperoBOp11, KOju cy BoljeHJI 3a BpujeMe 6opaBKa y MocKBJI npercje,nHHKa Mrllli!CTapcKor caBjera JyrocJTa£nje MapwaJTE!_ THra 11 jyrocJioBeHcKor MHHJicrpa mwcrpaHI1X . nocJToBa r. 11naua Wy6al11Hi1a, 3aspweHII cy I f anp11JTa o. r. nornl1CJIBalbeM yroBopa o npl!jareJbCTBy II y3ajaMHoj capa,nibll I/3Meljy CoBj ercKor Case3a 11 JyrocJTaBI1je.
Yrosop je norn11cao 3aMjeHI1K npercje,nHI1Ka Conjera Hapo,nHux KOMecapa, KOMecap HHocrpaHIIX
no cJioBa Bje'hecJTaB MoJToron u npercje,nH11K MHHI1crapcKor canjera JyrocJiaBIJje MapwaJI TIIro. DornliCHBalby yrosopa npJicycrBoBao je npercje,nHlfK CoBjera Hapo',nHJJX KOMecapa CCCP MapwaJI CraJb:m.
l
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n pe3H)I.HYM BpxOBHOr CosjeTa CCCP : Bjefiec.~aBa Muxaj.
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y HICnpaJB!HOj cjJopMH, carJJaCHJJH y CJJI1jeill,efiellt:
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B
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M
l.fJTaH 4. CsaJ<.a 0)1. BHCOKHX CTpaiTia yrOBO]JHHll,a o6aBt:3yje ce )!.a Hehe aaKJby'lHBanl HHKaKaB case3 H Aa Hefie y3~1MaTH y•.ewfia HH y KaKBOj KOaJ111U,HjH', ynepeHOj npOTHB .u.pyre
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y Eeonpa)l.y WTO CKOpHje.
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j
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,eroso Ba)l{el-be.
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11 CTaBHJJH Ha rber csoje ne'la'Te.
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jy
no orryHO. \OheJhj' Ha.\ ljecmmnBa Jyroc:IamJje :
\
jocHn 6poa THTo.
no onyHO.\IOheJl>)' npe3H)l;HY'M3 BpxOBHOr cosjeTa CCCP:
Bjehecnas Monoros.
---····-llPmABH~ffP'&.. li'Et~fOKPAT'CKE'".iii(liE'P'K'i'HB'H'E'"J'Yr"~~JYJl'O~'JE'""""' """'""""'"""'''"
cacrojJt ce o.n ner 6yKTlflba, neroKpaKe 3BJJje3,ne lf ,nnocrpyKor
K!Jacja ca rpaKoM Ha xojoj je JicnucaH .naryM JJ,pyror 3acje,nalba
ABHOJ-a, Ka,n je 0/1JIYlfeHo crnapalbe HOBe _np)J{aBe JyrocJiaBHje.
EyKTI/lbe npercran.ll;>ajy ner HapO/l.HOCTH 11awe 3eMJbe, a lbJIXOBJI
ce nJia.ueHoBH cje,nJtlbyjy, Kao CHM60JI je,nnHcrea Halllllx Hapo,na .
KJTacje 03HallaBa 6orarcrno Hallie 3eMJbe.
fleTOKpaKa 3Bifje3,na, KOja ce H8JI8311 Ha Bpxy rp6a Jl3118A
ll.llaMef/OBa, Ha 38BpWeTKY KJTacja, 3H8K je CJ/060/l.e.
U3
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3rapV1WTV1Ma
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MarJie, CB11pe110 CTy,n;eHe 3a ,n;jeLIHl.\Y y na,n;o6paHCKI1wl
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H ,n;or< cy cBa ceJia jow crraBaJia, HenpHjaTeJb je
MYtJKH Hanao, 6e3 nyu.l-baBe, rry)K)'h11 I<p03 japKeo Ha nao je y LJeTI1p!l1· ,n;yre K'OJIOHeo
f1 aJII1• yhe H ,n;j eu.oy6au.e Hcrrpec11j eu,awe HeKoK
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LJ.o MaJIO rrpHje 6HJIO je tY fyfueBU:HMa THXOo Y
cHpOTHI-bCI<HM r<yh11u,aMa MHPHO cy cnaBaJia ,n;j•
eu.a H
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.ne)l{e MPTBe, HCI11pecl1jeu,aHe M11TpaJbe3HMao
Y ceJiy Cep.ecpJIHjaMa ceo,n;Mepo y6ajeHHx; y KaAHHOM JeJ!lOBL\Y nerepo; y I<yhH 5or,n;aHr<e Kpi-bajHh
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M HJbaHOBL\HMa ,n;eceT Jiy6al-ba 'J' neneJiyo A no nyreBIHMa H >K·HBHU,aMa ,n;jeou,a y r<pBH, parn11peH11X PY"~Hl.\3,
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a
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H caKpH:.Ti a y )I{HBIH•
l.\Yo O,n;aTJie joe rJie,n;aJia r<aKo je je-
,n;Ha rpyna K'pBHHKa nonHJia 30 .llHTapa parmjeo Ce.ll,a.\1,n;ecerrro,n;Hrul-by BH.uy H3 ceJia <Pyp,n;a yTjepa.T!'H cy y
l<)}'fiy l1 3aje,UHO C I<)lflOM 3anaJIHJI!Ho
Croro,UHWI-ba 6ai<a 113 ,LI.paKceJ-mha, J{IOja je 1941
ro,UHHe rro6j er Jia H3 3aceHHtJI<Or r<peMaropHj a, HaheHa
je y je)l;HOM ITOTOKy MpTBa, y cje,n;e·fi.eM CTaByo
Hei<OJII1KO )KeHa, Hano.lla IH•
3ropj eJIHX, npeKJiaJIH
Q HO)I{eBHMao
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Ce.uaM j e ceJ H3rop j e.IJlo, ,n;Bj eCTone.ueceT I<yha
ra
f10TKIQ3apja HeCT8JIO je y BaTpHo
KoJI!ii<O CMO nyra 3a OBe 4er11p11 ro,n;HHe r Jie,naJIJI
no)l{ape 11 pa36ojHHLJI<e 3JI04HHel H 3Haw, H3ropjeJie
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X
npl-ba 11 .nje4Hje I<'OoJIHjeBI<•eo f1a oneT ce rpy,n;11 o4ajHH4KH Ha,l{HMJbty 11 rope ja)I!CJ!Mo 5yu<TH )l{eJba 33
OCBeT• oo o
OM
Par ce 3aBpru aBa y 3eMJb.H ¢p.Hu,eBao KoHaLJHO je
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11'
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j ecT Kp03 MaxaJie Ko3apu,a, o,n; Kyhe ,n;o xyheo
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e
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HrutreKI1BaJie o A KoJia cy no4eJia IC I13aTI1 rreK cyrpa.n:.aH
:T
yBe4eo H Ka.n:.a je Cp111K11l-ba npy)I{I1Jia CBojy npo3e6Jiy
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p3e6Jie y xJia,n;Hoj 311MCJ<Oj HOhH o H11je,n;Ho Hl1je ca~10
113HlilJIO 113 KOJia, CBaKO je npeHerueHO Ha pyKaMao
Vf3HOCHJIH cy HX O.l(60,PH'I1l.\H, XOI)e 11 )l{eHeo f1ope,U TOITJIHX C06a, .l(Otter<aJII1 cy 11X Ca ITHTaMa, M.IJHjeKOM, CHpOM 11 jaji1Ma, CBHM Haj60JbHM lilTO Ce Halil,IJO y
KyhaMao
Y HeKOJII1KO KOJia, HCITO.l( CJia6HX ITOKpHBa4a,
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nocBeTHJia Hapo4HTa na)l{l-bao Y yrJry je.nHe co6e
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Tl-b e Koje je TpnjeJiao T11xo je .li!03HBaJia: »Cejo!
xohy cecrrpH!
A ceCTpy cy joj 3JIHKOBI.\ll OTjepaJJH
• OHa BHlile HeMa HHKOrao
H
H3'MHjeruaJie cy ce u.pHe MapaMe cpncKH:1 Majr<H
ca waMHjaMa MYCJIHMaHr<l1o »Ll.pyrapHu,e ja 6Hx HajBOJIH J I<O,ll; Te6e OCT8TH«, pei<JJa je je,QHa CTapHU,a
ia
cena
naTI-baMa
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r<O' H MeHH
no,n; o6pOHl.\HMa Ko3ape, r,n;je cy CBH paHHjH pe)!{HMH CHjaJIH Mp)I{I-by, CTBO.p11JIO Ce je)l.HHCTBO .ll.O·
ca,n;a HeBH~eHo, 3aneqafieHo I<pBJbY Haj6oJbHX cp ncKHx, MYC.liHMaHCI<HX 11 xpBaTCKHX PO.ll.OJby6a, r<aKBO
HHKO BHrne Helie MOhH pa30pHTHo
_,_
B :~
0
0
0«
M
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.
••••• •••u ••• ••• ••••••u•n-•••• •••n ••u••• •• ••••••tt ••••••••••••••• ••••• •• ••••• •• ••• ••••• •••• •••• ••• ••• ••u•• ••••• ... •••
0
0«
1-HeHe ropl-ber BaKy<:Pa '-IV1CTe CHI-1je
Ha ynV1uaMa csora rpa.aa
19
�Jffeljy palbeHuquMa V :Ropuyca
OO.DiHOcehH 3aje.n.Ho c Hapo.n.oM cae nanne '' 6paHehH ra O.ll. 6e3.ll.)'lll1HOI' 4YJI.OBHWTa tppH~a 11 .ll.OMaliHX
O.ll.POJI.a, HaWH 6op~H Henocpe.ll.HO ,li,O)KHBJby jy llJJer.teHHTOCT Harne 6op6e. To ce o)J.pa>Kaaa 11 Ha Ji>HXO BHM JIHfkHMa H y ~jeJJOKYllH<OM .IKHBOTY. M OC06HTO je
y rreLiaTJbHBo y 6o.mHH~a.Ma. Jep Ma)J.a H ry rpm! )KHB
'!OBjeK Ca CBOM JbYACKOM OCjeTJbHBOWhy 3a TjeJieCHe
6oJioBe, 11 4ecro jaw KaKse 6om;>Be, Harne 6oJJHH~e
.ll.OHCTa HHCy Kyhe ja,ll.a 1<80 WTO cy OCTaJJe 60JIHH~e .
Y 6oJJHHll.H V Koprryca 3arei<Jia caM o6H4HIY 6oJJHIH4I<Y CTBapHOCT. Ope,n; KarmjOM IHOCI1Jia H je)J.Ha KO Ji a
C MpTBatiKHM Ca.HAYKOM. Oo XO)l.HH~I1Ma H C06aMa
CBY.ll.a TellfKI1 MHp11C JbeKOBa H I<pB<H, y)Kyp6a!!-UI JbeKapH 11 60JIHI14apKe C TaH>Hp11Ma, MeTJJaMa H 3aBOjHMa. Ha JII1~HMa MHOri1X paH>eHYIKa neqar TewKHX 6oJJOBa 1 Henpocna.BaHHX HOh'H. AJJH Ka)J.a 11M npHljeTe,
11
6apeM he Ce 0'-IHMa HaCMI1jeWHTH. »)J.06po je«. »00Jbe je.«- OorpeCHO .n.je-JJyje CBaKH noje.11.11H11 10t.ll.rOBOp.
»Y OBOj 6op611 6110 CaM cnpeMaH I-f )KHBOT .n.aTH,
3aTO He )KaJIHM WTO CaM H3ry6HO HOry«, peKaO je
Csero3ap KaJJa6a, KOMecap nparehe·r .ll.I1BH3110Ha VI
6pHra)J,e, )J.OK My je rp03HIHJJ.a )KapHJJa 4HCTO 18-I'O.ll.HWH:>e JIH~e. OH je seh rpeh11 nyr pa.H>eH 11 Ha )J.eCHoj
H031-f, aMnyrHpaHoj .n.o s11we KOJbeHa, HMahe jaw je.l!JHY orrep~Hjy, jep MY je H 6yTHa KOCT npe6Hje!Ha.
Y3 TO 6oJJyje H ynaJiy nope6p11~e. l13a raMHHX KOJJ06apa H>erose MO)J.pe 04H 3pa'4HJJe cy '-!e,mHomhy myMcroHx u:sjerosa Ka)J.a je J<a3ao: »Ja ce IH.I1CaM IHIH411M
HCTaKao. Je)J.HJHO uno caM yno3Hao KOMaH.n;11pa ca
H3BpllleHI1M 3a)J.aTKOM, ll'OBJJal.J•
e.lm Ce paH>eH, nty)Kyfm.
Hora ce )J.p)Ka.JJa caMo Ha MaJJo KO)Ke, aJII.f caM HnaK
ycnHo .n.a orny)KeM nap KI1JJOMerapa.«
11h, nomopy4HI-fl]{ IV 6araJboHa VII
HeljeJbKQ .Daj1
Kpaji1WKe 6p11ra.n.e, ca 3asojl1Ma OKO rJJase, npo3palJHO ~T Kao MJia.ll. OTKH.HYT JIHCT, CBOjHM Be,llpHM
waJiaMa tJecro ~IaJCMHjasa cse paH>eHHKe y co611 6poj
3. »HajTe)Ke HaM je WTO Jie)KI1MO, .ll.OJ( Ce BO)J.e T8KBe
6HTKe, )KaJIHO je Hel)o. Ex, MeHI1 .n.ol)e )J.a ce o.n.Max
)J.HrHeM .11 osaKa caJ<ar ornJI>CliBI1M y 6ara.lboH. HeKa.Ko
6Hx saJb.n.a )J,ony3ao.« 0 6op611 y Kojoj je paH>eH oH
npHtia: »flpHje nap Mjeceu;H jypHWaJIH CMO Ha 6yHKepe KO.ll. TpasHHKa. Ycrarne Hac yotJ11we H oKpeHywe
ryhH npeMa HaMa. Ka.n;a ce nojaB11we 113 je)J.Hor 6yHKepa, ja paganex csoj MHTpa.lbe3 Ha nJIOT 11 y.n.ap11x
no H>'I1Ma. I13HeHa.n.a Me TaHe )J.oxsarl1 npaso y r.TfaBy.
Oa.n;ox. Kps je .n.yro JII1Jia, OOWTO je MOj BO.ll. 6H:O
OTH'lliaO Ha HOBH OOJIO)Kaj H ja CaM Jie)KaO, )I.OK ~H!Cy
HaHWJIH HeKH ~HBI-1.1IH. ()Im cy MHCJIH H JI.a CaM Mp TaB, jep .ll.HCaO HHCaM, CaMO cy MH )J,aMapn pa.ll,HJIH, na
cy Me 3aKona.'IH y je..'.l.HY japyry. A .lf.H HeJ<o o.n. H>I1X
Ka3aO je TO MOMe KO~IaHAHp)', a OH OJI.MaX Hape,ll:HO
je)J.Hoj .n.eceTHHH .u.a ~Ie HCKona H ca paHH y ceocKo
rpo6Jbe. )J.pyroBH 113 .n.eterHHe npH tjeTHme .n.a caM
iKHB 11 O,li,Hecorne Me y 6pH:ra,11,uy a, t6yJiaHr y, r ,11,je cy
Me npBI-f nyr onepMcaJII1. Ka.n.a caM JJe)KaO, OHaKo Kao
6e3 )KHBOTa, 'IY jeM HeKO :Ha.D,a MIHOM BI1KHy: Ox, .n.pyI'OBH, nor11Hy Het)o. A ja MHCJIHM: He, jam je )KI1BOTa
20
y Het)H. I1 ca.'l:a, eTa, rre ..'.1.8M ce, naKo y osoj pam1 Ha
rJ\aBI1 KUO .n;a je CTOTHHY K.b)'H OBa II 36 0r I be ~HI OC I' a
o,n;y 3eTa r~njeJia .'l!!jeaa c-rpm-Ja.«
.
Ka;ZI.a caM n aHoao npo.7Ja3H.Tia nope.n. co6e 6poj
He~o· rrpe.u.ao.n.n njecMy :
Oo3Haje ce KO je KOM YHHCTa,
l:le.l!o aeApo, a o6pa3a '!Hera.
:3, 'IyJJa caM I<aKo
I13Meljy .n.sa peJI.a nocreJba Ha K.rrynaMa cy cje.n;HJIH JiaKWH paH>eHH~I1 KOjH cy 611 J ,ll;OWJIH ,n;a 06HII1
I')y reil<.e paH>eHe .n.pyrose. Ha nocreJbaMa 6m1je.n.a ,
rrpoa.pa'-!Ha .rrH~a, HenoMH'-!He H3JIOMJbeHe Hare H pyi<e
y r11rrcy H ,n:amLIH~aMa, paHe Ha r.llaBI1, n JryhHMa n
croMaKy, 113 Kojox je tJecro jow HeMoryhe nosa,li,HTH
omrpe reJiepe 11 MeTKe. Ko,ll, nocreJbe MaH.n.apHha
I1JII1je, KarreTaHa IV 6aTaJboHa XI opl1ra.n.e cje.n.e .ll.Ba
JiaKllla paH>eHI1Ka H CJiylllajy, .ll.OK J1.1fHja np114a;
» ... DOp6a nOCTa HeOITHCI1Ba, J<aO ,n;a oe He6eca OTBOpHllle. Ta.u.a je nao opaHKO. Ex, I<aKa.B je 6opa~ 6HO!
Kao .u.a Me nyrnKa noro.n.11 Ka.n.a ra npoHecowe ... «
Ll,.pHrrypacrH 6opa~ H3 J1JJHji1Ha 6araJbOHa c.'lrwil
OCJIOH>eH rJiaBOM Ha llJTan K10jMM Ce ITOMa>Ke 'Y xo.n;y,
3aHerneH 'I'OM 6op6oM Kao CHOM o .n.paroj .n.jesoj~H.
Haje.n.HoM ).IJH)Ke rJJaay 11 rap.n.o yrr11Ta: »JecH JII1 qyo
JI.a HaM je 6aTaJbOH O.ll.JJHKOBaH ?«
***
reopJ'11je Ata.H)I<HjeB •
113 I3yljoHOBCKa paH>eH je y
.n.ecHy PYKY· OH je rrpe6jerao y Harny sojcKy Kao H>eMatiKH 3apo6JbeHHK Ha pa.n.y y Cp611j11. Y pa3rosopy
3aMOJJHO Me .n.a MY Han11meM ni1CMO >KeHa y PycHjy.
»3Harn, OoJba, JI.HKT11pao je cjajHor orcyrHor norJie.n.a, Kao .n;a je H>I1Me y raj tJac rpJI110 ~11jeJI11 no6jeJI.HI14KH CoajercKH Caae3, lcp~e Kao .n.a rroHecy r<p11Jia, I<a.n.a
Liyjern !l<aKo Hanpe.n;yje Ll,pseHa apMHja.« A Ka.n;a je Ha
Kpajy MYKJIO .n.o.n.ao: »Il03.ll.paa MOMe MaJioM crmy AHaTOJII1jy«, IH3HeHa,lla je Hecasna.n.Hao 3apa.n;ao 11 cs11 paH>eHI1~11, .n;11pHyT11, 3ahyrawe. Cp~e j e TaKJJO .n.aJiet<a
Heno3Haro ,liHjere . ..
r,d!f~:t
Ha noKpHsr:PIY ce rptieBHTO creaana CHTHa )Kyra
pyKa. »He aHa 3a ce6e, rernwo je paH>eHa y croMaK~,
peKome MH ocraJie pa.H>eHI1~e. A .TIH 11 y 6yHH.'IY paH>e •
Ha 6oJ
IHHtJapKa )J.aHI1~a By4KOB11h 6e3r JiacHo je rpnHJia.
»OpohH he, remKo je manyraJia oocH:Jbi<a 'BypaKOBHh, tieTHa 60JIHH4apKa VIII 6p11ra.n.e·. He MOI)!{eMO
caMo Ha p11jetJHMa 6HTH 6op~11. MeHe je paHH:o 6au;att
y Hare, npca, y BI1JIH~Y 11 y pyKy, Ka.n.a caM y 6op611
KO.U: 8Hre3a rtpHru.JJa .n.a npeBHjeM je.n.Hor ,n:pyra«.
~f**
»THxo he11-10 pa3rosapar11 .u.a He npo6y.n.11Mo Harny 6oJIHI1tJapKy; Hemro je .n.aHac 6o.l!eCHa, yno3op11o
Me CseT03ap Ke~MaH, 6opa~ VI opnra.n.e, noKa3yjyhl1 Ha cycje.n.Hy nocreJby Ha Kojoj je ,l!e)KaJia je.n.Ha
.n;pyrap11~a. MeHe cy rrocJIHje onepau;11je xrjeJIH npeMjecrHTH y )J.pyry co6y. AJII.f lllTO .n.a ce CTI1.ll.I1M, 3aOJiaiJ{aO CaM 33 !:hOM 11 OCT3BHllle Me. He MOry .n.ywe
rpHjelllHT11: CBe Hallie 60JIHI1l!apKe KOje CaM BH.ll.I-fO,
He MOry 6oJbe 611TH, aJIH Tai<O Te HeKO 38.ll.Y)]{H l1 rrpHY11Hlll ce.«
�»AHI')a je 3aHcra 3a cse uac cecrpa « - Ka3ao je
AHI)a ,lle~111.p OTBOp~Ma je 0'-111 II c.rt~·
wa.rra re pHjet.JK. »KaKo Hehy, HaotujewH .1a ce. .1 ;1
3HaM Kora .usopHM 11 3HaM urra cy paHe. Ero. Mo,ie
paAe jaw ce no3Jbeljyjy. A 6HJJO •11X je oca~t. PaHliO
)tC o;J.u,aLJ I<O~ Y)I{HU,a<.
Jpyr:H pa1-beH~1K.
»HawH JbeKapll cxsahajy csojy !l~')KHOCT Kao .11
csa 6opu,H<, pe1..:ao ~111 )e ynpa&HHK 60.lHHue. 4ecro
pa11e no U,llje.rie HOIHI. Pal-beHHU.H ro y3spahajy AIIPJbHB-H)J nosjepel-be)<~, ITOrOTOBO WTO OHII
H
Haj~tal-by
naJ.I<I-by !lOJ.I<HBJbyjy noce6H0~1 ocjerJbrtsowhy 6opau.a se3aHHX 3a nocre.7hy. 36or rora je 11 csaKa npHjaTe.rbCK~ nocje-ra 3a 1-bHX se.riHI<a pa.!lOCT. KaKo ca)<tO
se.1po ,!ljeJiyje Ka!la Hallie
)l{e.t-re
o611i)y
pal-beHH·Ke.
TaKo cy BHilie nyra .ll.O.Tla3HJie )Ke71-Je ~taJJor ce J npyia
a je.uaunyT cy ..'I,O'HlljeJie nap KI1 JI3 OJb,VWTNIIIX
o paxa. Cjeha)1 ce, Ta..ua MI1 je peKao je,.1aH pal-beHHI<:
1L3,
»3Haw, .UOKTOpe, M H.rmja M 11 je ra naJ.I<J-ba Hero CBii
ITOIOIOHII.<
JYHALJHO DJEJlO
MV1HE '50CHV1'"h
Ka.:x.a cy H11jc~ru,t1 .•tal-bCKOr npo.1
beha 11an a.'Ill 11<1
.Llpsap, .n.a 611 Y.I-IHWTI1 .Tll1 Halli BpxoBHir lliTa6, 11a cBe
crpaHe rp~1H Jie cy el\cn.llOSIIje. ,lloi< cy aniiOIIH 6m i6ap;~.osa/ll1
11
MIITpaJbllpa:IH, cnyllira J
IH cy ce HCTO-
spe~teHo na..'l,o6paHU,I1, LJIIja ce Barpa 113 6au,aLJa, c-rpo.i ·
HHu,a 11 :vnJTpaJbe3a yKpwra.1a c BaTpo~r HalliHX 6(,.
pau,a.
Cpe..1 Hajseher OKplliaja uecTOM je uamu ao je..'l,aH H3W TeHI<. A.• y6p30 ce 3ayCTaB IIO . rTOlliTO BI·IW e
111
HHje Iniao MYHIIU,Ilje. HHje~IU,H, ~..:oj11 TO nplntjeTJ11lie.
11f)HTp4allie H 3aTBOp11WC >1Y CBe OTBOpe, llOKpHBWII
ra je,!l.HIHr he6eT O ~J. H 3I-IeH a.'l,a 11cnpe,!l 1-biiX ce oTpii{ C
je.:LHa .ujesoji<a I<a jy cy 611 .'11! 3apo6 I1.11H 11 c-rp:.Ke heG·~
ca TeHI<a. Teal< 3a6peKra 11 noj y pH. 6op6a c·e 11 ,lla/be
BO.llHJia. TeHK ce yaa .lbasao 3a.l{H:VI.1
ueHH;\I r1PY~IO:O..I,
npaheH palj)aJIHMa lbeMal!KHX Mwrpa.lbe3a. A 11a u, e'Cl'll
j e OCT3Jl0 HCKac anJbeHO THj CJIO X pa6pe ..1j CBOj J..:e M 11Ke 50CHrHh.
.llaHac ce y ,llpBa P~' njePa:
Mei)y :raKiliJH1 P£!;1-beHHU,HMa J.I<HBOT je C.lllt'-Iall
)l{lf.BOTy je.'I,HHHUa Ha O,!O!Opy. no CBJD1a C00:1Ma J.l<lill
fl3 2fOBOij), H3p01.!11TO 0 6op011. l-by Haj&I-!We cn0)1111-bJ'
H): cHy 11 y 6yHH Jiy. : - »Cal-bal\1 CHHOh, npHLJao je WeCTI1h MapHjaH, 6opau, VIII 6pHra)le, 6op6a omot.Je,
a Hallia lleTa ,J:ilH.KaKo !l,a ce npo6uje Kpo3a CHHjer ... -.:
6al-baJJY'!aiHHH My.•ta6,.111h Eca,.1 Hanll·cao je y
00,1!HHU,H BHilie rrjeCa)la 0 6ojeBHMa y HapO,llHOM ;J.eceTepu,y.
napT1133HCKe ,!lpBapcl\e .l.ieB OjKe,
'j' npo.rbehe, r<a.l np o u.sjeT a U.Biijehe,
Ha6ep11Te c~IH.Iba 11 6ocH Jba,
M11K11 5 •CIC HHh Ha rpo6 no Hecwre;
CjeTHTe ce .upyrapHue M111<e
Yl l-be3HHa jyltalJKOra .ujeJia . ..
•••tt••••tloiiiOIIIIIIUIIIIIIIIIIII111111111UU1111111111111UIIIIti11111HII1UIIIUIIIIIIItlllllllltlllllllllll11111
Je;J.Ha je rpyna !13:.KJbiiBO CJI)'Ili3.'!3 C,IIIJI\Oill!TO
npitLJal-be Hel)e Pal)eHOBHha, ~IeTH o r J<O)recapa XI 6paraae: » ... l-bewllma y lliJbeMv. 4'epKe3 6pa.1ar Ka'1
epar. PeKao 6H Ot.J1n1a re n11jy. ¥13~111jelliaCMO ce.
Ocj eTHX KaKo Me crpy j a nO.llHJJa3H O.l Mp iKI-be ... <
Y ,ll~roj COOH HOBH 6HJJTeH ca BH.jeCTmia CKpeH)' O je pa3rosop .na no6je)le L.lpse.He ap~111je 11 6ojese
)' -'W MHfH 6GcHe.
»KaKBO .1111 je ,V)I{HBal-be ca,!la H3 MOra ce:1a nuolarpaTH lliBaoe 'Y 611jery, 3a~1HC.TIHO ce <f>a3Ju1h <f> eXI·D i 6opau. VIII 6p11ra.1e. To je ynpa.so HaJ! 3eHHUOM .
.laB,7
ba ce, eTo, L{a Ty Hallili craJJHO .llp.)l{e no.'lomaj .
J
y
L.LaxHy:ro ce y C I060.'1.·;1. A 3a spHjeMe r CTallia.
,!l.OK
caM
6110 KOJJ. Kyhe, H'HOIO c~rjeJllr 1111 r.'JeJ.aTJI Hawe Cp6e.
6:ra:ro Ha:\1 ce cacTajavw, a mr MQpaJJJi je,llHil 0..1 .lPYnrx 0411 1<pl1'r11. np11je HerO CaM patbeH, H ja C3:\l T81<0
ca nOJIOjl\aja je.:x.I-I·e HOhH 6pojao csje,-;ra. 3a .rBa
11
no
cara rrpory.lHJIO je 180 Ka~tKOHa ca lliBa6a!\ra I<oje 6je) Ke •.. «»A ~111 C!\.10 jOW OB,!lje!c:- rOTOBO 6HjeCHO peJ..:aO je DOWl\0
'Byp11h , 6opal.( II Apnr:uep11jn:or .'1.11-
Pli3H OHa.
3aMI1c.rmx ce Ha;J, TI1M pHjeYinla, t<a:w ca!\t 11a
llOBparKy, y !\lp3JIOj 311:\KKOj HOtm, cpe.1a nap HOCII.'la
ca liOBlnl paJbellHUinta. He, Hallie 60.1I·flnJ,e IIIICV
".vt.e ja!l.a Kao ocra.•Ie 6o .'IHlll~e .
'Pa311ja XaHI,ri-rh
CeaaM.aeceTro.aHwl-ba MapTa W1-1nHa 1-13
6jenajaua , npeTcje.oHHUa OHpyi-HHor o.a6opa
AcPf-H -a , y.uapHHUa HOja je ca.ojena
14 ESaroHa c1-1jeHa
�SAVJETI MAJKAMA
Sve Jo trece godine dijete nesvjesno doZivlj'l.tje
stvarnost oko sebe. Zapravo, ono je doZivljuje na svoj,
poseban naCin. U prvom i drugom mjesecu djeca
obicno placem, a docnije smijehom i pokretima ruku
izrazavaju svoje ielje i dozivljaje iz spoljnjeg svijeta.
Na pr. dijete placem lizrazava d'a je gladno, bolesno,
da nesto zeli, da je vrsilo nuidu i uopste d a ill u
j e nesto prijatno ih neprijatno. Nepravilno je, ako
se majka suvise uzbuduje :.bog djeCijeg placa i ne dopusta mu da uopce zaplace, vee ga na sve nacine zabavlja da hi ga umirila. Svijest majke treba da bude
jaca od ljubavi; ona treba da djetetu pride sa sto
vise razuma, ali i sa razumijevanjem za njegove potrebe. Ako djetetu suvise ugadamo, potpomazemo d .1
se u najranij~m danima kod njega razviju stetne navike. Cesto majke hrane rasplakano dijete, iako mu
hrana nije ,potrebna, uspavljuju ga, iako se tek probudilo, maze ga nekad tako i usred noCi. Uslijed toga
stvaraju se kod djeteta prohtjevi za tim ugodlnostima,
i ono ce i dalje placem prisiljava~ okolinu da mu
ispunjava zelje. Majka na taj nacin postaje rob djeteta.
Osim roga, cesto, radi »mira u kuCi«, tohko se veze uz
d.ijete da se docnije bez velike muke ne moze od
njega odijeliti. Preporucljivo je da se dlijete isplace do
mile volje, ako placem hoce da postigne ono sto je
nemoguce ispuniti.
Moramo se potruditi da uopste uvedemo red u
zivot djeteta. Treba dijete naviknuti da ga u odredeno vrijeme kupamo, hranimo, stavljamo spavati. I
nik.om iz djeCije okoline ne smijemo dozvoliti da taj
red mijenja. Dijete se moze samo tako pravilno
razvijati.
No to se odnosi na zdravo dijete. Kad je dijete
bolesno , postupamo prema savjetima ljekara. Bol~-
snom djetetu cinimo izvjesnc ustupke, ali ni tu nc
smijemo pretjeravati. Uopste, prevelika ljubav prema
djetetu pomaze razvitak negativnih osobina kao sto
su ncsamostalnost, nesigurnost, tvrdoglavost itd.
Naglasicemo jos neke momente na koje treba
obratiti paznju pri odgoju dljece. Brije svega, svjetlost
ne smije biti prejaka za dijete da mu ne hi kvarila vid.
Mrak djeca cesto doiivljuju uz osjecanje straha, jer
majke obicavaju da plase djecu mrakom. Time majka
mozda za momenat smiri dijete. Ali zastrasivanje
mrakom, baukom, baba-rogom, moze imati vrlo teskih
;posljedica za djecu. Nije rijetka pojava da se od
straha pred mrakom pati cijeloga iivota.
Dijete, dok je maleno, vrlo je nesigurno u sebe,
jer je jos nerazvijeno i slabo, pa se ins.f:inktivno oslanja na odrasle. Ako pomoc odras1ih nije razumna,
moze biti stetna. Osjecaj opasnosti majka treba dla
razvija kod djeteta. T ako na pr. u d1jetetu treba razvijati svijest pred opasnoscu od vatre ili duboke vode.
s druge strane, necemo mu govoriti 0 opasnosti tamo
gdje ona stvarno ne postoji.
Svaka majka treba da zna da dijete, prema stepenu razvitk.a, ima odredene potrebe. Za te potrebe
ona mora imati razumijevanja i ne smije preko njih
prelaziti. Dijete ieli d1 skace, da trci, da vice, da
a
se igra sa ostalom djecom. To mu ne smijemo braniti, ako ne postoje naroCiti raz1ozi. Djeca vole i treba
cla sticu nova iskustva. I mi cemo im to dozvolliti, ukoliko im to ne hi skodilo. Razumije se, necemo dozvo1iti da dlijete padne s• vece visine, ali ako pada
uceCi se hodati, samo cemo ukloniti predmete o koje
moze da se jace ud 1
ari. Treba, dakle, pustiti djecu
da sama sticu iskustva, da hi od najranijih dana upo::-·navalc> re::tlan zivot.
!Asmo tz /?rnjavora
H3 .HC.HBOTa H pa,l(a .HC.ena
rpaXO'BCKOT cpe3a
Nas grad se nalazi izmedu Banje Luke i De rvente. Maleno je nase mjesto, ali je sretno, jer je vee
skoro dvije godine slobodno. Nasim sokacima razlijeiu se lijepe partizanske pjeEme. Mi, muslimans.!<e
:ene zajedno s nasim sestrama Srpkinjama i Hrvaticama, Ukrajinkama i Poljakinjama, kojih takocle ima
u Prnjavoru i okolici, stalno pomaiemo nasu borbu.
Nista nam nije tesko. Kuhamo, peremo rublje ::a nasc
borce, obilazimo s poklonima nase ranjenje drugove.
Pored toga mi i ucimo. Organizovalc smo po mahalama sas.tanke ::a C:itanje nase stampc 11il koj..' drugarice rado dolaze. Citamo o bitkama i pobjedamn nas ~
vojske i save::nickih armija .• r aucile smo ko u na;i
prijatelji, a ko neprijatelji. Pr;je rata o politi~..i mi nimo gotovo nista znale. Sada nam je Jasno 1 jc na ~~.:
neznanje koristilo narodnim I1t>tJ1ij1td inn
Mnogo ~mo i mi prcpatilc tokom O\ ga rata. ,1·,
je grad prezi\·•io dvije teske neprijatd]ske tJfanzi\ c.
Fasisti su pljackali sve do cega u m li lou. ~ilo
vali su zene, palili :kuce. ubili mnogo p t mh !judi.
Sada im je dosao kraj. Nasa velika ,nc~nH.<l
Crvena armija - nala::i se se pred Rctlmom. Za]dno
sa Nijemcima propasce i izroJi i i: 'qni ... i n,1-.eg naroda - usta . e i cetnici.
Raduj•
uci se bliskoj potpunoj sloh1dt, m; cemo i
JaJJe neumorno raditi da pobjeda stl prlJe dodc i J1
na- a domovina sto prije procvjeta 110\ im :.1\ otom.
N adiija Softie
22
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no,'b)' II y
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ru T3Ko uacroje 11 ;ra ce npocsjcTc. Lla
Pa:umo.ium cnmiene CHna
JhtBI!.\' IIC1111lj)Cl II
,111CT »I ic .. By
CB<;j
Ka.:ra
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'teTHl!Ka, 'tecTu c
LI.Y-
ouJ..:Il.\1 \ '3.J.<lXO.\I peKHe: »,lla 001' .J.a ~Ill CC 1111Ka;J,a !le
Bp(lill!>; OO,'!.C J~a ra 111! j)O;J,H .'Ia HIIC3~1«. /\ CBaiWr pal be lli!Ka Ko.i H rrpotJe nope;~ Kyhe ;((J' lCKa c ~r:mj eKo~r.
6pllii\IIO \lj
CllllO~l.
ITO!TpaH:ba 3~oje
lf
IIH3l11Hl ra
CR0_\11\l
�..,
SADRZA J
•
Strana
Od prve ustanicke puske do slobodnog Sarajev;\
narodna vlada .
lz Deklaracije
Hrvatice Bosne i Hercegovine
Proljetna sjetva je otpocela
lz govora druga Dede
Djeciji domovi treba da budu jedna od prvih briga nase organi:.acije
Bosna i Hercegovina nece ostati nepi mena
Pojacajmo politicki rad medu zenama
Pedesetpet vjesala na Marin-dvoru
Oslobod~ocima Sarajeva
lstra i Slovenacko Primorje bice nasi
Velika manifestacija antifasist:kinja Hercegovine
Marija - prevod s ruskog
Dar bugojan~kih zena borcima III Ukrajinskog fronta.
Spasa mu je »pokazala« put .
I antifasisti&ki miting iena lstocne Bosne
Srbijanke se bore
Posljednje pismo
Iz zavicaja Metle i olaje
Ugovor o prijateljstvu i saradnji i:.medu SSSR i Jugo~S lavije
Driavni grb demokratske federativne Jugoslavije
Na zgaristima sedam sda
Jedinstvo u borbi i patnjama
Medu ranjenicima V Korpusa
J unacko djelo Mike Bosnic
Savjeti majkama
Pi~rmo iz Prnjavora .
h zivota i rada zena grahovskog sreza
1
Jedinstvena
..
••••
2
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
·•
9
9
10
11
12
13
13
14
15
16
17
18
18
19
19
20
21
22
22
22
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CJl050DA HAPODY
.••• . , ............ ""' •• '"' ......... ,.y··
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Periodika/časopisi
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
SP
Periodika
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Nova žena : list Antifašističkog fronta žena Bosne i Hercegovine, God. 1, br. 2
Subject
The topic of the resource
Antifašistički front žena
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Antifašistički front žena Bosne i Hercegovine
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Historijski muzej Bosne i Hercegovine
Publisher
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Antifašistički front žena Bosne i Hercegovine
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1945
Rights
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Antifašistički front žena Bosne i Hercegovine
Language
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SH
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
02-SP
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
26 str.
AFŽ
Antifašistički pokret
Bosna i Hercegovina
nepismenost
opismenjavanje
politička prava
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/f99b1c32e2feeeab058626c09c083fe6.pdf
ff0b0809d2e6bd7a09ca45655c3ff65f
PDF Text
Text
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Dokumenti iz arhiva
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
A
Dokument
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Centralni odbor AFŽ-a Jugoslavije povodom 08. marta 1946. izdaje list "08. mart" Obavještenje od 20.02.1946.
Subject
The topic of the resource
Obavještenje o izlaženju lista "08. mart"
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Centralni odbor AFŽ-a Jugoslavije
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
20.02.1946.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine; Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Language
A language of the resource
SH
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
dopis
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
63-A
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
1 str.
"8. mart"
1946
Bosna i Hercegovina
Centralni odbor AFŽ-a Jugoslavije
Međunarodni dan žena
ženski listovi
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/4fa485aed7f60e7ad163013701f5048d.pdf
a8c12d3bc96bba4bba96ad7f61a3f117
PDF Text
Text
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Dokumenti iz arhiva
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
A
Dokument
Dublin Core
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Title
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Izvještaj komisije Glavnog odbora AFŽa BiH o obilasku organizacije AFŽa i rejona
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Glavni odbor AFŽa BiH
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine,
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1949.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
PDF
Language
A language of the resource
SH
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
337-A
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
15 str.
1949.
aktivi
aktivistkinje
čitalačke grupe
dječije ustanove
Glavni odbor AFŽa BiH
izvještaj
jaslice
Kulturno-prosvjetna sekcija
Majka i dijete
obdaništa
opismenjavanje
politički rad
porodilišta
porodilje
radne akcije
sekretarijat
terenski rad
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/e39444daf95ff7b9cc4256e0ff1fb9cf.pdf
c6cea4daa936774d72a5f1cd9e08fb11
PDF Text
Text
URA .KI arBUR A~:-a
Zen 1 c a
L.nlca.I~ januara 1948
Ilr .1/ 48
ZJSlItALJS .. OJI OlJBORU AF2-a
JJrage drugarice,
U v8zi pretkongresnlh priprema na koje Be obavezala
na§a organizaclja u~lnjeno je Bledeoe dosada:
izvrQena je u~l'DjlvanJe zena u Uarodnu Frantu Yo%, te
ee! 1 dalje uporno radi Da tom zadatku kako b1 se ~zYr§11a obavez8 U
potpunoaU.
U vezi ,baveza de ee ae Bve drugarice do 4~ godina
ukllu~lti u analfabet~Ae te~aJeve dosaae Je Organlzacija Ar~-a ~11
ky~rta dale najbolje rezultate.
ake te~aja u koja 8U ob~Ya6ene
Otvorena au u prlprem~a 4 analrabet72 zene. Otvoren je jedan pro~uzn1
te~aj S8 II ~ena. Oatale drugarice KOJe lmaju novoroajen~ad one se
pojedina~no oplamenjavaJu po§to 8U dru£arlce dale 11~necobaveze da 6e
Ib pojedlna~no oplamenltl 1 privestl iBpit~ U lsto vreme kao 1 oatale
drugarice koje redovito pohadjaJu analfabet9~e teOaJeve.
~8tl k~art 1ma ukupno b anal!abet~k1h 1 JedMn pro~u~n1
teN'J.
V
Odrzana je ~sovna konrerencija ze~ radn1ca u ~eduze
~ u ~eIJezarl u ~zi 11 ~oDgresa, na kOJOJ su se drugarice radnlce obal'ezale da ~e u ~a8t 11 Kongresd primlti 11cne 0 baveze i sproTe.ti 1n
u
~1Tot.
Za delegata 11 ~on8res izabrana J8 ar~garica nuna Z111~.
Organizovana je maaovna akciJa ~ena u ~aet 11 kongresa
na koju Je lzaalo 300 ~ena 1 aalo 1500 radnih sat1. rtadilo Be ~1 na
kopanju kanala za d01'odjenje 1'oa8 iz 8e1a ~lopOa u ~enlcu.
_
Socijalno Zdra1'stYena aekcija u pripremama primila je
radne patronate nad ~Ii± dza~klm domom nad domom u~enl.a u privredi
DaQ porodiliAtem i lzTr~lla pripreme za otT~ranje ttje~ljeg obdani§ta
prl preduze6h Ze1Jezara. rrialjeni au patronati nau ~~oIakim kuhinjamao
Aao pomo~ d pretkongreanlm pripremama Sreakom odboru
u-2-a pr1.mlll omo na krojanje i ~lvanje 200 odijela za airoma~nu djecu as eela.
A~o pomo~ Sreskem odboru Ar2-a i !enama Be~a urulsrice
au otl~I. na teren da obluju 10 mjeanih oubora gdja ~e oatati 3 dana,
1 dOTeati delegate na .re.k~ ptenua AtZ-a. ~akodjer oe naAe d1ugarice
upoznati tene eela.a Bna~ajem kongr~.~ 1 pretgongreanim pripremama.
ha ~elegata 18pred grad~ ~.nlce izwbrana Je dru~rica
Uira Cepinac,za II KongreB •• j1 de ee odr~ati u Ueogradu, a dr~rica
ftuna Zilia iapred preduze a Zeljezare.
Za a&r drugu Tltu pravidjell am. Jednu p1aketu koja
~e prikaziYati na!u tenicu leaD ~nduo,riakl cantar i ~enu r.dnicu u
radu preduzo~u 7.eljez ra, koja 6e bitl izradjena od matala 1 u leojoi
~a biti ugravlran 1 11k druga 1'ita.
Za aovjetBku doleg~ciju latu
taku, samo .a likom drugu Jtaljina. 0...1 dar. vi bi~e smje~eni u tapecirane ka88.e. ~o!to imamo JoA dov?ljno DeTca ml camo dodi u ~.rajeTo
dan ranije u po~t. !oIia. j.o~ jedan dar kupitl to 6emo u~initi u
sporazumu aa
kojoj
delegacijl 1 kakay dar, b~10 to u Yidu
6iI1ma 1 no~to druga.
yam
".a
./
.
1
�,
-
eelimo da vi 88 naae atrane racunate jo§ na jedan dai
Zenice.
Za koji dan otvaramo politi~ki kure za ~ene aktivi.tkinje
Zenice 0 ~emu cemo 'as ta~nije izvjestiti, kao 1 0 na§em ra~u uopste.
.d
~ena
uZ llitUuAttO)Kl rUZ1HtAV
leepinao m,ral AO..
~ ~-- ' / ~'/;;'~
•
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Dokumenti iz arhiva
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
A
Dokument
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Izvještaj o predkongresnim pripremama
Subject
The topic of the resource
Izvještaj Zemaljskom odboru AFŽa, Sarajevo
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Gradski odbor AFŽa Zenica
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
14.01.1948.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
PDF
Language
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SH
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
231-A
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
2 str.
1948
akcije
analfabetski tečajevi
đački domovi
Gradski odbor AFŽ-a Zenica
obdaništa
politički kursevi
porodilišta
pripreme za Kongres
školske kuhinje
socijalno-zdravstvena sekcija
Željezara Zenica
Zemaljski odbor AFŽa BiH
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/6ea21b684a3b6c483b9dacc9900bb616.pdf
1ff9403a8faacf74f60c5234966bb69e
PDF Text
Text
The End of the AFŽ – The End of Meaningful Women’s Activism?
Rethinking the History of Women’s Organizations in Croatia, 1953 – 1961
By
Jelena Tesija
Submitted to
Central European University
Department of Gender Studies
In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Gender Studies.
Supervisor: Professor Francisca de Haan
Budapest, Hungary
2014
�Abstract
This thesis, as part of emerging scholarly work on rethinking the complex relations between
feminism and socialism, explores the Savez ženskih društava Hrvatske (Union of Women’s
Societies of Croatia, SŽDH), the women's organization that existed in Yugoslavia from 1953
to 1961. The SŽDH was the successor of the Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s
Front, AFŽ), and while there is ample literature about the activities of the AFŽ, the activities
of its successor organizations are hardly researched. This thesis examines the case of the
SŽDH in order to understand better what was happening in a forgotten period of Yugoslav
women’s history. I first discuss second-wave feminist historians’ perspectives on the AFŽ,
and in particular the fact that that most historians who have written about the AFŽ claim that
its dissolution in 1953, as an autonomous organization, was detrimental for meaningful work
on women’s problems in Yugoslavia. Second, I look at archival documents of the SŽDH. I
approach the material from a bottom-up perspective, which goes against the hegemonic
narrative on communist women’s organizations as being simply obedient “Party tools”. I
research the activities and goals of the SŽDH, the discussions and debates within the
organization as well as the problems that the SŽDH women were facing in their practical
work. I focus on the SŽDH women’s own perspective and the terms which they used
themselves when discussing and explaining their work. Using a bottom-up approach and
avoiding to apply the second-wave feminist “autonomy principle” for a state socialist
women’s organization, this analysis shows that the SŽDH was not simply a “Party tool”. This
research proves that the SŽDH women had their voices and opinions; that they had a wellthought-out strategy and ideas on how to enhance women’s position in the context they lived
in; and that they extensively discussed the SŽDH’s position in the new circumstances of selfmanagement in Yugoslavia.
i
�Acknowledgments
I would like to thank my supervisor Francisca de Haan for guidance, extremely helpful
comments and ideas and encouragement during this thesis process. I would also like to thank
my second supervisor Elissa Helms for her support.
My parents were always there for me during my education. I want to thank to mom and dad
for their unconditional emotional and financial support.
I am grateful to Ivana for her assistance from home and to Jelena for technical and emotional
support. I also want to thank Aisuluu for being a friend.
Thanks to Cemre for everything.
ii
�Table of Contents
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... i
Acknowledgments.................................................................................................................................. ii
List of abbreviations.............................................................................................................................. v
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1
Sources and Methods........................................................................................................................... 2
Theoretical framework ........................................................................................................................ 4
Women and socialism ..................................................................................................................... 4
Totalitarian model vs. bottom-up approach..................................................................................... 9
Second-wave feminism and the “autonomy principle” ................................................................. 11
How to apply this to Yugoslavia? ..................................................................................................... 16
1. A short history of Yugoslavia ......................................................................................................... 19
1.1. The KPJ, Tito and Yugoslavia in WW2 ..................................................................................... 19
1.2. The Yugoslav specific form of socialism ................................................................................... 22
1.3. Women's position in Yugoslavia ................................................................................................ 25
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 27
2. History and historiography of the AFŽ ......................................................................................... 28
2.1. The women’s movement in Yugoslavia before the AFŽ ........................................................... 29
2.2. The AFŽ (1942-1953) – organizational structure, goals and activities ...................................... 30
2.3. Historians' evaluation of the AFŽ's activities and the changes in its organizational structure ... 34
2.4. Historians’ interpretation of the dissolution of the AFŽ ............................................................ 36
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 41
3. The SŽDH (1953-1961): position, activities, goals and discussions ............................................. 43
3.1. The SŽDH’s structure and activities .......................................................................................... 44
3.2. How should women be organized?............................................................................................. 50
3.3. Polemics over the main goal of the organization ....................................................................... 57
iii
�3.4. Which problems were the SŽDH women facing in their practical work? .................................. 62
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 65
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................ 68
Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................ 72
iv
�List of abbreviations
AFŽ - Antifašistički front žena / Antifascist Women’s Front
AFŽH - Antifašistički front žena Hrvatske / Antifascist Women’s Front of Croatia
AFŽJ - Antifašistički front žena Jugoslavije / Antifascist Women’s Front of Yugoslavia
AVNOJ - Antifašističko vijeće narodnog oslobođenja Jugoslavije / Anti-Fascist Council of
the Peoples' Liberation of Yugoslavia
DFJ - Demokratska federativna Jugoslavija / Democratic Federal Yugoslavia
FNRJ - Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija / People’s Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia
GO - Glavni odbor / Main Committee
HR-HDA - Hrvatska-Hrvatski državni arhiv / Croatia-Croatian State Archives
KDAŽ - Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost žena / Conference for the Social activity of
Women
KDAŽH - Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost žena Hrvatske / Conference for the Social
Activity of Women of Croatia
KPJ - Komunistička partija Jugoslavije / Communist Party of Yugoslavia
NF - Narodni front / People’s Front
NO - Narodni odbori / People’s Committees
NOF - Narodnooslobodilački front / People’s Liberation Front
NRH - Narodna Republika Hrvatska / People’s Republic of Croatia
v
�SKJ - Savez komunista Jugoslavije / League of Communists of Yugoslavia
SSRN - Socijalistički savez radnog naroda / Socialist Alliance of Working People
SSRNH - Socijalistički savez radnog naroda Hrvatske / Socialist Alliance of Working People
of Croatia
SSRNJ - Socijalistički savez radnog naroda Jugoslavije / Socialist Alliance of Working
People of Yugoslavia
SŽD - Savez ženskih društava / Union of Women’s Societies
SŽDH - Savez ženskih društava Hrvatske / Union of Women’s Societies of Croatia
SŽDJ - Savez ženskih društava Jugoslavije / Union of Women’s Societies of Yugoslavia
vi
�“How was it possible that a tradition of struggle, of commitment with the highest personal
costs, and which could have energized generations of women, had been simply wiped out of
my generation's historical consciousness?”1
Introduction
In the 1970s and 1980s, the Yugoslav feminist historian Lydia Sklevicky2 started to
search for the lost and forgotten history of Yugoslav women and their treatment in the
historiography. She found out from another study (Polić, 1986) that in 1986 in the Yugoslav
educational material women almost did not exist - there were more horses than women in
history schoolbooks from the fifth to eight grades of primary school (1989b: 70). Sklevicky
was the first author who wrote thoroughly about the Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist
Women’s Front, AFŽ), the women’s organization which was formed in the Second World
War in Yugoslavia and which fought actively for women’s liberation. Several historians
followed Sklevicky’s approach to write about the AFŽ’s goals, its activities and the changes
in its organizational structure.
I do not remember, during my education in Croatia in the 1990s and 2000s, that we
were learning about the AFŽ, nothing but the fact that the organization existed. However, at
1
Lydia Sklevicky, 1989b: 68
2
Lydia Sklevicky (1952-1990) was a feminist historian, theoretician, activist and author of the first feminist
academic articles in several disciplines (sociology, ethnology and history) in Yugoslavia. She graduated in
sociology and ethnology at University of Zagreb in 1976 and became an assistant at the Institute for the History
of the Workers’ Movement in Croatia. Sklevicky was dedicated to exploring women's history in Yugoslavia,
especially the history of the the Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ), the official women’s
organization that existed in Yugoslavia from 1942 to 1953. She published several articles on the AFŽ, but she
didn’t finish her doctoral dissertation on the same topic, because she died in car accident on January 21, 1990.
The thesis was published posthumously in 1996, edited by her supervisor Dunja Rihtman Auguštin and titled
Konji, žene, ratovi (Horses, Women, Wars), and is still the most thorough study on the AFŽ. Sklevicky was part
of the second-wave feminist movement in Yugoslavia in the 1970s, one of the founders of the feminist group
“Women and Society” in Zagreb in 1979 and an internationally active scholar, participating in many academic
conferences and other events (see Kašić, 2006: 517-520).
1
�least the historiography on the AFŽ started to flourish then. Historians, following Sklevicky,
were discussing the AFŽ and tried to figure out what happened regarding the extremely
complex issue of the dissolution of the organization in 1953. But in their work, the AFŽ’s
successor organizations existed only as a note that there was something after the AFŽ. These
organizations have been almost completely neglected in the historiography of the women’s
movement in Yugoslavia. I was puzzled about this and one of the aims of my thesis is to try to
understand why this happened. But first and foremost I will search for information about one
of the AFŽ’s successors in Croatia, the Savez ženskih društava Hrvatske (Union of Women’s
Societies of Croatia, SŽDH), and try to integrate the forgotten voices of the SŽDH’s women
into the Yugoslav historiography.
The SŽDH was the women’s organization that existed in the People’s Republic of
Croatia (part of Yugoslavia) from 1953 to 1961. The SŽDH was the successor of the
Antifašistički front žena Hrvatske (Antifascist Women’s Front of Croatia, AFŽH), and, as I
already pointed out, while there is literature about the activities of the AFŽH, the activities of
its successor organizations are hardly researched. In this thesis I will first discuss historians’
perspectives on the AFŽ, and in particular the fact that that most historians who have written
about the AFŽ(H) claim that its dissolution in 1953 was detrimental for meaningful work on
women’s problems in Yugoslavia (Sklevicky 1996; Stojaković, 2012, etc.). Subsequently, I
will research the activities and goals of the SŽDH, the discussions and debates within the
organization as well as the problems that the SŽDH women were facing in their work.
Sources and Methods
Historians have done several primary researches on the AFŽ. Lydia Sklevicky made a
thorough analysis of the archival documents of the AFŽ on the level of People's Republic of
Croatia (1996), historian and feminist activist Neda Božinović researched the AFŽ in Serbia
2
�(1996), and feminist historian Gordana Stojaković studied the AFŽ’s magazine in Vojvodina
(2012). However, the only primary research on the Savez ženskih društava (Union of
Women’s Societies, SŽD), that I found, has been done by Božinović. She has done research
based on the archival documents of the SŽD of Serbia and the research is presented in several
pages of her book about the women's movement in Serbia in the 19th and 20th century (1996:
171-184). Even though the history and historiography of the AFŽ is an integral part of my
thesis, my primary focus is on the activities of the SŽDH. Since I’m interested in the activities
of women’s organizations in Croatia after 1953, specifically the SŽDH (1953-1961), the main
data for my research are the archival documents of the Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost
žena Hrvatske (Conference for the Social Activity of Women of Croatia, KDAŽH), which
includes activities of the SŽDH. These materials are available in the Croatian State Archives
in Zagreb. I am mostly focused on the documents from the Founding Assembly of the
SŽDH’s, held on February 27-18, 1957, the First Plenary Session held on January 27-28,
1958, and the Second Plenary Session held on December 6-7, 1960.
I use textual analysis, more precisely the close reading technique, to analyze
discussions and debates which were going on during these meetings and to detect the
organization’s main goals and activities. Close reading is “the mindful, disciplined reading of
an object with a view to deeper understanding of its meanings” (Brummett, 2010: 3) and one
of the main goals of the close reading is “a better understanding of the rhetoric of what we
read” (Brummett, 2010: 4). I have tried to apply this when reading the archival documents,
especially to get a better and deeper understanding of the language and concepts the SŽDH
women used themselves when describing their goals and activities.
3
�Theoretical framework
I’m framing my topic within three major theoretical fields. First, I’m dealing with the
general issue of women and socialism and different elements within it. I focus on the
unresolved ambiguous relationship between communism and feminism; part of which is that
socialist feminists opposed to what they call bourgeois feminism, which they found limited.
At the same time, I demonstrate that there was a strong support for women’s liberation as
something vital in socialist thought. Second, I discuss and challenge the general top-down
approach (or totalitarian paradigm) to communism, in which women’s organizations in state
socialist countries are seen as the state’s tool, which results in denying the agency of the
women in that era. Finally, I look to the other side of the complex issue of socialism and
feminism: the second-wave feminists and their disappointment with the socialist state and the
submission of gender to class. They advocated for women being separate and autonomous in
the gender struggle and, as historian Chiara Bonfiglioli recently argued, this notion was
projected on the past, which again resulted in an erasure of the agency of socialist women,
who were fighting against patriarchy at that time.
Women and socialism
There were different approaches to women's emancipation within state socialism and
different ideas about how to achieve it. First, I will discuss Marxism/communism and the
women’s question on the ideological level in terms of the theorizing by Marx, Engels, Bebel,
Lenin, Kollontai and Armand (Buckley, 1989: 18-27). Then, I will ask more concrete
questions about the main field of dispute in the communist thought and practice: whether a
separate women’s organization was necessary and justified or not, with a few examples from
different contexts to demonstrate how this problem was not specific only to the Yugoslav case
and how it remained unresolved.
4
�Both Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels claimed that socialism was the only system in
which women’s liberation would be possible, which could be seen in their claim that “it is
self-evident, that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the
abolition of the community of women springing from that system, i.e., of prostitution both
public and private” (1950: 36). Sovietologist and political scientist Alfred G. Meyer, in his
discussion of Marxism and the women’s movement before the First World War, claims that
Marx and Engels analyzed everything through the lens of the class struggle, meaning that
women’s oppression too “was to be understood in its functional relationship to the class
structure and the class struggle” (1977: 89). Political philosopher Sonia Kruks, anthropologist
Rayna Rapp and historian Marilyn B. Young, in their introduction to Promissory Notes:
Women in the transition to Socialism, argue that Marxism as a theory proposed to solve so
called Woman Question and all others social issues by introducing socialism (1989: 8).
Therefore, they claim that for the early socialist thinkers “women as category had nothing to
contribute to the theory of socialism” (1989: 8).
Working-class socialist August Bebel in 1879 published the book Die Frau und der
Sozialismus (Woman and socialism), in which he criticized the bourgeois feminist idea that
the liberation of women would be achieved through a battle for civil equality of men and
women. Bebel saw marriage as slavery for women and claimed that freedom for women was
impossible without abolishment the capitalist system (1988: 500-501). He emphasized that
only the Socialist Party advocated gender equality and said that the woman question
“coincides with that other question: In what manner should society be organized to abolish
oppression, exploitation, misery and need, and to bring about the physical and mental welfare
of individuals and of society as a whole?” (1988: 498). Even though he was aware of
woman’s special position, he still claimed that the solution for women’s question was the
same as solution for the social question (1988: 502). Bebel supposed that in the socialist state,
5
�in which there would be no private property, women would be free because “nurses, teachers,
women friends, the rising female generation, all these will stand by her when she is in need of
assistance” (1988: 504). Finally, Bebel said that “in the new society woman will be entirely
independent, both socially and economically” (1988: 502).
Lenin developed Marxist theory further and brought it on a more practical level,
according to Mary Buckley, a British historian who works on the Soviet Union (1989: 25).
Even though he advocated for drawing women into the socialist struggle and for raising their
political consciousness, before the 1917 Russian Revolution he rejected the idea of women’s
separate organization to achieve this goal (Buckley, 1989: 25). Nevertheless, after the
Revolution, Lenin was more ready to accept the idea of special work among women, even
though he was striving to separate this idea from so-called “bourgeois feminism”, as can be
seen from his conversation with the German socialist feminist Klara Zetkin on the women’s
question in 1920. While advocating for a strong international communist women’s movement,
Lenin again rejected the idea of having a separate women’s organization, but on the other
side, he claimed that “we must not close our eyes to the fact that the Party must have bodies,
working groups, commissions, committees, bureaus or whatever you like, whose particular
duty it is to arouse the masses of women’s workers, to bring them into contact with the Party,
and to keep them under its influence”, which “involves systematic work among them” (1950:
99). Additionally, he advocated for “special methods of agitation and forms of organization”,
while also insisting that “that is not feminism, that is practical, revolutionary expediency”
(1950: 99). Lenin offered some practical solutions for women’s problems in the Soviet Union,
in terms of two tasks: to get rid of bourgeois legislation and to socialize housework in order to
liberate women from the burden of household duties (Buckley, 1989: 26).
Along similar lines, two important socialist thinkers, Alexandra Kollontai and Inessa
Armand, were opposing the feminist movement, because they believed that women’s
6
�liberation could be achieved only in a socialist system (Buckley, 1989: 33). Just to briefly
introduce them, Alexandra Kollontai (1872-1952) was one of the most important women in
the Soviet Union. She was a writer, political activist, the director of the women’s organization
Zhenotdel from 1920 to 1922, and the first female ambassador in the world (she was a Soviet
diplomat in Norway from 1923 to 1925 and from 1927 to 1930) (Gafizova, 2006: 253-257).
Inessa Armand (1874-1920) was the first director of the Zhenotdel, a socialist feminist activist
in the Soviet Union and internationally, and a prominent member of the Communist Party
(Pushkareva, 2006: 33-36). Kollontai argued that bourgeois feminists’ demands “go no further
than demands for political equality” and that “they are fighting for their female prerogatives
without striving to achieve the abolition of all existing prerogatives and privileges…” (1984:
31). But these socialist women were also aware that, as Buckley claims, “liberation would not
automatically ‘happen’ or even ‘be guaranteed’ by a change in the economic substructure or
through legislation” (1989: 44). That is why in 1918 they advocated strongly for women-only
organizations and, according to Buckley, they managed to frame their demands in a
acceptable way, while claiming that “since revolution had successfully triumphed, these
organizations would serve the revolution, not bourgeois feminism, because they existed in a
socialist state pursuing socialist goals” (1989: 55). Buckley concludes that “although the core
of Bolshevik ideology resisted special groups for women, the practical need to confront the
low level of women’s involvement led to support for special women’s organizations, so long
as they were not separated from the Party” (1989: 57).
Changes in state socialist women’s organizations happened for several reasons:
ideological, practical, or because of different interests and power struggles. There is no one
answer, neither on a theoretical nor on the historical level, to why this happened. Not only on
the national, but also on the international level, there was discussion about how to organize
socialist women after the Bolshevik Revolution. As I said above, in his conversation with
7
�Zetkin, Lenin was advocating for a strong Communist Women’s Movement, which was
formed within the Third International, at a conference in Moscow in June 1920 (Waters,
1989: 29). This Movement was a successor of women’s movement within the First and the
Second International, during which two women’s conferences took place: one in Stuttgart in
1907 and the second one in Copenhagen in 1910 (Waters, 1989: 30). Along similar lines, it
was clear from the Theses on the Communist Women’s Movement, presented during the
Moscow conference in 1920, that the delegates at the conference thought that the only
effective way for struggling for the Woman Question was within the communist society and
movement, and that at the same time “without the conscious and active participation of the
mass of women who sympathize with communism… a fundamental and far-reaching
transformation of the economic basis of society and all its institutions and all its cultural life is
impossible” (quoted in Waters, 1989: 31). In organizational terms, the Theses stated that
movement would be organized through Communist parties’ “women’s agitational
commissions” from local to national level with adequate women’s representation in parties’
committees (Waters, 1989: 37). What is interesting is that in one section of the Theses the
Second International was praised for making “a clear demarcation between the socialist and
bourgeois women’s movement” (quoted in Waters, 1989: 38). Waters argues that in the late
1920s there were attempts for isolation of women’s sections from national parties, but they
were unsuccessful and in the early 1930s these sections developed closer relationships with
the parties (1989: 44). One example, mentioned in Waters’ article, is especially important to
show how discussions on this topic were extremely lively and how even the most prominent
socialist women were sometimes going against general Communist Parties’ lines. Namely,
Waters explains how exactly Klara Zetkin was advocating for women’s organizations to be
separate from the Parties in the early 1920s in order to “spread the communist message
8
�beyond the small band of the faithful and bring together women from diverse social
backgrounds and with a range of political allegiances” (1989: 44).
In her book chapter about women’s organizations in the Soviet Union in the 1920s,
Mary Buckley presents and discusses the ideological justification for the women’s
organization’s existence; the organizational structure and different forms of these
organizations as well as the content, relevance and efficacy of their work. She also describes
the obstacles that women’s organizations were facing and the different forces that were
against separate work among women (1989: 60-107). Buckley says that after the 1917
Revolution in the Soviet Union, the Party needed women to be active, so separate women’s
organizations were temporarily allowed and ideologically justified as necessary to raise
political consciousness among women (see Lenin’s words above). In order to achieve this
goal and to organize and supervise work among women, the Zhenotdel, the Women’s
Department of the Central Committee Secretariat, was formed in 1919 (1989: 65). Buckley
emphasizes some structural obstacles in implementing changes on behalf of women during
the existence of the Zhenotdel (1919-1930), such as the Civil War in the country, high
unemployment and the lack of interest of Party leaders in changes in family life (1989: 61).
She also mentions the power struggle within the Party and the subordination of the Zhenotdel,
as well as strong opposition from conservative Bolshevik men, fear of separation of the
women’s question from the joint class struggle, and resistance among some women to accept
new roles or to obey policies that were seen as ordered ‘from above’ as problems that the
Zhenotdel’s activists were facing (1989: 62).
Totalitarian model vs. bottom-up approach
Another way in which I discuss the women's question in state socialism is through
challenging the totalitarian paradigm according to which emancipation was imposed on
9
�women for the sake of the Communist Party. The “totalitarian-model scholarship”, which
Sheila Fitzpatrick explained on the example of the Soviet Union, meant that historians viewed
the Soviet Union through the lens of a top-down approach, according to which the Soviet
Union was a monolith system in which “the destruction of autonomous association and the
atomization of bonds between people produced a powerless, passive society that was purely
an object of regime control and manipulation” (2007: 80). This approach was developed
mostly by political scientists, who were, according to Fitzpatrick often funded by different US
government’s agencies (2007: 80). In the 1970s and 1980s the model was challenged by socalled “revisionists”, who developed a bottom-up approach to the history of the Soviet Union.
Unlike the totalitarians, the revisionists were mostly social historians who supposed that
“society had to be more than a simple object of regime control” (Fitzpatrick, 2007: 81), and
who accordingly shed new light on Soviet Union history. According to Fitzpatrick, the
revisionist paradigm prevailed in the mid-1980s within the discipline of Soviet history, but
did not change the public picture of the Soviet Union in Western countries (2007: 79).
In terms of women’s emancipation, the totalitarian paradigm assumed that the
emancipation was a Party project imposed on women from above with different goals than
women’s interests, as for example Romanian feminist political theorist Mihaela Miroiu claims
(2007: 199). Following the totalitarian paradigm, Miroiu compares communism to fascism
and argues that women’s emancipation and political participation through a system of quota
aimed to make it certain for the Party to have docile supporters and “barely had to do with the
political presentation of women’s interests” (2007: 199). Above all, while acknowledging
possible positive consequences for mothers, she evaluates negatively the introduction of state
kindergartens and crèches by labelling them as a means of “control over the entire
population” (2007: 199).
10
�There are, of course, historians who approach the history of state socialism and of
women in state socialist countries from a different perspective: the bottom-up approach. The
Polish-American social and cultural historian Malgorzata (Gosia) Fidelis, for example,
criticizes “the totalitarian paradigm” and claims that because of this approach “it is rare to
find works that give voice to women as active and diverse historical agents” (2014: 167).
Fidelis also emphasizes that the “conviction that ‘equality’ was given by the regime” actually
“distorts agency from below and contributes to misconceptions about how communism
worked in everyday life” (2014: 170). In her book on women and industrialization in Poland
after the Second World War, Fidelis concluded that during women’s protests in female
dominated industries, members of the Communist Party “often abandoned their official
agenda to spread the state ideology among women and pursued their own notions of social
justice” (2010: 97). Along similar lines, while claiming that historians can’t easily draw
conclusions about the non-existence of women’s activism in state socialist countries because
of the lack of research in this field, historian Francisca de Haan argues that some new
evidence suggests that “there was large-scale activism of socialist women on behalf of
women” (2014: 178). Similarly, Jill Massino, a historian who works on state socialist
Romania, says that some of the socialist women, members of the National Women’s Council,
the only legitimate women’s organization in Romania, were educated about feminism and
were really dedicated to the achievement of gender equality (2014: 179).
Second-wave feminism and the “autonomy principle”
The third theoretical field I will frame my research in is the feminist critique of
Marxism and state socialism. Particularly, I will position my analysis in relation with and in
contrast to the second-wave feminists’ use of the notion of the autonomy in evaluating
women’s activities in state socialist countries. As I already pointed out in explaining socialist
solutions for “woman question” in terms of separate or integrated women’s organizations,
11
�Marxism and feminism had/have a complex and difficult relationship. It was like this from the
beginning, when Marxist thinkers put themselves in opposition to so called bourgeois
feminism. But second-wave feminist critique towards state socialism and Marxism is equally
important for this thesis because in this period Yugoslav feminist historians (such as Lydia
Sklevicky) started to write about women’s organizations in Yugoslavia and to evaluate
socialist women’s activities, as well as their connections with the Communist Party of
Yugoslavia (KPJ). First, I will explain the relationship between Marxism and feminism from
the feminist side, then I will present an overview of the discussion among historians today on
feminism, state socialism and women’s organizations during state socialism, and finally I will
provide basic facts about the feminist movement in Yugoslavia in the 1970s.
According to Sonia Kruks, Rayna Rapp and Marilyn B. Young, many Western
socialist feminists in the 1970s and 1980s were criticizing Marxist theory for “its inability to
sufficiently analyze and incorporate the centrality of the gender division of labour” as well as
for “its lack of concerns with sexuality and reproduction” (1989: 8). For example, on a
theoretical level, while acknowledging the importance of Marxist analytical power, feminist
economist Heidi Hartmann framed the relationship between Marxism and feminism as an
“unhappy marriage” and said that Marxist analysis saw women only as part of the working
class and in that way “consistently subsume[d] women’s relation to men under workers’
relation to capital” (1981: 98). She said that Marxist categories were sex blind and couldn’t
answer the question why women are subordinated to men in family relations. Hartmann
claimed that Marxism never actually attacked patriarchy, which she defines as “a set of social
relations between men, which have a material base, and which, though hierarchical, establish
or create interdependence and solidarity among men that enable them to dominate women“
(1981: 101). She further wrote that some of the key elements of patriarchy that women
experience were: heterosexual marriage, childrearing and housework and economic
12
�dependence on men (1981: 104). Hartman says that in patriarchy “men exercise their control
in receiving personal service work from women, in not having to do housework or rear
children, in having access to women’s bodies for sex, and in feeling powerful and being
powerful” (1981: 104).
In the 2007 Aspasia Forum “Is ‘Communist Feminism’ a Contradiction in Terminis”,
historians mostly discuss women’s autonomy on the individual, personal level and its relation
to communism, but some of them also discuss the autonomy of women’s organizations and
the importance of autonomy in socialist thought in general (2007). Mihaela Miroiu takes
women’s autonomy as a regulative concept for feminism (2007: 197). Her conclusion on
communist’s success in solving the women’s question was that “communism has indeed
produced a relative economic independence of women from men, but this was not a road to
female autonomy” (2007: 200). Other historians in the same Forum were opposing to some
extent Miroiu’s insistence on the autonomy principle in evaluating women’s activities and the
state socialist approaches to women’s emancipation. Marilyn J. Boxer, while claiming that
socialism was “a contest against individualism” (2007: 242), argues that “once the concept of
personal autonomy, or any form of individualism, becomes a definitional criterion, then the
whole history of European socialism, and of a good many feminisms, stand in the dock”
(2007: 242).
Apart from personal autonomy, which Miroiu and Boxer discuss, there is still the huge
discussion among historian about a different kind of autonomy: the organizational autonomy
of women’s organizations in state socialist countries. Croatian historian Renata Jambrešić
Kirin applies the “autonomy principle” on the case of the Yugoslav women’s organization and
argues that with loss of organizational autonomy, women’s organizations also lost an
important dimension of women’s activism: at the same time to work for the sake of the
society, but also for themselves (2014: 180). Moreover, she argues that the AFŽ’s successors
13
�were just “fatefully following the Communist Party line” (2014: 180) on whose agenda the
political emancipation of women didn’t exist anymore (2014: 181).
Chiara Bonfiglioli, who has researched women’s activism in Yugoslavia and Italy
during the Cold War, criticizes the application of the “autonomy principle” to women’s
organizations in state-socialist countries (2014). She argues that second-wave feminism
contributed to the interpretation of women’s activism during the Cold War as being irrelevant
or even absent by applying the notion of “autonomy” as the measure for successful work on
women’s issues (2012: 22). In her study on women’s organizations in Yugoslavia and Italy
during the Cold War, she tries to prove that because of their local and international
significance, the “lack of political autonomy” of these organizations “cannot be equated to a
lack of political agency” (2012: 280). She claims that when “the principle of women’s
collective and individual autonomy from political institutions is taken as a prerequisite for
women’s political and social agency, our historical understanding is necessarily limited”
because the narrative of autonomy “erases the complexity, ambivalences, and nuances of
women’s activism after 1945” (2014: 4). Instead of being focused on the “autonomy
principle”, she suggests to take a look at forms of women’s agency that were present “within
the framework of existing political movements and institutions” (2014: 4). Along similar
lines, Fidelis criticizes the post-1989 approach to the socialist era and “the rejection of the
communist era as a black hole in the history of feminism” (2014:170). Russian historian
Natalia Novikova calls for contextualization in historiography. She emphasizes that is always
necessary to pay attention to “the contexts in which concepts and opinions have been
expressed, rather than simply interpreting them arrogantly in terms of what we might believe”
(2007: 203).
The “autonomy principle” was very important for the young Yugoslav feminist
scholars who worked in the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1970s in Yugoslavia, in order to fight
14
�against patriarchy, women started to organize themselves outside of the Communist Party and
in opposition to the Conference for the Social Activity of Women (KDAŽ), the official
women’s organization that was successor of the SŽD, the organization that I am interested in.
These new ideas about women’s emancipation apart from the socialist organizations appeared
among young intellectuals born after WW2, who started to gather and held their first public
meeting in Belgrade on October 27–November 2, 1978. The conference was called “The
Woman’s question: a new approach”, and was also attended by feminists from other European
countries (Papić, 1994: 20). After the meeting, the group “Women and Society” was formed
in Zagreb in 1979 (one of the founders was historian Lydia Sklevicky, whose work on the
AFŽ I am dwelling on) and similar groups were also founded in Ljubljana and Belgrade
(Božinović, 1994: 18). The key problems feminists in Yugoslavia emphasized were: “gender
role stereotypes; social, economic and political inequality; the myth of female weakness; and
the relationship of false history to ideology” (Ramet, 1991: 205).
Žarana Papić, a Yugoslav feminist sociologist and anthropologist who was part of this
1970s movement, claims that feminist efforts were possible in Yugoslavia because of the
system which was more open (Yugoslavia was not aligned with either of the Power blocs
during the Cold War; the self-management economy allowed some kind of private
enterprises) and because of the ideology that wasn’t as strong as in other Eastern Europe
socialist countries (1994: 20). On the other hand, Papić explains that 1978 conference was
criticized by the socialist women’s organization for being a “sex-war conference” (1994: 21).
Along similar lines, Božinović wrote that the co-operation of the feminists groups in Zagreb,
Ljubljana and Belgrade and their solidarity with each other was “not kindly looked upon by
the governmental structures” (1994: 18).
In her next point, Papić presents perfectly what could be seen as a general evaluation
of socialism by feminists in Yugoslavia, when she says that “in orthodox socialist ideology,
15
�not only that the women’s question is quite simply and automatically solved by the so-called
workers’ question, but also any different approach to this women’s question is very, very bad,
or very bourgeois or very sex-warish. One of the aims of this conference was the beginning of
the critique of the socialist patriarchy and the critique of the socialist concept of women’s
destiny” (1994: 21). As could be concluded from Papić’s claim, the Yugoslav feminists didn’t
“speak of overthrowing socialism” but about “the need to overthrow patriarchy and of the
failure of socialism to do so” (Ramet, 1991: 204). The young feminists acknowledged the
progressiveness of the Yugoslav legislation on equality, but they criticized the bad
implementation of the laws, the strong influence of patriarchy in private and public life, as
well as the “condemnation of feminism” by the state but also by women’s organizations and
the older, anti-fascist generation of women activists (Bonfiglioli, 2014: 3-4). One of the
feminists whom historian Sabrina P. Ramet interviewed in Belgrade said that the “official
women’s organization is really a joke. They are doing nothing useful but they are very, very
afraid of the feminist organizations because we are doing their job for nothing, and they are
afraid that soon people will see that their organization is unnecessary” (quoted in Ramet,
1991: 204). Lydia Sklevicky, who started to research women’s history, was an active
participant of this second-wave feminist movement in Yugoslavia.
How to apply this to Yugoslavia?
This thesis, which deals with the specific case of Yugoslavia, could be seen as part of
the emerging scholarship on rethinking the relations of socialism and feminism. Both the
history and historiography of the women’s movement in Yugoslavia are extremely interesting
research fields. First, in Yugoslavia was a strong presence of women’s organizing, as I will
demonstrate further in my thesis. Second, because of the different kind of socialism,
Yugoslavia was an exception among state socialist countries in Europe for having a developed
second-wave feminist movement, as I demonstrated above and will elaborate more in the
16
�chapter about the AFŽ. Actually, in this thesis I try to question the main historiographical
narrative about the AFŽ and its dissolution in 1953. The hegemonic narrative, which was
formed in the 1980s under the influence of second-wave feminism, presents the AFŽ’s
dissolution as a turning point in organized women’s movement in Yugoslavia. According to
this narrative, the dissolution of the AFŽ, a unique, autonomous and uniform women’s
organization, meant the end for meaningful work on women’s issues in Yugoslavia.
I’m questioning the hegemonic narrative on the AFŽ narrative, not in order to
completely reject it, but in order to understand where it comes from and how it works. In
other words, I discuss the influence of second-wave feminism on writing women’s history and
ask questions about the AFŽ’s successor organization without applying the second-wave
feminist lenses that lead to denying women’s agency. I approach the SŽDH from the bottomup perspective, trying to figure out how the SŽDH women saw themselves, how they
negotiated their position within the Yugoslav socialist system, and in which ways they
struggled with the patriarchal society they were living in. I try to demonstrate that the SŽDH
women weren’t simply docile Party followers and that they had their own ideas about how to
organize women within the new system they found themselves in. I locate the changes within
the official women’s organization in the context of self-management and decentralization of
Yugoslavia and strive to demonstrate the complexity of the issue of women’s organizing in
state socialist countries on the specific SŽDH case. I situate the discussions within the SŽDH
within the broader question whether to have separate women’s organizations (that would
separate women from the joint struggle for socialism) or not. I already showed that this was
and still is a huge debate within the socialist movement and I put the Yugoslav case and
discussions that were going on forming the SŽDH in this perspective.
In the first chapter of this thesis I will provide basic facts about Yugoslavia in order to
situate the women’s organization which I research. I will explain the role of Yugoslavia,
17
�particularly, role of communists and their leader Josip Broz Tito, in the Second World War.
Then I will explain the specific form of socialism in Yugoslavia, so called self-management
socialism, and finally, I will provide some statistics and facts about women’s position in
Yugoslavia until the 1960s. In the second chapter I will focus on the history and
historiography of the AFŽ. Firstly, I will briefly introduce the women’s movement in
Yugoslavia before WW2; secondly I will present the goals, activities and the organizational
structure of the AFŽ (1942-1953); thirdly, I will discuss historians’ evaluation of the AFŽ’s
activities and the changes that happened within the organization. Finally, I will discuss
historians’ interpretation of the dissolution of the AFŽ.
In the third chapter I will present my analysis of the archival documents of the SŽDH,
through which I discuss its goals and activities and the debates that were going on within the
organization. I will first provide basic information on the SŽDH’s structure and activities, and
then will analyze the discussions that were going on within the SŽDH around the complex
issue of women’s organizing in Yugoslavia. Thirdly, I will explore the SŽDH women’s
debates about the main goals of their organization. Finally, I will look at the problems the
SŽDH women were facing on the ground and explain how they were trying to solve those
issues.
18
�1. A short history of Yugoslavia
In this chapter I will provide a short history of Yugoslavia until 1961 in order to be
able to explain better and position properly the women’s organization SŽD that I research,
which existed from 1953 to 1961. First, I will present the most important facts about the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), the role of the communist leader Josip Broz Tito in
the Liberation War as well as his relationship with the Soviet Union and the international
communist movement. Then I will explain the specific form of socialism, so called selfmanagement socialism, that was introduced in 1950 in Yugoslavia to some extent as a
consequence of Tito’s relations with Stalin and the Soviet Union. This was followed by a
structural reorganization of Yugoslavia and Tito’s new position in international relations as
one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement. Finally, I will briefly elaborate on
women’s position in early Yugoslavia in terms of the law, labour and women’s literacy rate.
1.1. The KPJ, Tito and Yugoslavia in WW2
After the First World War, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was formed in
1918 and this is where I start to describe the history of Yugoslavia. In April 1941, the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia (the name was changed in 1929) was attacked by Axis powers and
collapsed very quickly, with its territory being divided into several occupied areas (Prout,
1985: 1). One of the most powerful groups in resisting the occupiers in the National
Liberation War was the antifascist group Partisans, led by the Secretary-General of the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), Josip Broz Tito (Prout, 1985: 1). The KPJ was formed
in 1919, but was banned under the 1921 Law on the Protection of the State, and it was still
banned when Yugoslavia collapsed in WW2 (Jović, 2009: 55). Tito was a communist who
was in close relationship with the Soviet Union and since the KPJ was part of the Comintern
(The Third International), Tito arranged a meeting of the Antifašističko vijeće narodnog
19
�oslobođenja Jugoslavije (Anti-Fascist Council of the Peoples' Liberation of Yugoslavia,
AVNOJ) on November 26-27, 1942 in Bihać, after consultation with Moscow (Swain, 2011:
49). Earlier that year, Soviet leader Stalin already gave Tito advice about how to organize a
governmental body which would not insult the Western allies. Stalin said that Tito “should
strive to organize a national committee of support for the Yugoslav people’s struggle for
liberation” and that “this committee should promote, in the country and abroad, the political
platform of the people’s liberation partisan army” (quoted in Swain, 2011: 49). The resolution
adopted during the meeting set up the AVNOJ as “representative body of the liberation
movement“ (Pavlowitch, 2008: 131) and a new system of committees, in which lower
committees had to follow higher committees’ decisions, was established (Swain, 2011: 50). In
December of the same year, the women’s organization AFŽ was formed.
The second meeting of the AVNOJ was held in Jajce in November 1943, where a
decision was made about the federal character of the Yugoslav state (Pavlowitch, 2008: 210).
During this session, the AVNOJ was proclaimed as the legislative body, and a new kind of
provisional government (National Committee of Liberation, with five communists out of nine
members) was formed with Tito as president of that government (Pavlowitch, 2008: 210).
This was an important moment in creating the new state, because Tito actually denied any
right to the exiled government, which could be seen as problematic for the Western allies who
supported the Yugoslav King Petar II and his exiled government. Stalin was afraid that the
AVNOJ’s decision would cause problems with his allies, but in the end that did not happen:
the Western Allies accepted Tito’s movement as the only resistance movement in Yugoslavia
(Pavlowitch, 2008: 211-212).
In October 1944, the Red Army entered Yugoslavia, after Tito signed an agreement
with the Soviet Union about temporary help in some parts of the country. On March 7, 1945,
in Belgrade, Tito set up the new government of Demokratska federativna Jugoslavija
20
�(Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, DFJ) and the AVNOJ turn itself into a provisional
parliament during its last session in August 1945 in Belgrade (Pavlowitch, 2008: 297-298).
The provisional Assembly called for elections, while giving the right to vote to every man and
woman older than eighteen. Just before these elections the Narodni front (People’s Front, NF)
was formed. The People’s Front was the successor of the Narodnooslobodilački front
(People’s Liberation Front, NOF) and consisted of several partisan groups, as well as of some
non-communist groups, but with the KPJ leading the Front. The People’s Front won 90% of
the votes in the November 11 elections, and several days later, the Constituent Assembly
abolished the monarchy and declared the Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija
(People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, FNRJ). Soon after, in January 1946, a new
Constitution, based on the 1936 Soviet Union Constitution, was adopted (Pavlowitch, 2008:
268-269).
The People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was a federation of six republics Croatia, Serbia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro - and two
autonomous provinces, Vojvodina and Kosovo. In the period between 1948 and 1950, the
Yugoslav government was organized as a hierarchical chain of “state-Party joint” committees
on the federal, republic and local level, and on each level it was difficult to distinguish the
state from the Party (McFarlane, 1988: 45). At the same time, power was concentrated mostly
at the federal level (Prout, 1985: 1). Apart from committees, mass organizations such as the
youth organization, unions and the women’s organization (the AFŽ) were the main forces
within the People’s Front (Sklevicky, 1996: 109). Pre-war Yugoslavia was a “class society
based on agrarian relations” and economically dependent on Europe and this is what
communists wanted to change when they came to power (McFarlane, 1988: 11). In order to
transform the social structure, the KPJ decided to transform the economic system from
21
�agrarian to industrial, with a rapid industrialization based on the Soviet model from the 1930s
(McFarlane, 1988: 12).
1.2. The Yugoslav specific form of socialism
Yugoslavia’s specific form of socialism (self-management socialism) was introduced
in the 1950s, a decision highly influenced by Tito’s international relations. Historian Stevan
Pavlowitch argues that Tito “was a political leader and organizer” who “tied a popular
resistance movement to the cause of world communism led by the Soviet Union under Stalin”
(2008: 280). Yugoslavia, as I said above, used the Soviet model for its organizational
structure and it also introduced the Soviet model of socialism. But in 1948 the Tito-Stalin
break up happened, which was a turning point in the Yugoslav political and economic system.
There were several economic and political reasons for this split: Stalin wanted a greater
control over Yugoslavia and he opposed the idea of a Balkan Federation (a federation of
Balkan communist countries, which would make Yugoslavia and her allies much more
powerful). On the other hand, Tito was not satisfied with the introduction of joint-stock
companies that would favor the Soviet economy, not the Yugoslav, because he saw this as a
part of unfair economic relations between two countries (McFarlane, 1988: 13-14). The final
split happened when Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform (the international alliance
of the Communist parties formed in 1947) in June 1948, followed by a complete economic
blockade imposed on Yugoslavia at the end of year (McFarlane, 1988: 15). Tito was in a very
difficult situation in which he and the Party had to come up with a new approach in
organizing the country in order to adjust to the new circumstances: having lost their great ally
and the economic support it provided, and being isolated in the international community. This
was when the idea of a new reading of Marx and the introduction of new form of socialism
was adopted (Jović, 2009: 60), as well as the necessity for decentralization of the highly
centralized country.
22
�Self-management was a system in which “the economy, local communities and public
administration” were organized in such a way as to prevent high bureaucratization and to
restrict state control and influence (Šmidovnik, 1991: 31). In this economic system, the state
was not the owner of the enterprises anymore and self-management of working councils was
introduced, or, in other words, in this system “productive property [was] managed by nonstate bodies, collectives or ‘groups of associated labour” (McFarlane, 1988: 148) in which
emphasis was put on a greater productivity of the enterprises. This change started in 1950
with the passing of the Law on Workers’ Control (McFarlane, 1988: 32), and despite
difficulties in implementing these changes, Yugoslavia experienced economic growth during
the 1950s.
As political scientist Bruce McFarlane writes, “forms of economic organization
conditioned forms of social organization and political institution” (1988: 45), which is why
administrative decentralization followed. Re-reading Marxist theory, the Yugoslav
communists decided to give greater autonomy to the republics of Yugoslavia (McFarlane
1988: 17) and also decided that each republic could decide on its own governmental structure,
according to its context and needs (McFarlane 1988: 45). The role of the central state was
weakened by the Law of Constitution from 1953, since only five state ministries continued to
exist on the federal level, while the ministries for Economy, Budget, Home Affairs and
Administration were put on the republic level (McFarlane 1988: 33). Several other steps were
taken in order to show the KPJ’s commitment to decentralization: in 1952 the Party changed
its name to the Savez komunista Jugoslavije (League of Communists of Yugoslavia, SKJ), and
in 1953 the People’s Front was reorganized into the Socijalistički savez radnog naroda
(Socialist Alliance of Working People, SSRN) (McFarlane 1988: 17). These changes
influenced all levels of the Yugoslav political, social and economic structure and it was during
23
�this process of change that the AFŽ was abolished (in 1953) and the SŽD, as a new,
decentralized women’s organization, was formed.
In addition to the republics being more politically and economically free, a system of
communes was introduced by law in 1955 (Šmidovnik, 1991: 25). Edvard Kardelj, the most
important communist ideologist in Yugoslavia, defined the commune as “an integrated social
and economic community of all the inhabitants and organizations (including enterprises) in its
territory” (quoted in Šmidovnik, 1991: 25), according to the example of the Paris commune of
1871 (Šmidovnik, 1991: 26). Actually, the commune was meant to be the basic unit of
society, with all other “forms of state” (federation, republics and regions) being grounded on
it (Šmidovnik, 1991: 25). The commune was supposed to work on the principle of selfmanagement, and communes on the local level, also called Narodni odbori (People’s
Committees, NO), were supposed to take over the role of local governments (McFarlane
1988: 49).
Even though Yugoslavia experienced huge economic growth during the first phase of
decentralization in the 1950s and the second Five Year Plan (1957-1961) was implemented
successfully, a second phase of decentralization and de-bureaucratization started in 1961
(Prout, 1985: 23-24). With the new 1963 Constitution (which had been debated since the end
of 1960), the republics gained more political and economic autonomy (McFarlane, 1988: 3435) and all of this, of course, influenced the Yugoslav mass organizations. The SŽD was
reconstructed in order to achieve greater decentralization and in 1961 changed its name to
Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost žena (Conference for the Social Activity of Women,
KDAŽ). It was during this period that Tito’s new foreign policy was introduced. Already in
1960 he established that the Yugoslav foreign policy would be focused on demilitarization,
world peace and anti-colonialism and in 1961, at the meeting in Belgrade, he became one of
the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement – a group of countries which were not in alliance
24
�or contra the two major blocs (the Eastern and the Western block) in the Cold War
(McFarlane, 1988: 180-181).
Finally, I would like to briefly explain the abbreviations I use. The Socialist Alliance
of Working People (SSRN), as every other organization in Yugoslavia, had its federal,
republic and local (district, county) level. I use SSRN when I refer in general to the Socialist
Alliance of Working people; SSRNJ, when I’m referring to the federal (Yugoslav) level and
SSRNH when I’m talking about the republic level of Croatia (Hrvatska). The same applies to
the organizations that I will be discussing: the Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s
Front, AFŽ) and the Savez ženskih društava (Union of Women’s Societies, SŽD).
1.3. Women's position in Yugoslavia
Historians agree that the Yugoslav authorities accepted the Soviet model of women’s
equality in the first three years after the Second World War (Jancar-Webster, 1990;
Bonfiglioli 2014). The Soviet model included “women’s equality in the public sphere” and
“‘social motherhood’ in the private sphere” (Bonfiglioli, 2014: 8). Summarizing Vida
Tomšič’s (later one of the AFŽ’s leaders) essay from 1940, historian Lydia Sklevicky says
that in the newly formed Yugoslavia, the women’s question was supposed to be solved similar
to the Soviet Union model: “political equality – protection of a woman’s reproductive
function – socialization of child rearing – education – labour” (1996: 51).
Following the Soviet model of women’s equality and the Soviet Constitution from
1936, the Yugoslav authorities included articles on gender equality in the Yugoslav 1946
Constitution. Many changes happened in women’s lives in Yugoslavia after the Second World
War in many fields, including the law, education and paid labour. Before the Second World
War, women didn’t have the active or passive right to vote. They obtained the right to vote in
Yugoslavia in 1945, while the war was still going on, with later confirmation of the right to
25
�vote in the 1946 Yugoslav Constitution (Jancar-Webster, 1990: 163). The 1946 Constitution
guaranteed equality in Article 24, with the statement that “women have equal rights with men
in all fields of state, economic and social-political life. Women have the right to the same pay
as that received by men for the same work, and as workers or employees they enjoy special
protection. The state especially protects the interests of mothers and children by the
establishment of maternity hospitals, children’s homes and day nurseries, and by the right of
mothers to a leave with pay before and after childbirth” (quoted in Bonfiglioli, 2014: 8).
Additionally, the 1946 Constitution guaranteed universal access to education, health
and child care (Jancar-Webster, 1990: 163). In 1931, the illiteracy rate for women in
Yugoslavia was huge: 54,4% of women was illiterate (Tomšič, 1980: 18, quoted in Ramet,
1999: 95-96); in 1961 this percentage had been decreased to 28,8% (Đurić and Dragičević,
1975: 10, quoted in Ramet, 1999: 96).
In general, there were two reasons for the inclusion of women into the paid labour
force in all state-socialist countries: gender equality was a part of socialism as an ideology but
also the systems needed women for the huge projects of industrialization (de Haan, 2012: 89).
According to Vida Tomšič, who was a war heroine, partisan and one of the leaders of the
AFŽ, about 27% of the industrial labour force in 1939 in Yugoslavia were women, and
between 1945 and 1948 this percentage increased to 47% (quoted in Jancar-Webster, 1990:
164). In 1950 the percentage of women workers in the overall Yugoslav labour force was
23.2%, and in 1960 the percentage increased to 27% (de Haan, 2012: 89). Just to briefly
compare with Western countries, de Haan explains how the level of participation reached in
East Europe in 1960s and 1970s was reached in the West only twenty to thirty years later
(2012: 95)
26
�Even though abortion was prohibited in 1951, very soon, in 1952, a new law legalized
abortion if it was carried out for medical reasons (Božinović, 1996: 158). But the practice was
different and there were many obstacles in implementing the 1952 law in some parts of the
country. In 1963, this was changed, when the practice was standardized and the abortion
procedure was liberalized, and in 1977 abortion was permitted without any restriction until
the tenth week of pregnancy (Božinović, 1996: 158).
Conclusion
In this chapter I strived to contextualize the organization that I research and to provide
a short historical background for it. This is important for a better understanding of the changes
within the women’s organizations in Yugoslavia in the 1940s and 1950s, since both the AFŽ
and later the SŽD and the KDAŽ experienced changes in their organizational structure,
activities and goals, according to changes that were happening in the overall Yugoslav
economic, political and social structure. I found it relevant to mention the role of communists
in the National Liberation War and Tito’s foreign policies and contacts with the Soviet Union,
because both influenced the Yugoslav state, and accordingly the women’s organization. I
explained the meaning of self-management and decentralization for the Yugoslav system,
because this is where and when the abolition of the AFŽ and the formation of the SŽD,
organization whose documents I analyze, were situated. In the end I briefly explained
women’s position in the Yugoslav society and changes in women’s lives after the Second
World War; changes to which women themselves and women’s organization contributed to a
great extent, which will be elaborated in the next chapter on the AFŽ, as well as in the
analytical chapter on the meaning of the SŽDH, its activities, goals and discussions that were
going on within the organization.
27
�2. History and historiography of the AFŽ
In this chapter I will explore and discuss how historians have written about the
women’s organization Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ) that existed
in Yugoslavia from 1942 to 1953. Namely, I will be focused on books and articles about the
AFŽ and will present historians’ evaluations of the AFŽ’s activities and their ideas about the
meaning of the dissolution of the AFŽ for women’s activism in Yugoslavia. The main
historiographical question of this chapter, discussed through the most relevant literature about
the AFŽ is: How have historians written about the AFŽ and how have they explained the role
of the AFŽ and the meaning of its dissolution in 1953 for women’s organization in
Yugoslavia?
Trying to answer this question, I will first provide basic historical facts about the
women’s movement in Yugoslavia before the establishment of the AFŽ. Secondly, I will
explain how, when and in which circumstances the AFŽ was founded, what kind of activities
it carried out, what changes in organizational structure and regarding its position within the
People’s Liberation Front the organization was going through, and how and in which specific
context it was dissolved. Thirdly, I will demonstrate historians’ evaluation of the AFŽ’s
activities and the changes in its organizational structure. Finally, I will discuss key arguments
and claims about the meaning of the AFŽ and its dissolution in 1953 for meaningful work on
women’s problems in Yugoslavia given by several historians who have written about the
AFŽ. Following historian Chiara Bonfiglioli, I will locate these historiographical
interpretations of the AFŽ in the time in which they emerged and discuss how these narratives
were part of the contemporary scholarly and political (feminist or otherwise) framework.
28
�2.1. The women’s movement in Yugoslavia before the AFŽ
According to feminist historian Lydia Sklevicky (1952-1990), the Antifašistički front
žena was a successor of two different, often competing, traditions in the women’s movement
in Yugoslavia between the First and Second World War: the bourgeois women’s movement
and the socialist women’s movement (1996: 79-107). The women’s movement in Southern
Slavic countries emerged at the end of the 19th century, when women’s autonomous
organizations carried out activities related to traditional women’s role (such as care work), but
in the beginning of the 20th century these bourgeois organizations redirected their activities
towards the political sphere, demanding women’s right to vote and equality before the law
(Sklevicky, 1996: 79). These women were active participants in the First World War (mostly
as nurses on battlefields), and after WW1 continued with their activities within bourgeois
women’s organizations. Even though these bourgeois women’s organizations’ activities were
separated from the activities of women in the labour movement in the interwar period,
Sklevicky emphasizes that the shared fear of fascism provided common ground for the two
movements and that in the 1930s they were cooperating to some extent (1996: 80).
In 1919, the women’s section within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) was
established; i.e. the same year when the KPJ was established (Ramet, 1999: 93). At their first
conference, the socialist women accepted the KPJ’s program, which stated that the KPJ
“demands full and unrestricted equality for all men and all women, regardless of religion,
nationality or occupation, as well as the universal, equal and secret right to vote for all
citizens of eighteen years and above” (Božinović, 1996: 102). But Sklevicky claims that only
during the 1930s women in the KPJ started to be more organized and that the above
mentioned cooperation with the bourgeois movement was useful for the “creation of a new
self-consciousness of the female Party members about women’s ‘double oppression’ – being
29
�subordinated to capital, but also being in a subordinated position [to men] within the labour
movement” (1996: 86).
The bourgeois feminist movement dissolved itself at the end of 1940 because of the
war, but Sklevicky argues that the AFŽ, which appeared two years later, was a successor of
this tradition, as well as a successor of the women’s movement within the labour movement
(1996: 81), which continued to exist and work on mobilizing women for the revolutionary
movement (Božinović, 1996: 127).
2.2. The AFŽ (1942-1953) – organizational structure, goals and activities
The Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ) was created in
December 1942 and dissolved in 1953, with several organizational and program changes
during its existence. Women were active participants in the anti-fascist People’s Liberation
Front during the Second World War in Yugoslavia, and historian Neda Božinović claims that
from the very beginning they were supposed to help the army but also to work on women’s
political and cultural education (1996: 135). The KPJ issued a directive in November 1942 to
create AFŽ groups in every city or village, with explicit emphasis on the idea that the AFŽ
was to be part of the People’s Liberation Front (Bonfiglioli, 2014: 5). The delegates from
already formed women’s groups met at the conference in Bosanski Petrovac on December 7,
1942 to decide on the program and the structure of the women’s organization - and that is
where and how the AFŽ was formed (Božinović, 1996: 142-143).
In this short overview of the AFŽ’s history, I will mostly dwell on Sklevicky’s work
on the AFŽ, which was supposed to be part of her doctoral dissertation and was published
posthumously in 1996, because hers is still the most thorough analysis of the AFŽ. Sklevicky
distinguishes four phases in the organization’s life in terms of organizational structure, main
goals and the activities that were carried out by the organization: (1) The AFŽ in the war
30
�period
(1942-1945);
(2)
Educational
model
of
the
AFŽ
(1945-1947);
(3)
Commanding/Directive model (1948-1949) and (4) Dualistic model of the transitional phase
(1950-1953). Sklevicky describes and discusses these phases in detail (1996: 63-138).
During the war, the AFŽ had two main tasks: to help the army by performing
voluntary labour (help in food supplies, gathering clothes, etc.) and generally to organize life
in the liberated areas, and secondly to work on women’s political and cultural emancipation
(Sklevicky, 1996: 25). Sklevicky claims that during the Educational phase (1945-1947), right
after the war, the AFŽ was supposed to perform reconstruction work and to organize
functional everyday life, which included providing assistance to working mothers, taking care
of the wounded and the orphans, etc. (1996: 117). At the same time, the AFŽ had the most
important role in raising the consciousness and social status of women (through improving
their literacy rate and organizing different educational courses), as well as in the political
socialist education and efforts to gain women’s support (women in Yugoslavia obtained the
right to vote in 1945) for the new Communist authorities (Sklevicky, 1996: 118). Sklevicky
argues that in this period, the AFŽ was an organization with a pyramidal structure (with a
wide rank-and-file membership, county, district and regional committees, and at the top the
main committee and the central committee) and a certain level of organizational autonomy
(1996: 119). Sklevicky further states that in this period the KPJ’s aim was not to subordinate
the AFŽ to the People’s Front, but to demand help from the AFŽ for the Front (1996: 117).
She also emphasizes that this model of the AFŽ was the most efficient for mobilizing women
through an “instrumentalization of traditional women’s roles” (1996: 122). In other words,
women in the AFŽ were participating mostly in social and care work.
The next AFŽ’s phase was that of the Commanding/Directive model (1948-1949),
during which the KPJ had positioned itself as a leader of all mass organizations that
participated in the People’s Front. Thus, the KPJ was giving commands and directions,
31
�according to which the mass organizations were shaping their activities (Sklevicky, 1996:
131-132). Accordingly, there were changes in the AFŽ’s relation with the KPJ and the
People’s Front. Sklevicky claims that the AFŽ leaders changed the definition of the
organization. The AFŽ accepted the program of the KPJ and defined itself as the one KPJ’s
organizational form for work among women (1996: 132). The AFŽ created its goals in
accordance with the demands of the first Five-Year Plan and redirected its activities. The
main AFŽ’s task in this period was to bring women into the labour force and, in order to do
that, to take care of working mothers and their children (Sklevicky, 1996: 125-127). This
corresponds to what happened in the Soviet Union after the introduction of the First Five Year
Plan (1928-1932), according to Mary Buckley. She claims that women’s liberation, until then
understood to be achieved through education, joining the labour force etc., at this point started
to be seen through “participation in plan fulfilment” (1989: 77).
The final, Dualistic model of the transitional phase (1950-1953), Sklevicky explains as
a phase during which the AFŽ went through a lot of (self) criticism for being too formal,
bureaucratized and professionalized. This criticism, according to Sklevicky, was a
consequence of the ideas of “democratization, decentralization and debureaucratization”,
incorporated in the political discourse after the introduction of self-management socialism in
1950 in Yugoslavia (1996: 135). Sklevicky says that the AFŽ had a specific role in this period
to organize its work according to the KPJ’s priorities, for example, to put special emphasis on
the work among peasant women and on socializing and rearing pre-school children (1996:
137). According to Božinović, however, after the Third Congress of the AFŽ in 1950, the
organization especially focused on the problems of illiteracy and educating peasant women
about household and child rearing (hygiene, healthy nutrition, etc.) (1996: 154). According to
Sklevicky’s analysis of the AFŽ, there were changes in the organizational structure in this
period, which became more complex. Namely, after the Third Congress of the AFŽ in 1950
32
�two new assistive organizational forms were introduced within the AFŽ: sekretarijati
(secretariats) and aktivi (‘actives’). Secretariats were special bodies that managed and
coordinated the work of the AFŽ, while ‘actives’ were basic units that “intended to be forms
of direct democracy from the ground” in order to “trigger the ‘self-initiative’ of the masses”
(1996: 128).
Sklevicky didn’t finish her work on this phase of the AFŽ’s structure and activities,
but Božinović explains how during the Fourth Congress of the People’s Front in January
1953, a decision was made about forming special commissions for work among women
within the Socijalistički savez radnog naroda (the People’s Front changed its name into
Socijalistički savez radnog naroda or Socialist Alliance of the Working People, SSRN, during
that congress) (1996: 165-167). The organizational structure of the AFŽ was also discussed at
the People’s Front’s Fourth Congress and the conclusion was that the AFŽ could continue to
exist simultaneously with the planned women’s commissions, but had to go through changes
that would result in the AFŽ becoming “not a uniform and single organization, but more an
alliance of several autonomous women’s organizations” (Božinović, 1996: 167).
Nevertheless, at the Fourth Congress of the AFŽ later that year, the organization was
dissolved and a new organization, the Savez ženskih društava (Union of Women’s Societies,
SŽD) was formed. The Resolution on forming the SŽD emphasized that the existence of a
single and uniform organization would “separate women from joint efforts in solving social
problems, support the wrong idea about women’s position in the society being some kind of
separate women’s issue and not an issue of the entire society, an issue of all socialist fighters”
(quoted in Božinović, 1996: 169). It is still unknown why the AFŽ women decided to dissolve
the organization, despite the January 1953 decision to keep the AFŽ.
33
�2.3. Historians' evaluation of the AFŽ's activities and the changes in its
organizational structure
Lydia Sklevicky, whose work on the AFŽ is the most detailed (1996), Neda
Božinović, who explains thoroughly the AFŽ’s work (1996), and other historians who have
written about the meaning of the AFŽ for women’s emancipation and have provided their
evaluation of its activities, all give a general positive evaluation of the AFŽ’s early years.
Neda Božinović (1917-2001), who was an active member of the AFŽ and a feminist activist
in Serbia, claims that Yugoslav women were actively fighting for all rights that they received
in the socialist Yugoslav state and that the AFŽ was the organization through which they
articulated their needs and demands (1994: 15). Božinović further writes that the AFŽ,
besides its role in helping the army during the Second World War, since it was created was
fighting against women’s oppression, and after the war started to fight against patriarchal
customs in Yugoslavia (1994: 15). American political scientist Barbara Jancar-Webster, who
has written about women and revolution in Yugoslavia during the Second World War, argues
that even though the AFŽ “was not a spontaneous organization of women” (1990: 157), it was
an excellent example of what could happen when women who were organized under the
Communist Party’s sponsorship “inject their own needs and goals into operation” (1999: 78).
Even though Jancar-Webster (without substantive evidence) claims that the AFŽ was
never meant to be an organization in which women would represent women, but an
organization with an hierarchical top-down structure and the KPJ’s “tool to educate and
mobilize women for its side of the conflict” (1999: 82), historians argue that the organization
made a difference in women’s lives. Sklevicky, Božinović, Ramet, and Stojaković agree on
the positive influence of the AFŽ on women’s position in the political and social spheres. For
example, Sklevicky, who raised questions about the reasons for the invisibility and lack of
34
�historians’ research on the AFŽ, and while herself providing the first serious historical work
on the AFŽ, claims that the AFŽ was the only organization in the post-war period that was a
successor of women’s hundred years long efforts to become part of the public sphere and to
achieve equality in all aspects of social life (1996: 62). Similarly, in her evaluation of the
AFŽ’s impact on women’s everyday life, Božinović writes that the AFŽ gave women
opportunities to be active on the local level and to change their communities (1994: 15). She
also emphasizes that AFŽ’s activists were in direct contact with many women and that
because of this “they uncovered the specific problems that the women from various social
backgrounds were facing, brought them to public attention, and sought for ways to solve
them” (1996: 262).
While analyzing the meaning of the changes in the AFŽ’s organizational structure and
while criticizing the gradual loss of the AFŽ’s autonomy, Sklevicky acknowledges that the
AFŽ (and through the AFŽ - women themselves) played a role in achieving positive changes
in women’s lives until 1949, such as increased literacy rate, entrance in the labour force,
better health care, and socialized childrearing through the opening of kindergartens and
crèches (1996: 134). Along similar lines, Sabrina Ramet, a US scholar who has focused on
East and South-East European affairs, emphasizes that the AFŽ played a very important role
for women in many spheres, such as health care and in opening facilities such as restaurants,
collective laundries and many others (1999: 93).
Gordana Stojaković, a feminist historian who has been doing research about the AFŽ
in Vojvodina for many years, argues that the AFŽ women were working on the reconstruction
of the country in the key years after the Second World War and that the AFŽ was the
organization through which the idea of a new life for women in socialist society was
introduced (quoted in Marčetić, 2013). In her work on the journals of the AFŽ, Stojaković
analyses what kind of messages were sent through the journals Glas žena (The voice of
35
�women) and Zora (The Dawn), how these messages were received and how much influence
they had on women’s everyday life (2012: 14). She claims that through the AFŽ, women had
an opportunity to express themselves and to discuss different issues, and that through the
AFŽ’s journals opinions about and ideas for solutions to women’s problems were available to
a large number of women in Yugoslavia (2012: 38).
However, historians have evaluated negatively the changes in the AFŽ’s
organizational structure after 1948. Sklevicky interprets negatively the changes that happened
during the Directive model (1948/1949), specifically, the KPJ positioning itself as a leader of
all mass organizations and issuing directives towards them, according to which the AFŽ
defined itself as the organizational form of the KPJ's work among women and fulfilled its
directives (1996: 132). Sklevicky evaluates these changes as loosening the vertical
hierarchical structure of the AFŽ and lowering the level of the organizational autonomy
(1989a: 101). She also criticizes the changes that happened in 1950, when the AFŽ introduced
a new organizational form, called ‘actives’. Sklevicky explains this change as detrimental for
the AFŽ, because the organization lost its own vertical lines, ‘actives’ were “mutually
unrelated” and “integrated into the PF [People’s Front] on respective hierarchical level”
(1989a: 103).
2.4. Historians’ interpretation of the dissolution of the AFŽ
After the above mentioned changes in the AFŽ’s organizational structure, goals and
activities (Sklevicky, 1996; Božinović, 1996), the AFŽ was finally dissolved in 1953 and
replaced by the Savez ženskih društava (SŽD), which was integrated in the SSRN. Sklevicky,
who started to research the AFŽ in the context of the late 1970s, when the first feminist
groups appeared in Zagreb, presented the changes in the AFŽ’s organizational structure as
gradual loss of the organization’s autonomy, which transformed the AFŽ into an organization
36
�that “was obediently fulfilling the Party’s directives” (1996: 132). Sklevicky has a very clear
position on the changes in the AFŽ’s organizational structure and relations with the KPJ and
People’s Front. She claims that the AFŽ could have provided the institutional space for the
struggle against women’s discrimination and for the fight against patriarchal society, if only it
had insisted on being an “independent mass political organization” (1996: 36).
Other historians have followed Sklevicky’s approach. Barbara Jancar-Webster, for
example, in her book about women and revolution in Yugoslavia (1990), relies mostly upon
Sklevicky’s earlier work on the AFŽ.3 Jancar-Webster’s narrative about the AFŽ is also a
narrative of gradual loss of autonomy until the final subjugation of the AFŽ to the KPJ (1990:
163-167). Even the name of the chapter in which she explains the end of the AFŽ (“The
Reassertion of Patriarchy and the End of the AFŽ”) suggests clearly her interpretation of the
AFŽ’s dissolution. Jancar-Webster emphasizes that the AFŽ lost its autonomy in 1950, when
the organization became just “a transmission belt” of the KPJ (1990: 166). She evaluates the
disappearance of women’s separate organizations in 1953 as detrimental, because it “deprived
women of an independent organizational base from which to develop a women’s position and
to make claims as women upon government and society” (1990: 174).
Along similar lines, Božinović argues that the final shift of women’s issues to the
SSRN and the abolishment of the AFŽ in 1953 was “the beginning of the end of organized
women’s work in which they defined their own problems and found their own solutions”
3
Lydia Sklevicky died in 1990, and her unfinished doctoral disertation on the AFŽ was published posthumuosly
in 1996. But she wrote several articles on women's movement in Yugoslavia, especially on the AFŽ, that were
published in 1980s and were avaliable for other historians.
Sklevicky, Lydia. 1989a. “Emancipated Integration or Integrated Emancipation: The Case of Post-revolutionary
Yugoslavia” in Arina Angerman et al., ed. Current Issues in Women’s History. pp. 93-108. London and New York:
Routledge.
Sklevicky, Lydia. 1989b. “More Horses than Women: On the Difficulties of Founding Women’s History in
Yugoslavia”, Gender & History 1(1): 68–73.
37
�(1994: 16). While framing the dissolution of the AFŽ as a result of patriarchal backlash and
claiming that patriarchal society welcomed the abolishment of the AFŽ (1996: 170),
Božinović emphasizes that the main problem with this dissolution and the redistribution of
responsibilities was that the SSRN was now responsible for conducting activities for women’s
conscience raising. She argues that the Socialist Alliance didn’t pay much attention to these
duties “since the most rigid, patriarchal concepts regarding the woman held on obstinately
among the members and leadership, and they had no motive whatsoever to renounce their
privileged position in the family and in the society” (1996: 263).
Gordana Stojaković explains how women’s political engagement and the importance
of the AFŽ started to decrease after the introduction of self-management and decentralization
in 1950 in Yugoslavia, when the previously established social standards (kindergartens,
crèches) became an expensive project for the state (Stojaković, 2012: 18). Stojaković also
claims that the idea of a strong fight against patriarchy, which was very present during the war
and during the post-war reconstruction of the country, started to disappear in the 1950s
Yugoslav state (2012: 18). Very similar to Sklevicky, she concludes that with the dissolution
of the AFŽ, women “lost the space for collecting experiences and discussing problems and
successes on their way towards women’s emancipation” (2012: 38).
What I found equally interesting in Božinović’s work on the AFŽ, however, is her
remark about contradictions in one essay that was read during the Fourth (last) Congress of
the AFŽ in 1953. Božinović points out that the decision was made that work among peasant
women would be focused on enlightenment, without any political characteristics, but Bosa
Cvetić’s essay (who was one of the AFŽ leaders and later one of the SŽD leaders) concluded
that “women have to be educated to be fighters for achieving full equality for themselves, the
equality that is already recognized by our revolutionary laws” (quoted in Božinović, 1996:
169). Unfortunately, Božinović only briefly mentions this point and doesn’t develop it clearly,
38
�but what I found extremely important here - in order to evaluate the dissolution of the AFŽ, as
well as the work of its successor organizations - is to ask questions about the boundaries
between and meanings of “enlightenment” and “political work” in this context. In other
words, we could ask what the idea (and the decision) that the women’s organizations should
cease with political work among women actually meant, when we can read in the same essay
about the necessity for women to be educated enough to be able to fight for their rights. I
think that finding this kind of contradictions could complicate the narrative about the AFŽ’s
dissolution as the end of successful work on women’s position in Yugoslavia, because it
raises the question about the extent to which the AFŽ’s successors continued and followed the
AFŽ’s work and can offer directions for understanding this history in possibly more nuanced
ways.
Indeed, recently there is a new approach in historicizing women’s activism in the Cold
War era. Young historian Chiara Bonfiglioli, born in 1983, in her doctoral dissertation
explores women’s activism in Yugoslavia and Italy during the Cold War and challenges the
idea that during this period women’s activism didn’t exist (2012: 22). As I explained in the
Introduction of this thesis, Bonfiglioli criticizes second-wave feminist historians for applying
the “autonomy principle” while evaluating activities of women’s organizations during the
Cold War (2014: 4).
Through this lens, Bonfiglioli is criticizing second-wave feminist historians in
Yugoslavia and strives to contextualize their work into the political situation of the time in
which they emerged. Particularly, she explains Lydia Sklevicky’s work on the AFŽ and says
that Sklevicky started to write about the AFŽ in the context of late 1970s, when the first
feminist groups appeared in Yugoslavia (2014: 3). As I mentioned in Introduction, Sklevicky
was researching women’s history that was erased from the Yugoslav schoolbooks. She
claimed that this erasure of women from the official history corresponded to the general
39
�opinion on women’s position in Yugoslavia, which stated that women’s liberation came as a
consequence of the revolution, not as a consequence of women’s struggle for their
emancipation (Bonfiglioli, 2014: 3). Bonfiglioli argues that Sklevicky wanted to confront this
version of history, but, in the end, by insisting on explaining the dissolution of the AFŽ as a
sign of patriarchal backlash, fell in the trap of a new tradition - one that claims the nonexistence of women’s activism during the Cold War (2014: 4).
Bonfiglioli’s approach demands a questioning of the main narrative about the AFŽ and
the idea that its dissolution meant the end of meaningful activities of women’s organization in
Yugoslavia. Instead of being focused on the “autonomy principle”, as I already pointed out in
the Introduction of this thesis, she suggests to search for different forms of women’s agency
that existed within the political, economic and social context of the time (2014: 4). Bonfiglioli
criticizes the narrative in which the AFŽ was dissolved as a result of patriarchal backlash, the
AFŽ leaders’ loyalty to the KPJ and fear of feminism, and advocates for a better
understanding of the social and political circumstances that led to the dissolution of the
organization (2012: 210-211).
Based on her analysis of documents from the Fourth Congress of the AFŽ, Bonfiglioli
claims that its leaders dismissed the organization in order to adjust work on women’s issues to
the new self-management model of socialism (2012: 216). Bonfiglioli emphasizes that the
AFŽ’s leaders were aware of the difference between the official KPJ’s discourse on women’s
equality and the real conditions on the ground, where local Party leaders didn’t support
women’s liberation, and that exactly because of this the AFŽ’s leaders considered the AFŽ’s
dissolution as the best option in that moment (2012: 213). They explained that a separate
women’s organization was not useful anymore and that work on women’s issues should be
done by political authorities in a more systematic way (Bonfiglioli, 2012: 214). In short,
Bonfiglioli claims that “the fear of being labeled feminist and that a separate women’s
40
�organization could foster critique of the socialist authorities certainly played a role, but so did
the AFŽ leaders’ faith in the possibility to “‘mainstream’ the issue of equality within the
institutions of socialist self-management, and the fear that a separate women’s organization
would isolate female activists from universal party politics” (2012: 216).
Nevertheless, Bonfiglioli is clear in her evaluation of the meaning of the dissolution of
the AFŽ for women's everyday life, which corresponds to some extent to earlier analyses of
the AFŽ’s dissolution. Namely, Bonfiglioli argues that the dissolution of the separate
women's organization didn't mean much in the more developed parts of Yugoslavia (Slovenia,
Croatia), where women were already integrated in political life, but the separate organization
meant a lot for women in the less developed parts of the country (BiH for example) and its
dissolution left them without state support in the fight against patriarchal local structures
(2012: 217). In addition, Bonfiglioli advocates for thorough research on the AFŽ's successor
organizations (the Union of Women’s Societies and the Conference for the Social Activity of
Women), which are hardly researched (2012; 2014), and insists on her criticism of the
second-wave feminist historians for their a-historical application of the “autonomy principle”
in the evaluation of women's organizations during the Cold War.
Conclusion
In this chapter, I have analyzed books and articles about the Antifašistički front žena
(Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ), published since the 1980s. I first provided basic historical
facts about the women’s movement in Yugoslavia before the AFŽ and then provided
information on the AFŽ’s goals, activities and the changes in its organizational structure.
Thirdly, I presented historians’ evaluations of the AFŽ’s activities and changes in the level of
autonomy of the organization and finally, I discussed their ideas about the meaning of the
dissolution of the AFŽ in 1953 for meaningful work on women’s problems in Yugoslavia.
41
�The AFŽ was a women’s organization formed in 1942 and dismissed and replaced in
1953 with the Savež ženskih društava (Union of Women’s Societies, SŽD), which was
integrated in the SSRN. As I presented above, most historians who have written about the
AFŽ claim that its dissolution in 1953 was the end of meaningful work among women in
Yugoslavia. Acknowledging the importance of the AFŽ for women’s emancipation, historians
generally evaluate the AFŽ’s early years positively and claim that the organization enhanced
women's position in the Yugoslav society.
But the assumption of most historians has been that the dissolution of the AFŽ and the
end of women’s autonomous organization had a detrimental effect on the work for women’s
rights and enhancing their position in the society. While researching women’s activism in the
Cold War era, historian Chiara Bonfiglioli challenges the dominant idea that during this
period women’s activism was irrelevant or didn’t exist. She claims that second-wave feminist
historians contributed to this interpretation of women’s activism during the Cold War by
applying the “autonomy principle” as a measure for meaningful work on women’s issues
(2014). Bonfiglioli discusses what the notion of autonomy means, and whether it is applicable
when we talk about women’s organizations in Yugoslavia (2014). By accepting Bonfiglioli’s
approach to historicize and contextualize women’s agency, I think that historians could open a
space for researching the activities of the AFŽ’s successor organizations - that are still hardly
researched (several pages in Božinović, 1996) - and evaluate those activities in more nuanced
and complex ways. This is why I decided to follow her approach and to research the SŽD, but
without using the term or searching for “women’s activism” as such. I will be focused on the
SŽDH women’s own perspective and I will discuss their activities in the terms which they
used themselves when explaining their work.
42
�3. The SŽDH (1953-1961): position, activities, goals and
discussions
In chapter 2, I presented the AFŽ in general and I discussed historians’ perspectives on
the AFŽ and its dissolution in the 1953. In this chapter I move towards the Savez ženskih
društava (Union of Women’s Societies, SŽD) (1953-1961), the AFŽ’s successor organization
that is hardly researched. I approach this organization on the level of the Narodna Republika
Hrvatska (People’s Republic of Croatia, NRH) so I analyze documents of the Savez ženskih
društava Hrvatske (Union of Women’s Societies of Croatia, SŽDH). My research is based on
the material from the Founding Assembly of the SŽDH’s, held on February 27-18, 1957, the
First Plenary Session held on January 27-28, 1958, and the Second Plenary Session held on
December 6-7, 1960, through which I discuss several topics.
Since there is barely any information on the SŽD in the Yugoslav historiography, I
will first provide basic facts about the SŽD in general and the SŽDH in particular: how it was
organized, which activities it carried out and when it was dissolved. Secondly, there are
different questions and approaches to women's emancipation within state socialism and
different ideas about how to achieve it, as well as how to evaluate socialist women’s
activities, discussed in the introduction of this thesis. In this chapter I will discuss the main
field of dispute in the communist thought and practice – whether separate women’s
organizations were necessary and justified or not – on the example of the discussions and
debates, that were going on within the women’s organization the SŽDH. Thirdly, I will
analyze the debates about the characteristics of the SŽDH’s activities and about the main goal
of the SŽDH’s work, from the perspective of the SŽDH’s leaders and rank-and-file members.
I’m interested in how those women evaluated themselves and their work and which terms
they used in describing their activities. Finally, I will present problems the SŽDH women
43
�were facing in their work. I will ask to what extent these problems and the SŽDH’s
approaches to them can clarify what kind of activism was possible, suitable and preferred at
the time, and how we can evaluate the engagement of the SŽDH women in dealing with the
patriarchal society. The bigger issue I aim to answer with this analysis is whether secondwave feminist historians’ perception of the AFŽ’s dissolution in 1953 as the end of
meaningful work on women’s issues is justified or not.
3.1. The SŽDH’s structure and activities
The Savez ženskih društava (Union of Women’s Societies, SŽD) was the women’s
organization that existed in Yugoslavia from 1953 to 1961. It was the successor of the
Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ). Briefly, at the Fourth Congress of
the AFŽ in 1953, the organization was dissolved and the new organization, SŽD, was formed.
As I already explained in chapter 2 of this thesis, at the Founding Congress of the SŽD (the
last Congress of the AFŽ) it was emphasized that women’s organizing should be done
differently in order to prevent an understanding of women’s issues being only women’s
concerns and in order to act upon the idea that women’s position in society was the
responsibility of the entire society.4 That is why the SŽD was supposed to exist and work
simultaneously with the newly formed Komisije za rad među ženama (Commissions for work
among women) within the Socijalistički savez radnog naroda (Socialist Alliance of the
Working People, SSRN). However, according to the decisions of the Fourth Congress of the
SSRNJ in 1953 and of the Fourth Congress of the AFŽJ later that year, the SŽD would be
responsible for women’s enlightenment and the SSRN’s women’s commissions for the
political work among women.5 Like the AFŽ, the SŽD had its federal (SŽDJ), republic, and
several local levels, but unlike the AFŽ (which was one unique organization), the SŽD was an
4
5
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-1, 1.1., GO SŽDH, February 19, 1957, p.1-7
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-1, 1.1., GO SŽDH, February 19, 1957, p.1
44
�alliance of a number of organizations, that were searching for solutions for different concrete
problems related to women’s position within the Yugoslav communist society, such as
prosvjećivanje (enlightenment), opening child rearing facilities, improving the household etc.6
In this thesis I focus on the Savez ženskih društava Hrvatske (SŽDH), the SŽD organization
on the level of the People’s Republic of Croatia.
Since there were no strict rules in terms of organization and activities of the SŽD on
the republic and lower levels, each organization could choose its own preferences in work
“according to the problems and issues of each city and village”.7 In Croatia, the Founding
Assembly of the SŽDH was held on February 27-18, 1957, more than three years after the
SŽDJ was formed at the federal level. One of the reasons for this delay was precisely this lack
of directions and rules for organizing, which I will discuss in the second part of this chapter.
The Founding Assembly was attended by delegates from the lower committees, who were
supposed to choose new members of the Glavni odbor (Main Committee, GO) of the SŽDH,
but representatives from other organizations and committees within the SSRN were also
invited to attend the meeting.8 At the Founding Assembly, the main assignment was to decide
on the role and tasks of the Main Committee of the SŽDH. The decision was made that the
main tasks of the GO SŽDH should be: to assist working families and to solve the problems
of household work in order to help women workers (Krajačić, 1957: 25-27). The GO SŽDH
was seen as the body whose role would be, first of all, to initiate and launch different kind of
social actions, according to specific contexts in which local SŽD’s committees were operating
(Berus, 1957: 63).
Even though there were discussions on how to organize work among peasant women
(Krajačić, 1957: 33; Jančić, 1957: 51-53), village and peasant women’s problems were not in
6
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-1, 1.1., GO SŽDH, February 19, 1957, p.1
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-1, 1.1., GO SŽDH, February 19, 1957, p.1
8
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, October 2, 1956
7
45
�the focus of the Founding Assembly of the SŽDH, which was clear from the very title of the
published book of essays that had been read during the Founding Assembly: Pomoć radnoj
porodici i radnoj ženi – naš osnovni zadatak (Assistance to the working family and to the
working woman – our main task). Soka Krajačić, a member of the Presidency of the Main
Committee of the SSRNH and also a president of the GO of the SŽDH, in her evaluation of
the SŽD’s past work, claimed that one of the major problems was that most of the women’s
societies were formed in the cities, whereas the villages were neglected (1957: 23).
The SŽDH was helping working women and working families in several ways:
through organizing crèches and kindergartens; through advocating and taking steps towards
socializing household work in order to ease the burden of working mothers, but also through
providing courses for better dealing with the household work, which was contested within the
organization, as I will discuss in the third part of this chapter (Krajačić, 1957). In her essay,
Soka Krajačić presented mostly similar tasks and achievements of the SŽD on the local
levels: taking care of nutrition, schools’ restaurants and restaurants within the commune or
enterprise and organizing household courses (1957: 21-22).
At the Plenary Session one year later, on 27-28 January, 1958, similar topics as at the
Founding Assembly in 1957, were discussed, with slightly more emphasis on the duties of the
commune (discussed in Chapter 1) in solving working women’s problems, in accordance with
the general idea of including the entire society in solving women’s problems (discussed in
Chapter 2 and further in the second section of this chapter). More attention was paid to
villages and women’s role in collective farming.9 Jela Jančić, one of the leaders of the
Women’s section within the cooperatives, in her essay “Referat o problemima žena-seljanki i
Sekciji žena-zadrugarki” (“Essay on the problems of women peasants’ and the women’s
section within cooperatives”), explained how the Women’s section within the so called
9
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958
46
�zadruge (cooperatives) was the best suitable organizational form of the SŽD for work among
and for peasant women. Jančić emphasized how the main task of the Women’s section was to
draw women into cooperatives through advocating for the opening of services that could
make it easier for them to enter the cooperatives.10 Basically, the Sections were conducting
very similar activities as the other SŽD’s organizations, but in accordance with the new rules
of adapting to the needs of women in specific contexts, they found this form being most
suitable for the work among peasant women.
Apart from the essay on peasant women, the majority of the essays were discussing
how to help working women and working families through including the entire commune in
solving a number of issues. One of the members of the GO of the SŽDH, Milka Planinc (later
the prime minister of Yugoslavia, 1982-1986), explained how this idea came from the Fifth
Plenary Session of the SSRNJ held in 1957, where it was discussed how to enhance women’s
position by including the entire society in solving a number of social and economic issues.11
Approaches and ideas given during the SŽDH’s Plenary Session in 1958 were actually similar
to those proposed at the Founding Assembly of the SŽDH a year earlier: together with other
social factors (local people’s committees of the SSRN, enterprises) to take care of children
and child rearing facilities, as well as to maintain already existing services and open new
services for socializing household work.12
What was specific for the SŽDH was its unusually good relationship with the
women’s section within the Unions. Historian Neda Božinović points out in her book on the
women’s movement in Yugoslavia that the SŽD in general didn’t pay much attention to
women workers, since this was supposed to be an Union’s duty. But, unlike the SŽD in other
Yugoslav republics, the SŽDH was giving strong support to women’s sections within the
10
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 2.day, morning, p. 17-24
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, morning, p. 1
12
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, morning, p. 14-44
11
47
�Unions, and these sections were very successful in solving women’s workers problems within
the self-management enterprises (1996: 175). As I already explained, it was clear from the
discussions and essays, both in Founding Assembly in 1957 and Plenary Session in 1958, that
easing the burden of women workers was the main activity of the SŽDH, but apart from that,
the SŽDH cooperated successfully with the women’s section within the Main Committee of
Unions. The member of that section, Ružica Turković, praised the SŽDH during the Plenary
Session in 1958 for the good cooperation and the support in advocating for more services,
better qualification courses for female workers, etc.13
As discussed in chapter 1, Yugoslavia experienced economic growth during the 1950s,
which resulted in fulfilling the Five-Year Plan (1957-1961) one year before its official end.
The next plan was supposed to start already in 1961, and that is why the next (and according
to documents last) SŽDH’s Plenary Sessions on December 6-7, 1960 was mostly focused on
it. The SŽDH women discussed how to integrate solutions for a number of problems women
were dealing into the next Five-Year Plan (1961-1965). Again, a book with essays from the
Plenary Session was published with, entitled Što petogodišnji plan donosi porodici i kakve
perspektive otvara ženama (What the Five-Year Plan brings to the family and which
perspectives it opens for women). Irena Bijelić, member of the GO of the SŽDH and president
of the Council for Social Security of the NRH, in her essay (with the title the same as the
book’s title) emphasized two main issues to deal with: how to help the family and how to
make it possible for women to enter manufacturing and social activities in high numbers
(1960: 11). The problems Bijelić emphasized did not differ much from the problems
discussed at the SŽDH’s Founding Assembly in 1957 and in First Plenary Session in 1958. At
all three SŽDH’s meetings that I analyze, the problems to deal with and the solution provided
were similar, but this time the Plenary Session was all about emphasizing all these issues in
13
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.30-33
48
�order to make them an official part of the Five-Year Plan. Bijelić articulated “constantly
present issue of women’s position in society” and said that the main problems which should
be addressed in the Five-Year Plan were: women’s segregation in female dominated
industries, the low qualification of the female labour force, the inadequate school system
which put female students in a disadvantaged position, and the bad attitude of cooperatives
towards women producers (1960: 22).
At the same Plenary Session in 1960, it was clear that new changes in the women’s
organizations would be introduced. I will say more about the discussions on this topic in the
next part of this chapter, but here it is important to state that changes in the work among
women were debated at the Fifth Congress of the SSRNJ in April 1960. Soka Krajačić
informed her drugarice (female comrades) at the Plenary Session of the SŽDH in December
1960 about those possible changes.14 She said that the name of the SSRN’s Women’s
commission for work among women had been changed into Commission for the social
activity of women and that, according to the new rules, neither the SSRN’s commissions; nor
the SŽD’s committees should be vertically connected.15 In other words, hierarchical vertical
structure, in which lower committees communicate and receive directions from the higher
committees, shouldn’t exist. Krajačić said that all the changes were made in order to achieve a
higher decentralization and to put emphasis on solving the problems of families and women at
the level of the commune, according to each local context.16
Krajačić also mentioned that, during the Fifth Congress of the SSRNJ, it was proposed
to dissolve the SŽD, but the decision was left to the next Congress of the SŽDJ.17 Among the
SŽDH’s documents I couldn’t find information on that following Congress of the SŽD of
14
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.183a-198
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.190-193
16
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.185
17
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.194
15
49
�Yugoslavia, but, according to historian Božinović, it never happened (1996: 184). Instead, the
Assembly of SŽDJ was held in April 1961, where the decision was taken to abolish the SŽD
and to form the Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost žena (Conference for the Social Activity
of Women, KDAŽ), which continued to exist, with several changes in its name, until 1990
(Božinović, 1996: 184).
3.2. How should women be organized?
The Yugoslav socialist state (federal level) was searching for an answer to the
complex question of how best to deal with enhancing women’s position in society. Should
that be done through separate women’s organizations or not? This question was also
ubiquitous on the republic and district level and occupied lots of space in the archival
documents from the Founding Assembly of the SŽDH, held on February 27-18, 1957. Even
though the SŽDJ was officially formed in 1953, it took three years for the Founding
Assembly of the organization on the republic (Croatian) level to happen. Some of the issues
discussed during the Founding Assembly, which I will present in this part, were: Why is
important to have women’s organizations? Is it necessary and if so, why? If we decide to have
them, which type of structure should we introduce? Should it be an uniform and autonomous
organization or an alliance of different organizations/associations which will be dealing with
specific women’s issues in each district, while leaving the political work among women to the
SSRN?. These discussions continued at the Plenary Sessions in 1958 and 1960.
At the Founding Assembly in 1957, the leaders of the SŽDH discussed these issues
several times. In her essay “Naš rad je društvena aktivnost – u izgradnji socijalističkog
društva i pomoći radnoj ženi” (“Our work is social activity – in the construction of the
socialist community and in assistance to the female worker”), Soka Krajačić, president of the
Main Committee of the SŽDH, explained that this was the first assembly of the women’s
50
�organization in Croatia (republic level) after the last Fourth Congress of the AFŽH in 1949.
She presented what the AFŽH did until the dissolution of the AFŽ on the federal level in
1953. While emphasizing its main activities: the enlightenment of women, literacy courses,
assistance to female workers, but also political work among women, Krajačić said (similar to
the conclusion of the AFŽJ last Congress in 1953) that:
“[…] a series of these problems, which the women’s organization was solving, were
treated as specifically women’s and not as societal issues. Thus, searching for the
solution of these problems didn’t have the full support from the overall society. Within
this process, the AFŽ - which was active as a part of the People’s Front at the time and
worked on women’s political education and elevation and many other practical issues
related particularly to women’s position – was actually separating itself from the
framework of the general social fight for women’s rights. The AFŽ secluded itself in
this struggle” (1957: 18).
Additionally, Krajačić emphasized that the AFŽ had to be dissolved. Despite its excellent
success in the work among women, the organization became too “narrow” and was unable to
deal with all activities that were necessary for solving women’s many problems (1957: 19).
Women from the lower SŽDH’s committees expressed the same opinion. A document
from the Founding Assembly of one District Committee of the SŽDH in Hrvatsko zagorje (a
region in the north of Croatia), for example clearly said that “women’s social activity has
surpassed the narrow frames of specific women's organizations and today women are
participating, in almost all social activities and there is no topic that our women would not be
interested in”.18 Additionally, the document explained that the SŽD, as a new type of
organization, was “not as sturdy as the AFŽ, but adjusted to the needs of women of some
18
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, October 1, 1956
51
�particular region. The SŽD consists of many associations which are dealing with particular
questions”.19
Soka Krajačić, president of the Main Committee of the SŽDH, also explained the
somewhat extraordinary fact that the Founding Assembly of the SŽDH was held three years
after the Founding Assembly of the SŽD on the federal level. She explained how the GO of
the SŽDH didn’t want to insist on forming associations just to have them, but instead wanted
women to gather around certain activities and then form associations according to the specific
issues they were struggling with (1957: 20). Members of the GO of the SŽDH were thinking
that, if the GO insisted on forming societies, women could be directed to form separate
women’s organizations, which would reduce their participation in political organizations,
where they worked to solve many problems related to women’s position (1957: 20).
The statements presented above could be seen as support for historian Chiara
Bonfiglioli’s claims about the dissolution of the AFŽ, which go against usual the
interpretation of the dissolution of the AFŽ, discussed in chapter 2. While analyzing
documents from the Fourth Congress of the AFŽ, Bonfiglioli claims that it is evident that its
leaders dismissed the organization in order to adjust work on women’s issues to the new selfmanagement model of socialism (2012: 216).
But although all SŽDH leaders argued against a uniform and separate women’s
organization like the AFŽ was, at one point they were justifying their own existence as an
alliance of women’s associations within the SSRN, hence still in a way a separate women’s
organization. Anka Berus, member of the GO of the SŽDH and member of the Executive
Council of the NRH’s Parliament, started her essay “Treba se boriti za radnu kvalifikaciju
žena“ (“We have to fight for women’s professional qualifications”), with the question whether
19
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, October 1, 1956
52
�Croatia needed specific women’s associations, since women had all rights and participated in
political life. She explained that according to data, women’s associations justified their
existence since in every place where they were formed around specific problems that women
had, women were participating in high numbers (1957: 48). She concluded that through
women’s societies, many problems could be solved much faster and easier than through other
organizations (1957: 48).
Along similar lines, in the material from the Founding Assembly of one District
Committee of the SŽDH in Hrvatsko zagorje, leaders of the District explained that there
always was the question of whether it was necessary or not to have women’s associations,
since women had already attained all rights, but the practice actually showed that women’s
societies could be very helpful in finding solutions for women’s specific problems in
particular counties.20 Additionally, the document said that the women’s organization was
necessary because the situation on the ground was difficult for women and in practice they
were not equal to men. Many problems prevented women from participating in social and
political life and the biggest problem was the overload of domestic labour.21
Similarly, a separate document from the Plenary Session in 1958, also stated that there
were lots of discussions about how to approach women’s organization. It said that “there were
opinions that all [women’s] problems are problems of the entire society”, which was why
some people asked, “why then to have a women’s organization, since it can’t solve those
problems”.22 The question was “why not to solve all problems related to women’s role and
position within the socialist society through the SSRN”. However, the answer provided in the
next paragraph was that in the districts, where discussions were not going on and the SŽD had
20
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, October 1, 1956
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, October 1, 1956
22
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, p.1
21
53
�begun to work, “the initial work justified the organization’s existence through the SŽD’s good
results and its cooperation with the local people’s committees and other social institutions”.23
Soka Krajačić justified the existence of the SŽDH towards the end of her essay by
claiming that in practice, there were often no other organizations that would deal with
problems of women’s position in society. Still, she said that there were no reasons why this
should stay only in the framework of women’s organizations, since these were the problems
of the entire society (1957: 23). The whole necessity for the justification of the SŽDH’s
existence was actually related to the idea that there were no specific women’s issues, only
issues of the entire society and that the entire society had to help women workers and working
families to solve the everyday problems, such as better nutrition, childcare or socializing
domestic labour (Krajačić, 1957: 23). The SŽDH leaders kept inviting other organizations to
join in finding solutions for social (not only women’s) problems that the SŽD was dealing
with (Krajačić, 1957: 23), but these organizations often didn’t perform their tasks, but often in
vain.
Bosa Cvetić, president of the Central committee of the SŽD of Yugoslavia (SŽDJ), in
her essay “Društva žena nisu se odvojila od općedruštvenih zadataka” (“Women’s societies
are not detached from general social activities”) explained debates that were going on in the
period between the last Congress of the AFŽ in 1953 and the Founding Assembly of the
SŽDH in 1957 and said that all the time the question was, “is our work useful or not” and
“whether is it enough for women just to join to the SSRN, engage there to the full extent and
try to find solutions for women’s problems from those positions” (1957: 56). She argued that
a scenario in which a separate women’s organization would result in smaller participation of
women within the SSRN and isolate them didn’t happen. Instead, “women didn’t leave other
political and social organizations, they still work there” and the biggest success of the SŽD
23
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, p.1
54
�was that it managed to draw new women activists into the political and social sphere (1957:
56). She was actually arguing for a double strategy: for simultaneously organizing both in the
regular SSRN’s institutions and in separate women’s organizations.
Anka Berus was explaining a similar thing, when she criticized the SŽD’s activists
who were complaining about comrades’ behavior towards them (see below). According to
Berus, sentences such as “comrades didn’t give us, comrades promised us” were unacceptable
since at least half of women present on that Plenary Session (1958) “worked in some of the
people’s committees” and there were “no one who, apart from being active in the SŽD, was
not also active in some other form of social management”.24 That was why women were
supposed to work on all issues within these institutions, and within communes. In other words
they had to, according to Berus, work on enhancing women’s position in the society, not to
beg comrades for anything.25
At the Plenary Session in 1960 other SŽD’s leaders and rank-and file members
expressed almost same opinions. Irena Bijelić, member of the GO of the SŽDH, concluded
that women, apart being active in the SŽD and discussing problems within the women’s
organization, “should discuss these issues in all positions, which our society created for
debates and adoptions of collective proposals and conclusions, therefore at union’s meetings,
working councils, institutions of League of Communists…” (1960: 27). Activist from lower
committees also recognized this need. Jelica Radojčević from Koprivnica (a small city in the
north of Croatia) said that it would be excellent if, as a result of conclusions of that Plenary
Session, all institutions would help in solving different kind of problems. It would be
especially good, Radojčević said, if it would be possible to mobilize “women who work in the
municipal people’s committees, the councils of the municipal people’s committees, and in
24
25
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.39
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.30-33
55
�management positions in other socio-political organizations” in solving all those issues (1960:
94). While emphasizing that the conclusions of the Plenary Sessions should be used as
directions for solving problems within the communes, Milka Planinc explained that the Main
Committee of the SŽDH invited “other [female] comrades to put these issues [the problems of
working families and female workers and the problem of people’s living standard] on the
agenda of all political organizations, first of all on the agenda of the SSRN” (1960: 127).
As is obvious from the quotes above, the SŽDH women at the Plenary Session in 1960
continued to advocate for a double strategy in women’s organizing. But as already mentioned
in the first part of this chapter, just before this SŽDH’s 1960 Plenary Session, the Fifth
Congress of the SSRNJ was held, during which women’s organizing was discussed further in
accordance with a greater decentralization of the country and putting emphasis on solving
every problem on the level of the commune.26 Soka Krajačić emphasized that during 1960
discussions over the role of the SŽD, which started in 1953, continued 27 and that the SSRNJ
suggested the dissolution of the SŽD.28 This final decision was left to the next Congress of the
SŽD, and Krajačić was clear in explaining the SŽDH’s leaders’ position. They obviously
wanted to continue with the double strategy of organizing women, both in separate
organizations and within the SSRN, because they saw the need for a separate women’s
organization. According to Krajačić, the SŽDH leaders were clear in their position that “in
our Republic there is no need for orders to dissolve districts’ committees of the SŽD, because
this has to be decided in each and every committee in every district, according to practical
needs”.29
26
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.185
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.184
28
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.194
29
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.5., GO SŽDH, December 6-7, 1960, p.194
27
56
�3.3. Polemics over the main goal of the organization
Here, I will first analyse discussions that took place during the Founding Assembly of
the SŽDH’s and First Plenary Session held on January 1958 about the importance of the
“political work” among women, in order to see how the SŽDH’s leaders and members saw
their own work and what was important for them to emphasize about that work. Thus, I will
try to give answers to several questions: Which terms were the SŽDH women using in
describing their goals and activities? What can we conclude from the fact that the SŽDH
women were discussing very thoroughly their own position and that they were searching for a
new solution of women’s organizing in the new system of self-management socialism and
decentralization of Yugoslavia? What does the insistence on labelling the SŽDH’s work as
“political” - even though, in the division of labour between the SSRN’s commissions and the
SŽDH, “political work” was supposed to be the SSRN commissions’ activity - by the SŽDH
leaders, tell us about how they saw themselves, and how did they evaluate the organization’s
activities and goals?
The president of the Main Committee of SŽDH, Soka Krajačić, reminded her
drugarice of the conclusion of the last AFŽ Congress that the political work among women
should be performed in the framework of the SSRN. She claimed that the idea behind this
decision was to prevent an isolation of women in separate organization and to move the
“political work” among women to the SSRN “where overall political activity is going on”,
while at the same time to encourage the forming of different women’s associations in order to
solve specific women’s problems of each district (1957: 19).
Krajačić several times emphasized that the main goal of the SŽDH’s activities was to
enable women’s participation in the political and social life of Croatia. For example, while
evaluating the activities of the Main Committee of the SŽDH, she insisted that it “was
approaching all issues with the idea of providing assistance to the women workers, which
57
�aimed to enable women’s higher participation in the political and social spheres” (1957: 30).
What is visible from Soka Krajačić’s remarks is the struggle of the SŽDH’s leadership to
position itself in the new system and to figure out what was the SŽDH’s status within it. Even
though officially the SŽDH was not supposed to conduct “political work” among women for
the above mentioned reasons, I think it was really important for Soka Krajačić to explain that
the SŽDH’s activities still could be labeled as political activities. This is the most evident
when she criticized the SŽDH’s work on providing household courses for women and at the
same time defended the organization (1957: 32-33). As I explained above, apart from
providing facilities and services for the working family, the SŽDH was also teaching women
how to better deal with all domestic labour through household courses for women. Krajačić
said that this could be seen as one of the reasons for the backlash in understanding women’s
position in society – as a mother and housewife (1957: 32-33). She said that because of the
household courses, “it seems that our only goal is to teach women how to cook, to tidy
apartments and to take care of children”, but she insisted that the SŽDH was conducting this
activity also “in order to make it possible for women to participate more in the political and
social life” (1957: 33). At the end of her essay, Krajačić again explained that everything they
did was “in order to help women in overcoming obstacles for their greater participation in the
political and social life” (1957: 34).
Mika Špiljak, a (male) member of the Presidency of the Main Committee of SSRNH,
who was participating in the discussion during the Founding Assembly, explicitly claimed in
his essay “Aktivnost društva žena je društveno-politička aktivnost” (“The activities of the
women’s societies are socio-political activities”) that the SŽDH was conducting “political
activities” (1957: 63). I found his essay extremely important because of his remarks on the
meaning of the socio-political work in the new moment for the Yugoslav state. Even though
the Resolution on forming the SŽD in 1953 stated that political work among women should
58
�be removed to SSRN’s special committees for work among women, Špiljak asked in his
introduction “Where do these ideas about the SŽD not conducting political activities come
from?” (1957: 63). He argued that in the new circumstances the SŽD’s activities were for sure
socio-political activities and he blamed some political actors for not to being able to see sociopolitical character of the SŽD’s work, saying that they failed to see how political work meant
something else than it meant during the war (1957: 63). Špiljak tried to explain that the
political work during WW2, such as the “fight against chetniks, ustashas or the fight for
independence” was not relevant or important anymore and that “there [were] completely
different problems in our society at the moment” (1957: 63).
Maybe the best comparison between what was seen as important during WW2 and
what was seen as urgent in the 1950s and 1960s in Yugoslavia was made several years later,
at the Plenary Session of the SŽDH in 1960. SŽDH member Nada Sremec strived to explain
what the main task of all women should be. In her words, all of them should “learn, learn,
learn” because “just as during the war one had to fight”, today’s task is to study in every field:
from ideological education, to general, professional and political education” (1960: 104).
Bosa Cvetić, president of the Central committee of the SŽD of Yugoslavia (SŽDJ),
claimed that “it seems from the outside that we narrowed the scope of our work” (1957: 55),
and “that we are preoccupied with irrelevant problems” (1957: 56) compared to the political
work of the AFŽ, but actually the SŽD’s work was “widespread and diverse” (1957: 55).
Similar to Mika Špiljak’s remarks about the different nature of the political work, Cvetić
argued that “in these conditions, if an organization doesn’t have political program, it doesn’t
have to mean that it is apolitical”, because in the overall work of the SŽD “there was no
activity that wouldn’t be in line with the general struggle for building our socialist society”
(1957: 59). In other words, everything that the SŽDH was doing was in order to build
socialism.
59
�The notes for a book of essays from the SŽDH Founding Assembly’s clearly stated
that the overall conclusion on the role of the SŽDH was that its goal was women’s
participation in political life. It was stated in the document that “the first Assembly of the
SŽDH produced rich material and gave orientation for further work with women in solving a
series of questions and problems in order to help them in their efforts to enter all sectors of the
social life and in their struggle for full political and social affirmation”.30
During the Plenary Session of the SŽDH on January 27-28, 1958, several leaders
referred to this issue as well. Anka Berus, while advocating for the cooperation of the SŽDH
with other social factors and while claiming that all women’s specific problems could and had
to be solved within the commune, she emphasized that this approach would “contribute to
enormous women’s political enlightenment and their participation in social activities”.31
When she spoke about kindergartens, Irena Bijelić emphasized that one of the purposes of
opening kindergartens was to “enable parents to enter political and social life”.32 While
analyzing the overall work of the SŽD, Marija Šoljan, member of the GO of the SŽDH, said
that they “couldn’t be satisfied, but also they couldn’t be unsatisfied” because there were
improvements in women’s political participation and women had been elected to the district
and local committees of the SSRN in higher numbers in 1953 than in the elections in 1950.33
It is clear that she thought that the SŽD’s work helped women to enter the political life and
that the SŽD should continue to take care of women’s political participation. At the same
Plenary Session, it was several times emphasized that the session was held intentionally just
before the elections for the People’s Assembly and the Parliament of the NRH. Šoljan
concluded that it was necessary to organize meetings with women on the ground to enhance
30
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, February, 1957
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.43
32
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, morning, p.14
33
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 2.day, p.33
31
60
�their participation in elections, because “experience from last elections showed that very good
results were achieved in places where separate meetings with women were held”.34
Šoljan also stressed another issue, which can be illustrative for the position of the
SŽDH leaders on the women’s question in Yugoslavia. Apart from the next elections, the
second most important topic at the Plenary Session in 1958 was the preparation for the next
International Women’s Day on March 8. When women from lower SŽDH’s committees gave
reports on the preparations in their committees, Šoljan warned them about the content of the
celebration. She said that “in recent years March 8 started to have characteristics of Mother’s
Day”, which she highly disapproved of.35 Šoljan emphasized that the GO of the SŽDH
already “gave guidelines that March 8 should be celebrated differently, that it should be a
socio-political manifestation for all women, not only for mothers”, because “women achieved
so many results in our socialist community” and March 8 should be celebrated accordingly. 36
In contrast to the Founding Assembly and the First Plenary Session, at the Second
Plenary Session 1960, which focused on the new Five-Year Plan and on manufacture,
“political work” was barely mentioned. Irena Bijelić explained that she did not mention
women’s political participation in her essay “not because they [the SŽDH] consider it an
irrelevant question, but because this question is directly related to the first one [women’s
participation in manufacture]” (1960: 23). She argued that “women’s greater participation in
skilled jobs and the presence in manufacture” would lead to “women’s greater participation in
authority and management bodies” (1960: 23).
34
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 2.day, p.35
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 2.day, p.35
36
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 2.day, p.35
35
61
�3.4. Which problems were the SŽDH women facing in their practical work?
Here, I will present problems the SŽDH women were facing in their work. What were
the biggest problems women were dealing with? What can we conclude from these problems
and the SŽDH’s reaction towards them about the society they lived in and about what kind of
activism was possible and suitable at the time? How can we evaluate the SŽDH engagement
in dealing with the patriarchal society?
The consequence of these debates and of a looser structure of the organization,
compared to the AFŽ’s, was a temporary paralysis in the women’s activities in some districts.
An indicative example is one from the above mentioned Hrvatsko zagorje, where during the
forming of the District committee of the SŽDH women emphasized that “there are no strict
directives or rules for our work, because every district or region has its own specific issues”.
They evaluated these changes as being helpful because “strict directives could maybe prevent
work on the ground”. On the other hand, they referred to the period of three years after the
dissolution of the AFŽ and before forming this committee of the SŽDH in their district and
said that “we have to be careful not to transform this liberty in organizing and acting into a
complete neglecting of the work among women, which happened in the region before”.37
The problem of the “political work” among women was not solely a problem on the
level of the SŽDH’s leadership discussions. Problems related to this “political work” were the
biggest problems that the SŽDH’s members were facing on the ground. It is evident from
several essays form the SŽDH Founding Assembly in 1957 that the ‘comrades’ from the
SSRNH’s Commissions for work among women weren’t doing their job, that is, they often
neglected their tasks on raising women’s political consciousness and providing political
education for women.
37
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.2.1., GO SŽDH, October 1, 1956
62
�Maybe the most direct critique towards the SSRN came from Soka Krajačić when she
asked “why there are not more women in leadership positions within the SSRN” (1957: 32),
although women were very active in all social organizations. She argued that one of the
reasons must be that “the SSRN doesn’t take care of political work among women; neither
does it keep track of women’s participation in the social life” (1957: 32). Moreover, she
briefly repeated that the decision of the Fourth Plenary Session of the SSRNJ (and also of the
Fourth Congress of the AFŽJ) was that the political work with women had to be conducted
within the SSRN, but then she stated that “SSRN’s organizations don’t know much about
women’s activities” or about the “problems that women are dealing with” and how this really
“makes it difficult to work on enlightenment and an intensive raising of women’s political
consciousness” (1957: 32). Krajačić concluded that there was a backlash in understanding
women’s position in the Yugoslav society and that the lack or the non-existence of political
work among women was one of the reasons for that backlash (1957: 32).
Other leaders also criticized the SSRN for not fulfilling its duties and suggested to the
SŽD to perform those duties. Anka Berus, for example, said that the SŽDH should put
pressure on the SSRN and maybe conduct activities that should be performed by the SSRN.
She emphasized that women’s societies “should ask the SSRN to solve some special issues if
the SSRN doesn’t take it in its own hands” because “in politics, everybody can knock on
everybody’s door and has right to ask questions and raise issues that one thinks have to be
solved” (1957: 50).
The SŽDH not only had a problem with the political work among women not being
conducted by those responsible for it. In addition, organizations that were supposed to work
with them on solving the problems of female workers and working families didn’t do their
jobs either. For example, while explaining that the role of the SŽDH Main Committee was to
help working families by opening kindergartens together with other responsible organizations,
63
�Soka Krajačić was worried about the condition of the kindergartens and their future because
the SŽDH “found omissions and irresponsibility even among those social factors that are
legally obliged to take care of kindergartens” (1957: 26).
Krajačić’s and Berus’s critique could be seen in light of feminist historian and activist
Neda Božinović’s critique of the transfer of political work among women to the SSRN,
almost 40 years after. She interpreted the dissolution of the AFŽ as the result of a patriarchal
backlash (1996: 170), which I discussed in the chapter on the AFŽ. But, as I also already
mentioned, Božinović points out that the redistribution of responsibilities between the SSRN
and the SŽD caused serious problems on the ground, since the SSRN simply didn’t take its
duties seriously (1996: 263). From archival documents that I analyzed above, the same
conclusion can be drawn.
Maybe the most illustrative examples of what kind of problems women from the SŽD
were facing and how they struggled with them are those of SŽDH’s member Nevia Zakinja
from Pula (a town in Istria), given during the Plenary Session in January 1958. She thought
that the biggest achievement of the SŽD in her district was that problems which bothered
women were now finally discussed during the meetings of the District committees of the
SSRN. But she was also complaining about the comrades’ reaction towards the SŽD
members’ demands: they often said there was no money for solving a certain issue in order to
help women from the community.38 That is why women from the SŽD were very “resolute”
and tried to fight for what they wanted. She gave the example of crèches in Istria and said that
the comrades wanted to close some crèches because of a lack of money, but women from the
SŽD visited the comrades and explained them that the SŽD wouldn’t let this happen.39
38
39
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.1-2
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.5
64
�Nevia Zakinja explained that she was saying this “to show how often and easily
comrades and authorities made decisions on closing facilities for childcare”. The SŽD’s
activists managed to prevent the authorities form doing that, but the communication between
the SŽD and the people’s committees was in general poor. Zakinja said that the SŽD women
called presidents of working councils or managers of enterprises for a meeting to include
them in solving women’s workers problems, but they didn’t have success in this undertaking.
Most of the time, she said, women had to go and try to convince comrades from Union’s
councils or the local SSRN’s committees of taking them seriously. In the end of her speech
Zakinja concluded that “the biggest problem is that we have to go there and struggle to
persuade them that we are talking about real problems”.40
Similar problems were pointed out by other women at the SŽDH’s Plenary Session in
1958. Jelka Marković from the SŽD in Virovitica (a city in the north of Croatia) explained
how women were struggling while organizing the SŽD in their district. Women gave their
best to organize women’s societies according to the specific problems in their community, but
“the comrades tricked them [the SŽD women]” by saying that women can “rely on the SSRN,
which will bear the costs [of organizing]”.41 In but in the end the SSRN was not helpful at all
and everything that women got from their comrades was only “one corner of the table, where
already three comrades were working”.42
Conclusion
In this chapter I provided basic facts about the SŽDH, presented discussions which
were going on within the SŽDH in the 1950s around the complex issue of women’s
organizing in Yugoslavia, explained what was the main dispute over the SŽDH’s goals,
40
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.6
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.21
42
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.21
41
65
�provided an example of the SŽDH’s approach to women’s position in society and summarized
problems the SŽDH women were facing in their work.
I analyzed archival material from the Founding Assembly of the SŽDH’s, held on
February 27-18, 1957, the First Plenary Session held on January 27-28, 1958, and the Second
Plenary Session held on December 6-7, 1960. I approached these documents from a bottomup perspective, striving to show the SŽDH women’s agency. I tried to demonstrate how these
women saw themselves, what was important for them and which language they used to
describe their activities and position in the Yugoslav communist society. The SŽDH leaders
discussed the position of their organization within the new circumstances of self-management
socialism and decentralization in Yugoslavia in the 1950s. It was important for them to
explain why the AFŽ had to be dissolved and to emphasize how, in the new context, the entire
society had to work on solving the problems of women’s position in the community.
Although, the SŽDH’s leaders and rank-and-file members agreed with the dissolution of the
AFŽ, they justified the existence of a somewhat separate women’s organization, because they
regarded this as the only way to solve specific women’s issues in particular districts, cities or
villages. Apart from justifying the existence of the SŽDH, some leaders strongly advocated
for a form of double organizing: to fight for women’s liberation both in a separate
organization and within the SSRN. It seems that the SŽDH women really believed this was
the right approach to women’s liberation.
The SŽDH’s leaders were trying to position themselves and to figure it out what was
their role in the new circumstances in Yugoslavia. They often emphasized that, although this
was supposed to be the SSRN’s task, the SŽDH’s work could be labelled as “political work”.
It was extremely important for the SŽDH women to prove that they were not just explaining
women how to do housework, but that all the SŽDH’s activities were performed in order to
enhance women’s position in the political and social sphere. It was obvious from the problems
66
�that the SŽDH women were facing on the ground that they didn’t receive much help from
other institutions, as they were supposed to. Often, the biggest obstacle in their work was
exactly the disparaging behaviour from comrades from the SSRN. Therefore, I would agree
with the historian Chiara Bonfiglioli’s opinion that the AFŽ’s leaders (which later became the
SŽD’s leaders) decided to dissolve the AFŽ in order to try to find a solution for achieving
women’s equality within the self-management institutions, where all political activities were
going on (2012: 216). But, what is obvious from the documents that I analyzed, this idea was
not implemented well enough, primarily because of the lack of cooperation from the SSRN.
Nevertheless, I believe that the SŽDH’s work shouldn’t be judged as not meaningful, as
several historians who evaluated the end of the AFŽ as the end of meaningful work on
enhancing women’s position in Yugoslavia did, just because in the SŽDH women had
problems with the implementation of the new structure. As I demonstrated in the last part of
the chapter, those women on the ground were fighting for what they considered as important,
and the leaders (such as Soka Krajačić) were openly and publicly criticizing the SSRN for not
fulfilling its duties.
As mentioned in the Introduction of this thesis, the mainstream paradigm in the
scholarly literature about the official women’s organizations in state socialist countries still
disparages them as “Party tools”. By contrast, my analysis of archival documents of the
SŽDH showed that the SŽDH women had their own voices and opinions; that they strived to
enhance women’s position in society in a way they found the most suitable for the context
they lived in; and that they discussed at large the SŽDH’s position in the circumstances of
self-management and tried to find solutions for the problems they were facing on the ground.
Therefore, I argue that the SŽDH can’t be labelled as “Party tool” and that the SŽDH
women’s work should not be erased from the historiography on the Yugoslav women’s
movement.
67
�Conclusion
“Comrades, we are proceeding with our meeting. [...] It has been exactly 15 years
since the first Antifascist Women's Front conference was held in Bosanski Petrovac on
December 6-7, 1942. [...] This year we are celebrating the 15th anniversary of that great and
important date”.43 These were the words of SŽDH Main Committee Marija Šoljan at the
SŽDH Plenary Session in 1958. The SŽDH women celebrated the establishment of the
women’s antifascist organization, and it is evident that they were proud of everything the
Antifascist Women's Front (AFŽ) had done for women in Yugoslavia. After analyzing
archival documents, I believe the SŽDH women considered the SŽDH as a successor of the
AFŽ, which continued the AFŽ’s efforts, but in a different way. The SŽDH women saw
themselves as part of continuum, but while historians have written about the AFŽ, their
contributions were erased from women’s history in Yugoslavia. This continuum is not visible
in scholarly works on Yugoslav women’s history. Historical overviews usually start with the
AFŽ and continue with the feminist movement in the 1970s, suggesting that after the
dissolution of the AFŽ in 1953 there was nothing noteworthy for women’s history until the
1970s. The AFŽ’s successor organizations remained almost completely unresearched.
In a broader sense, this thesis could be seen as part of emerging scholarly work on
rethinking the complex relations between feminism and socialism. I examined the case of one
of the AFŽ’s successor organizations in order to understand better what was happening in a
forgotten period of Yugoslav women’s history. I looked at the Savez ženskih društava
Hrvatske (Union of Women’s Societies of Croatia, SŽDH), the organization that existed from
1953 to 1961 in the People’s Republic of Croatia. First, I wanted to explore what the SŽDH
women did, in order to be able to rethink second-wave feminist historians’ perception of the
43
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4.4., GO SŽDH, January 27-28, 1958, 1.day, afternoon, p.23
68
�AFŽ’s dissolution in 1953 as the end of meaningful work on women’s issues. Second, I
wanted to find out whether historians’ negative evaluation of the SŽDH as “Party tool” which is the general scholarly narrative about official women’s organization in state socialist
countries - was justified in this case.
I first provided basic facts about Yugoslavia in Chapter 1 in order to locate the
organization that I research in the specific context of self-management socialism and
decentralization of Yugoslavia in the 1950s. In Chapter 2 I dealt with the complex history and
historiography of the AFŽ. I explained the AFŽ’s goals, activities and the changes in its
organizational structures, as well as historians’ evaluation of all of this. Above all, I focused
on the historians’ interpretation of the AFŽ’s dissolution, according to which, the dissolution
of the autonomous and unique organization was detrimental for meaningful work on women’s
position in society. Following the historian Chiara Bonfiglioli, I decided not to apply the
second-wave feminist “autonomy principle” when evaluating the activities of the SŽDH, in
order to be able to examine what the SŽDH women did and interpret their work in a new way.
In Chapter 3 I looked at archival documents of the SŽDH without second-wave
feminist lenses and I approached the material from a bottom-up perspective, which goes
against hegemonic narrative on communist women’s organizations being simply obedient
“Party tools”. I presented the SŽDH’s goals, activities and discussions that were going on
within the organization. Above all, I wanted to find out how the SŽDH women perceived
themselves, how they negotiated their position within the Yugoslav society, which words they
used in describing the SŽDH’s activities and goals, and how they fought against the
patriarchal structures they encountered. I showed that the SŽDH leaders discussed their
position and sought for the best way of organizing women in the new circumstances of selfmanagement in Yugoslavia. I demonstrated that it was important for the SŽDH women to
emphasize that they were fighting for enhancing women’s position in the social and public
69
�sphere and to keep their position as a somewhat separate organization, but at the same time to
include the entire society in solving specific women’s issues, what I referred to as their double
strategy. In the end, I showed that SŽDH’s leaders and rank-and-file members were not afraid
to criticize the Socijalistički savez radnog naroda (Socialist Alliance of the Working People,
SSRN) openly and in public. I believe that I managed to prove that the SŽDH was not simply
a “Party tool” and that the SŽDH women had a well-thought-out strategy and ideas on how to
enhance women’s position in community.
While analyzing documents and doing my research I encountered two problems. First,
I dealt with the extremely difficult, challenging and sometimes ambiguous language of the
SŽDH women, often loaded with meanings specific for the context in which it emerged,
which made it difficult to analyze and then translate into clear English. Second, because of the
lack of scholarly work on this topic, and because of the lack of documents in the archive, I
couldn’t answer all the questions I would have like to address, for example, why and how the
SŽDH was abolished.
I believe my research can serve as a starting point for further study on the extremely
complex and almost completely unexplored field of women’s organizations in Yugoslavia
after the AFŽ. This thesis deals with the SŽDH, the organization on the republic level, but it
would be excellent if further researchers could use this research while studying the SŽD on
the federal level. Moreover, this research can be a helpful starting point for researching the
SŽD’s successor organization, the Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost žena (Conference for
the Social Activity of Women, KDAŽ), which has been equally erased from Yugoslav
women’s history. I think this is important in order not to deprive future generations of
knowledge on the extraordinary rich and empowering women’s movement in Yugoslavia. Or
in historian Lydia Sklevicky’s words:
70
�“Whether the need for approaching this kind of history which is able to integrate many
dimensions and voices, among them women's perspective, will be met in the near future is
hard to predict. But, it would be worth a try, since it is notorious fact that women in Yugoslav
society make up the slightly bigger half of population, and since they have always
significantly outnumbered the horses”.44
44
Sklevicky, 1989b: 73
71
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društva i pomoći radnoj ženi” [“Our work is social activity – in the construction of the
socialist community and in assistance to the female worker”]. p. 18-35.
Špiljak, Mika. 1957. “Aktivnost društva žena je društveno-politička aktivnost” [“The
activities of the women’s societies are socio-political activities”]. p. 63-65.
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4. Plenumi, 2.4.4. Plenum SŽDH 1958, GO SŽDH, January 2728, 1958, 1. day, morning.
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4. Plenumi, 2.4.4. Plenum SŽDH 1958, GO SŽDH, January 2728, 1958, 1. day, afternoon.
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4. Plenumi, 2.4.4. Plenum SŽDH 1958, GO SŽDH, January 2728, 1958, 2. day, morning.
Jančić, Jela. 1958. “Referat o problemima žena-seljanki i Sekciji žena-zadrugarki”
[“Essay on the problems of women peasants’ and the women’s section within cooperatives”].
2.day, morning, p. 1-25.
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4. Plenumi, 2.4.5. Plenum SŽDH 1960., GO SŽDH, December
6-7, 1960. Što petogodišnji plan donosi porodici i kakve perspektive otvara ženama. 1960.
[What the Five-Year Plan brings to the family and which perspectives it opens for women],
75
�published book of essays from the Plenary Session held on December 6-7, 1960. Zagreb:
Tisak.
Bijelić, Irena. 1960. “Što petogodišnji plan donosi porodici i kakve perspektive otvara
ženama” [“What the Five-Year Plan brings to the family and which perspectives it opens for
women”]. p. 11-28.
HR-HDA-KDAŽH 1234-2, 2.4. Plenumi, 2.4.5. Plenum SŽDH 1960., GO SŽDH, December
6-7, 1960., p. 183a-198.
76
�
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Istraživački radovi
Ostalo
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The End of the AFŽ – The End of Meaningful Women’s Activism? Rethinking the History of Women’s Organizations in Croatia, 1953 – 1961 - Jelena Tešija
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Central European University
Department of Gender Studies
In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Gender Studies.
Supervisor: Professor Francisca de Haan
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This thesis, as part of emerging scholarly work on rethinking the complex relations between feminism and socialism, explores the Savez ženskih društava Hrvatske (Union of Women’s Societies of Croatia, SŽDH), the women's organization that existed in Yugoslavia from 1953 to 1961. The SŽDH was the successor of the Antifašistički front žena (Antifascist Women’s Front, AFŽ), and while there is ample literature about the activities of the AFŽ, the activities of its successor organizations are hardly researched. This thesis examines the case of the SŽDH in order to understand better what was happening in a forgotten period of Yugoslav women’s history. I first discuss second-wave feminist historians’ perspectives on the AFŽ, and in particular the fact that that most historians who have written about the AFŽ claim that its dissolution in 1953, as an autonomous organization, was detrimental for meaningful work on women’s problems in Yugoslavia. Second, I look at archival documents of the SŽDH. I approach the material from a bottom-up perspective, which goes against the hegemonic narrative on communist women’s organizations as being simply obedient “Party tools”. I research the activities and goals of the SŽDH, the discussions and debates within the organization as well as the problems that the SŽDH women were facing in their practical work. I focus on the SŽDH women’s own perspective and the terms which they used themselves when discussing and explaining their work. Using a bottom-up approach and avoiding to apply the second-wave feminist “autonomy principle” for a state socialist women’s organization, this analysis shows that the SŽDH was not simply a “Party tool”. This research proves that the SŽDH women had their voices and opinions; that they had a well-thought-out strategy and ideas on how to enhance women’s position in the context they lived in; and that they extensively discussed the SŽDH’s position in the new circumstances of self-management in Yugoslavia.
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Jelena Tešija
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www.academia.edu
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2014.
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Jelena Tešija
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English
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14-IR
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83 pages
Antifascist Front of Women
Croatia
Jelena Tešija
Union of Women’s Societies of Croatia
women's emancipation
Women's Oorganisations
Women’s Activism
Yugoslavia
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/2dbc8548bd4f96606267807e2149cfbc.pdf
a81e08d6749b05770b11dec66b8da0f5
PDF Text
Text
���Recenzija
PETAR V ISN JIC
O acovorni ured i.ik
RADMILO LALE MANDIC
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M IRKO VUJACIC
RADMILO LALE MANDIC
IVO MATOVIĆ (uredn ik ) i
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Izdavači
SAVE'l ZA VASPITANJE I BRIGU O DECI
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T ehnički u re d n ik
DUŠAN POPOVIC
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DEČJE NOVINE
�Biblioteka LEGENDE dobitnik je Povelje »4. jul« — najvećeg
društvenog priznanja za doprinos u gajenju tradicija narodnooslobodilačkog rata naroda i narodnosti Jugoslavije
�BIBLIOTEKA »LEGENDE« VI KOLO
�JOVAN RADOVANOVIĆ
Heroj
Drage proleterske
ŽIVOTNI PI T NARODNOG HEROJA
NADE MATIĆ
��U porodici Vukadina i Leposave Lepe Matić, 1924. go
dine se, u Bajinoj Bašti, ispod lepotice Tare i kraj Drine, ro
dila devojčica Nadežda, koju će svi, kroz ceo život, zvati Na
da. Tri godine ranije, u Koviljači, rodila im se kćerka Vera,
a koju godinu kasnije, opet u Bajinoj Bašti, sin Boško. Naj
mlađi, Filip, rodio se u Preljini kod čačka. Najzad, negde tri
desetih godina, šestočlana porodica Matića se našla u Užicu.
Tu je otac Vukadin dobio i službu, kao policijski pisar, i sve
četvoro dece učilo školu.
Porodica je živela pristojno. Otac, službenik, pomalo
se i boemski ponašao i živeo: izlazio je u kafane, voleo karte,
imao društvo, pa se katkad vraćao kući i posle dan-dva, neretko i bez para. Nije imao velike škole, niti se politički ve
zao za režim. Onda dobru službu stekao je više zbog zasluga
u prvom svetskom ratu. Budući da je malo vremena provo
dio u porodici, njegova supruga Lepa je bila stub kuće: sa
ma je vodila domaćinstvo i primemo se brinula o svojoj deci, o njihovom vaspitanju i školovanju. U kući se tačno znalo
ko šta radi, jer su od malena deca dobijala svoje poslove.
Strogost, energičnost i ljubav prema kćerkama i sinovima
Lepa je uvek umela da uskladi. Deca su je volela kako se sa
mo dobra majka može voleti, bila vezana za nju, i cenila sva
ki njen savet o tome kako treba da se ponašaju u školi, na
ulici, u društvu, kako da u svakoj prilici iskažu poštovanje
starijima. Od malena je kod njih negovala iskreno druželjublje, pa je njihova kuća uvek bila puna dece.
Svako od dece rano je steklo naviku da redovno čita.
Vukadin je kupio kompletnu biblioteku srpskih pisaca, rus
kih klasika, i dr., rado i često ističući da u kući ima dosta knj
�iga. Svako od dece je od malena i s voljom čitalo, a Nada je u
tome bila najdoslednija: čitala je svaki dan, katkad satima, to
liko zadubljena u knjigu da nije primećivala tako reći ništa
drugo što se dešavalo u kući.
Još u osnovnoj školi, a u nižoj gimnaziji naročito, Na
da je ispoljavala dar za učenje, logičko razm išljanje i razumevanje pojmova i celina. Drugarice i drugovi iz đačkih klu
pa su je, od malena, voleli ne samo zato što je dobro učila
već i što je bila iskrena, druželj ubij iva, pravična i uvek sp
rem na da svakome pomogne. Za razliku od sestre Vere i bra
ta Boška, koji su bili vedri, veseli i bučni, Nada je bila tiha
i često povučena, ali i poznata po druželjublju.
U Matića kuću svakog dana su dolazile Verine i Nadine drugarice iz škole, što je, kasnije, bio slučaj i sa Boškovim
drugovima. Najčešće je bio razlog — da zajedno urade škol
ske zadatke. Prema svakom od njih Lepa je bila ljubazna, sa
svakim od njih bi b ar pokoju progovorila, našalila se, uvek
stvarajući atm osferu u kokoj su se drugarice i drugovi nje
ne dece osećali kao u svom domu.
Kao đačić drugog i trećeg razreda gimnazije, kod Ma
tića je stanovao Ljubinko Pantelić, Nadin vršnjak i kasnije
školski drug u učiteljskoj školi. Njegov otac Nićifor, otresit
seljak iz R astišta sa Tare, poznavao je Vukadina (koji je bio ro
dom iz susednog sela Jagoštice), pa je kod njega smestio dečaka dok pohađa gimnaziju. Matići su Ljubinka prim ili kao
člana porodice, ali se on, sišavši iz planinskog sela u grad,
m orao mnogočemu prilagođavati. Otac je ugovorio da Ljubin
ko ponešto pomaže u kući, pa je Lepa odredila da svakog
ju tra donosi vodu za piće sa jedne česme ispod Pore. To je
Ljubinku i odgovaralo, tim pre, je r je fizički, za svoje godi
ne i u poređenju sa ostalim dečacima u kući, bio jak. Ipak,
česma je bila podaleko, a kofa povelika. Istina, na to niko iz
kuće nije obraćao posebnu pažnju — sem Nade. Ona, inače
veoma pravična i osećajna prem a ljudim a oko sebe, počela
je sa Ljubinkom da ide na vodu i da mu pomaže nositi kofu.
U početku se izgovarala da ide kod drugarice, da zajedno
urade školske zadatke, ali je kasnije otvoreno govorila da ide
da pomogne Ljubinku, je r je kofa vode za njega preteška.
Malog gorštaka Ljubinka su zbunjivali i drugi Nadim
postupci. Kao dečačić, u selu je navikao da jede obilno, zbog
čega je prvih godina u Užicu imao dosta nevolja. U Matića
Nadežda Nada Matić, narodni heroj
��kući Lepa je zavela red: svakog ju tra se obavezno kupovalo:
crni hleb za Vukadina i tri lepinje za doručak ostalima. Poš
to bi ih domaćica namazala kajmakom , tri lepinje su deljene na polovine koje su pripadale Lepi, Veri, Nadi, Bošku, Fi
lipu i Ljubinku, dok Vukadin za taj specijalitet nije mario.
Uz lepinje je uvek bilo čaja, ili mleka, i gradskoj deci je to
bilo sasvim dovoljno za prvi dnevni obrok. Za Ljubinka, opet,
to je bilo odveć malo, ali je stidijivi seljačić pokušao da to
sakrije. Nada je i to pnm etila, pa bi, u želji da mu pomogne,
pojela deo lepinje, ostatak pružila Ljubinku, kao nehajno
govoreći:
— Evo tebi, ja više ne mogu.
U početku se Ljubinko i tome iščuđavao, ali je na to
navikao. A kako je »ratovao« s matematikom, požalio bi se
Nadi, s kojom nije bio u istom odeljenju, da mnoge zadatke ne
razume i ne može da ih reši. Ona bi mu, kad god bi našla vre
mena, pomogla, govoreći:
— Daj, Ljubinko, da vidimo te zadatke koje ne možeš
sam da uradiš. Da vidimo šta se to toliko zamrsilo....
Zahvaljujući Nadinoj sestrinskoj pomoći, Ljubinko je
te godine tako dobro savladao osnove iz m atem atike da kas
nile, tokom čitavog školovanja, nije imao muke s tim pred
metom.
Nada je naročito volela da pomaže u učenju siromaš
nim đacima, što je ostvarila preko organizacija u gimnazi
ji. A pored učenja i čitanja, u slobodnom vremenu se bavila
i ručnim radom . Umela je lepo i brzo da plete. Sa svojim
drugaricam a Mirom Vergović i Ljbom Vidojević satima je,
u dugim zimskim večerima, plela čarape, rukavice i džempe
re za sirom ašne đake. Mnogima je, a naročito drugaricama,
ponedeljkom nosila po nekoliko parčadi pite, gibanice, ili ko
ju kiflicu, je r su nedeljom u njihovoj kući obavezno pečeni
kolači, a Lepa je tu N adinu darežljivost uvek odobravala.
RAZRED NAZVAN KOLEKTIV
U učiteljskoj školi Nadu Matić vršnjaci su brzo zapa
zili, tačnije rečeno — još prvog dana. Posle prijemnih ispita,
obavljenih septem bra 1938, na oglasnoj tabli škole istaknut
je spisak učenika koji su prim ljeni u prvi razred. Prva na
spisku bila je Nada Matić. A spisak je pravljen prem a uspePopularni kolektiv III godine Učiteljske škole. Nada stoji u gornjem re
du, peta s leva
��hu u gimnaziji i na prijem nom ispitu. Vršnjaci iz učiteljske
škole i danas se sećaju prvih utisaka o njoj: smeđa devojčica, pravo začešljane kose, mirna i tiha, na prvi pogled preozbiljna za svoje godine i odviše zatvorena. Zajednički dani u
školi, međutim , brzo su pokazali da je Nada vedra i jednos
tavna devojka, uz to izrazito druželjubiva i pravična.
Nadina generacija učiteljske škole nije bila mnogobroj
na — svega jedno odeljenje, sa četrdesetak učenica i učeni
ka. Za kratko vreme, pogotovu u drugoj školskoj godini i kas
nije, razred je postao veoma jedinstven u svim akcijama.
Razvilo se iskreno drugarstvo i prijateljstvo mladih, na šta
se, kao na izrazito lep prim er, ukazivalo mladim i srednjim
generacijama. Gotovo bez izuzetka razred je u slobodno vre
me živeo zajedničkim životom. Vrlo često su se grupe učenika
okupljale u stanovima, na zajedničko učenje, zatim na izleti
ma u najbližu okolinu Užica: na Pori ili Adi, u Malom ili Ve
likom parku, na Zabučju i u Vrelima. Zbog tih drugarskih
odnosa, potvrđivanih jedinstvom u svim poslovima, razred je
dobio ime — Kolektiv. Ne zna se ko mu je to ime prvi dao,
ali se pam ti da su ga svi prihvatili — od starije generacije
do školskih vlasti. Razred je jedno vreme izdavao i svoj list,
»Kolektiv«, koji je izišao u pet ili šest brojeva. Veći deo lis
ta pisan je zajednički, na nekom izgubljenom času — dok se
čekalo da dođe sledeći pofesor. U listu je bilo: kraćih napisa
ozbiljnog karaktera, karikatura, humora, pesama od po de
set stihova, pa i priloga sa političkom žaokom.
Tako jedinstvena sredina bila je pogodna i za rad škol
skih sportskih, kulturnih i drugih sekcija, kao i za masovni
politički rad. U to vreme u učiteljskoj školi je, u skladu sa
razvijenom tradicijom , bio razgranat politički rad i on je
brzo hvatao korene i u Nadinom razredu — najpre masovno
među omladinom, a zatim i u skojevskoj organizaciji. Učenici
starijih razreda, pod rukovodstvom Mesnog i Okružnog komi
teta SKOJ-a, imali su svoje biblioteke naprednih i revolucio
narnih knjiga, smeštene po stanovima. Razgovori sa starijim
politički organizovanim drugovima i pozajmljivanje knjiga iz
tih biblioteka obično su bili početak naprednog rada i Nadine
generacije. Tako su u Kolektivu form irane dve skojevske gru
pe, a među prvim njihovim članovima, pored Slavka Međedovića, Živote Petronijevića i Milojka Drulovića, bila je i Nada. Iz
dana u dan, iz meseca u mesec, rad napredne omladine je pos
tajao masovniji, uticajniji. Većina učenica i učenika čitala je
naprednu literaturu, knjige i časopise, iz đačkih ilegalnih
�biblioteka. Knjige su čitane vrlo brzo, za po nekoliko dana.
I najčešće su uzimane ili vraćane kriomice, neretko u šetnji,
na korzou — da ne bi bilo primećeno. Nadina rugarica Mile
na Orlović je zapamtila da joj je Nada jedne večeri dala ro
man »Mati« od Maksima Gorkog, ali je i obavezala da ga pro
čita samo za dan i noć, jer nije bilo vremena da ga duže zadr
ži, pošto je trebalo i drugi da čitaju. Posle individualnog či
tanja pojedinih, naročito značajnih knjiga iz biblioteke ili
političke literature, na zajedničkim skupovima je raspravlja
no o pročitanoj knjizi. Raspravu bi počinjao onaj koji je
knjigu poslednji čitao, a svoja mišljenja su redovno iznosi
li gotovo svi učesnici skupa.
Nada se s posebnom prisnošću družila sa Milenom
Spasojević, devojčicom siromašnih roditelja iz Zdravčića kraj
Požege. Sedele su zajedno u klupi i postale nerazdvojne. Mi
lena je stanovala u jednoj bogatoj kući i morala da poslužu
je da bi odradila za stan i hranu, često nemajući mogućnosti
da nabavi čestitu odeću i obuću. Nada je nastojala da joj u
svemu pomogne: dovodila ju je u kuću, delila mnogo šta s
njom, poklanjala joj svoje haljine i bluze. Vrlo često su za
jedno učile, zajedno mnoge knjige pročitale i prepričale jed
na drugoj, pričale o drugaricama i mladićima, zaljubljivale
se i o tome se jedna drugoj poveravale. Od svih devojaka u
Kolektivu bile su najvrednije ne samo u skojevskoj grupi već
i u svakom zajedničkom poslu, na izletu, na igranci.
Brzo je shvatala političke i ekonomske probleme. Sa
prvog putovanja u Beograd pisala je Milenku Misailoviću,
svojoj simpatiji, da čita »Ženu i socijalizam« od Bebela i da
raspravlja sa nekim svojim rođakom o studentskim demonst
racijama, dodajući da se on »čudi koliko o politici znam...«
Pred rat 1941. godine u Užicu se snažno i masovno razgarao rad Komunističke partije. Među radnicima, u školama,
u okolnim selima, jednom rečju svugde i sve više bilo je mla
dih koji su prihvatali ideje Partije o novom, pravednijem,
društvu, o dubokim društvenim preobražajima, o borbi za
socijalizam. Sve češća su i gibanja masa, među kojima i št
rajkovi u fabrikama, što prati i sve žešći otpor policije i vojs
ke. U proleće 1939. godine, posle okupacije Ćehoslovačke, na
manifestacijama organizovanim pod simboličnim nazivom
»Branićemo granice«, učestvuje omladina gimnazije i učitelj
ske škole, što se zbilo i godinu dana kasnije, 12. maja 1940.
godine, na manifestacijama povodom uspostavljanja trgovin
skih odnosa između Jugoslavije i Sovjetskog Saveza. U po-
�vorci koja je nekoliko puta prošla glavnom ulicom Užica
bio je i veliki broj učenika učiteljske škole, među kojima je
bila i Nada. Manifestacije su bile toliko snažne i masovne
da su žandarm erija i policija pokušale da ih razbiju. Dan-dva
kasnije učesnicima m anifestacija održano je »suđenje« pred
profesorim a u učiteljskoj školi. I pored nedostatka dokaza,
školske vlasti su sedam učenika i učenica isključile, a pet
naestak kaznile, od kojih je osmoro bilo iz Nadinog razreda.
M eđutim, P artija i Skoj su tim mladićima i devojkama pomo
gli da se upišu u drugu školu: dok su Nada i još nekoliko dru
garica za svakog od isključenih drugova prikupljale pomoć,
Milena Mirna Orlović, preko majke, koja je bila školska druga
rica direktora učiteljske škole u šapcu, uspela da se svi isk
ljučeni upišu u tu školu.
PISMO DRUGOVIMA IZ UŽICA
O tome koliko su bili bliski mladići i devojke Nadinog
razreda, koliko je bio jedinstven taj Kolektiv i koliko su se
ti mladi ljudi poštovali i voleli — svedoči i jedno sačuvano
pismo iz tih dana. Pisao ga je Života Petronijević, isključeni
učenik iz Nadinog razreda, sada upisan u Šapcu, i uputio ga
Mirni Orlović, odnosno Kolektivu, u Užice.
Usamljenog Životu 17. decembra 1940. strašna hladno
ća zatvorila je u teskobnu internatsku sobicu učiteljske ško
le u šapcu, a još tog dana, »iz neizmerne žalosti prem a najve
ćem slovenskom sinu« (reč je o Antonu Korošcu; prim. J. R ),
nisu imali predavanja, pa je smogao nešto više vremena da.
u misiima, bude duže sa svojim drugaricama i drugovima iz
Kolektiva, s kojim a je tri pune godine delio lepote i tugova
nja đačkog života.
»Mislim na vas, na »Kolektiv« i uopšte na Užice« —
piše Života. — »U zadimljenoj »zanimaonici« niču jedna za
drugom klupe nekadašnjeg mog razreda. Čini mi se kao da
čujem »Omladinci, omladinke«, ili »Šikara, gluboka, siljna«.
Jedan za drugim redaju se preda mnom dragi likovi...
Gledam Amidžu (Đorđe Dujić) — samo bez Vulovog (Dragoslav Vuković) šešira — kako drem a u prvoj klupi. Vlajica
(Vlajislav Filipović) mi je sav u plavo uvijen; valjda s nje
govih bezbrojnih ljubavi. Vi o njem u ne znate toliko koliko
ja — izuzev Stojića (Dobrilo), on mu je ortak. Ristan mi li
či na Aristotela, a Jolić (Dušan) na malo naivno dete sa lop
tom. Đera (Nedeljko Đerić) se sav uneo u »gatanje, vraćanje
�i kontrašpijunažu«. Mirko (Popović) se isprsio i munjevito
gleda Živkovića (Blagoja). Jovo (Radovanović) se zaneo ne
kud u vasionu sa crv. krstom u rukama. Mileta (Milenković)
je takođe na svojoj planeti. Samo njegova planeta mi liči na
Mičurinov vrt, jer je i Mileta za sad Mičurin u malome. Životino mesto zauzeo je Napoleon novi (Milenko Misailović)
kultivisani, što svira na harmonici i piše filozofske spise. Pantelića (Ljubinko) gledam kako seče nove imele za Lulu (Julija
Vasilić), samo je mnogo ozbiljniji no pre. Kokan (Dragomir
Pelrović) vas sve posmatra kroz lupu i jednim velikim makazama šiša one sa predugom kosom, a s vremena na vreme
zalaje. U poslednjem se, sigurno, mnogo ispraksovao. Drulović (Milojko) je pred Veselinovim vratima (na Carini) te o
njemu ne smem da pričam. (Za njega u poverenju: kad si
pošao u bolnicu — pogrešio si nešto). Blažo (Lazović) se dao
na... frizuru i psihologiju, a Slavko (Međedović) na ljubav
(tu mislim na Krčagovo i Godovik). Ne znam da li se još
»masira«. »Gicalo« (Branislav Milošević) je kao »Gicalo«. Vi
dim ga kao »pravog muškarca« koji ne zna za nežnosti i....
disciplinu. Milić (Maksimović) je zatisko uši (od »Gicala«) i
uporno gleda prema katedri. Stevo Ignjić je, sigurno, sada
na Satumu. Verurjem da čovečanstvo u ovim teškim danima
na njega mnogo polaže. Nešo (Ljubičić) se, čujem, dao na
muziku, zato ga ostavimo neka svira. Tešić (Vladeta) i Čizo
(Vladimir ćirović) su zauzeti sansom. Bota (Radovan Urošević) pravi stihove, a Mikoš (Miodrag Stojičević) priča kako su
najlepšti štajerski valceri. Mitrović (Dagoslav) kao miran i
povučen se zadubio u raspravu stambenog pitanja sa Vesom
(Veselin Trifunović) — sve u duhu vremena. Luka (Jeremić)
i Gajo (Marković) se rođački šamaraju (i to je u duhu vreme
na). Stojića i Zeca (Dragutin Mijanović) vidim kako vise o
sokolskom razboju. Drugarice su nešto mirnije. Milena (Spasojević) »filozofira«; Nada Matić uči matematiku; Mira (Vergović) svira na svojoj gitari (pošto usled hladnoće ne može
na kej). Duša (Mitrović), pošto joj je sve dosadno, neintere
santno... zaspala. Mislimo da sanja jednu vrstu pernate živi
ne... Mirna (Orlović) i Zora (Ljepava) pevaju: »Nisam znao,
al mi je ipak žao!...« (Mirna, čini mi se, duboko saosećajno),
Nada K. (Karaklajić), Ljubica (Vidojević) i Smilja (Aćimović)
prepričavaju najnovije avanture. Veru (Karadžić), pošto je
zaljubljena, neću da uznemiravam, Za Novosela (Miodraga)
se ne sećam nekih karakterističnih detalja.
�Ne znam da li sam nekoga od vas preskočio? U budu
će bih želeo da mi o svakome od vas ponešto pišete. Mnogo
bih želeo da imam sliku celog Kolektiva i da je mogu svako
me ponosno pokazati. To je moj pređašnji razred! To je Ko
lektiv! čuo sam da se u našem razredu jasno staložio mulj,
nesposoban da u kolektivu živi i radi. Raduje me da oni ni
ranije nisu bili sa nama. Takođe sam čuo i za »Kolektivca« i
njegovu sudbinu...
Pre nekoliko dana prikazivan je »Petar Veliki« i zbog
toga što sam pobegao u bioskop kažnjen sam sa 5 čišćenja
(spavaonice), a ovih dana još sam prim etio da je u Sapcu ve
ća hladnoća no kod nas.
Vi mi (kao Kolektiv) do sada nikako niste pisali, što
označava vašu nem arnost. Valjda će u buduće biti bolje...
Pišite i pošaljite neki broj »Kolektivca« kao i sliku Ko
lektiva.
Izvinite što vam više ne pišem, ali jedva sam i ovo na
pisao u galami i guranju, uz to radio ti probi glavu.
Zdravo. Vaš Života«.
23 SKOJEVCA U JEDNOM RAZREDU
Vezane neraskidivim nitim a drugarstva, Nada i Mile
na Spasojević su se toliko zbližile da su delile sve radosti i
svaku nevolju. Uto se razboleo Milenin b rat Dragoslav i ležao
u bolnici u Krčagovu. Sa Milenom su bolesnog Dragoslava
obilazile i Nada i njena sestra Vera. A kad je Milena opet ima
la nesporazum e sa gazdom i gazdaricom, Nada joj je priskoči
la upomoć. Jednog dana gazda je u svojoj kući, zapravo na sto
lu na kome je Milena učila, pronašao »komunističke knjige <
,
što ga je toliko razbesnilo da ju je naterao da ode u selo i ja
vi majci — da kod njega više neće stanovati. Nada je u selo
otputovala sa Milenom i tam o su zajedno razgovarale sa nje
nom majkom. Nada je na kraju rekla da će se ona pobrinuti
o Mileni — ako je gazda odista izbaci iz kuće. Ipak, sve se
dobro završilo — gazda je popustio.
Razred koga su svi nazivali Kolektiv i dalje se razvi
jao, brzo napredovao. Radio je sve više i masovnije, izrasta
jući u jednu od najnaprednijih grupa u ćelom Užicu. Iz nje
ga su do aprilskog rata 1941. godine izrasla 23 člana Skoja,
među kojim a su, od devojaka, bile Nada i Milena. Nada je,
sem ostalog, rano počela da vežba i na sportskim spravama,
�kod profesora gimnastike Josifa Jehličke, gde se srela i sa
Stankom Lekoviđ, koja taj susret i poznanstvo dobro pamti:
— Privlačila me Nadina pažnja prema drugaricama ko
je su se teško snalazile na spravama. A ipak, neke devojke su
mi skretale pažnju: »Ne druži se s njom. Ona je komunistki
nja!«.
U godinama pred rat u Užicu se snažno razvio i rad
Partije. Policija je nastojala da na sve načine hapsi komunis
te i njihove saradnike. U tim akcijama, po službenoj dužnos
ti, učestvovao je i Nadin otac Vukadin. Po njegovom nalogu
uhapšen je i student Miodrag Avramović Žika, koji je stano
vao u istom dvorištu sa Matićima. Boško, Nadin brat, saču
vao je u sećanju Vukadinovo reagovanje:
— Došao otac kući ljut, što se retko događalo. I od
mah s vrata počeo da nešto priča povišenim glasom: »Šta je
ovo — nisam pametan? I ne znam na šta će sve izići? Ja hap
sim komuniste, a moja kuća puna komunista!..«
Kad smo se svi okupili oko njega ispričao nam je da
je uhapsio Žiku... Znao je stari da smo nas sve troje simpati
zeri Partije, video je da mnogo toga radimo, čitamo, da nam
toliko drugova i drugarica dolaze u kuću, ali nas nije prekorevao, sem jednom Veru i Nadu: »Vero i Nado, znate li vi da
policija progoni i hapsi komuniste? Meni ljudi prigovaraju
da mi ćerke šetaju sa Krcunom i Vojkom šusterom. A za njih
skoro svi u gradu znaju da su komunisti...«
U istorijskim događajima iz marta 1941. Užice je učest
vovalo jedinstveno i odlučno, pod rukovodstvom Partije. Na
dan 27. marta Užice je bilo okupano u proletnjem suncu i pu
no razdraganih manifestanata. U toj velikoj reci naroda, ko
ja je lutnjala glavnom ulicom, najviše je bilo omladine — đa
ka i radnika užičkih fabrika. Deo raspevane mase bili su i
đaci iz učiteljske škole, ovog puta sa svojim profesorima. U
povorci je bila i Nada Matić. Njene drugarice ne pamte da
su je ikada ranije videle tako veselu i punu oduševljenja. Stan
ka Laković se naročito seća prelaska povorke pored zgrade
opštine i policije i Nadinog povika:
— Gde je sad policajac Ljubojević? Neka nas zaustavi,
ako srne!
Prema Stankinom sećanju. Nada je bila na čelu zadnje
grupe manifestanata. S njom su bile Ruža Jungović, Nada Vuković, Milena Spasojević...
�PREZIR HITLEROVIH VOJNIKA
Uzice je u aprilskom ratu pružilo jak otpor okupato
ru. Veliki broj Užičana, ponajpre radnika i omladine, javio
se dobrovoljno — da brani zemlju. Oni su, po zadatku Parti
je, priiniii vojničko odelo i oružje i stavili se pod komandu
rodoljubivih oficira. Borba za grad trajala je trinaest časova.
Još na Sarića osoju otišao je u vazduh nemački tenk. Sa Dovarja je grmela protivtenkovska baterija do poslednje granate. U
borbi je poginuo i jedan oficir nemačke tenkovske kolone koja
je od Valjeva nadirala prem a Užicu. Braneći Užice, u neravnoj
borbi, poginulo je 120 vojnika i građana.
To je bio samo početak borbe. Pod rukovodstvom Par
tije, Užičani su i u aprilskim danima i kasnije sklanjali oruž
je, municiju, bombe. Komunisti i skojevci su, otvorenije nego
ranije, radili na okupljanju, zbijan ju i jačanju redova boraca
za slobodu. Za Nadu su to bili veliki dani i zbog toga što je
doživela neizmernu radost — prim ljena je za člana Partije.
U danima okupacije bilo je i neprijatnosti. U stan poro
dice Matić su, po nalogu opštinskih kvislinških vlasti, uselje
na Iri Nemca, podoficira, i to nekako pred njihov odlazak na
istočni front. Jedan od njih je bio govorljiviji, na prvi pogled
čak i simpatičan. Boško se s njim zbližio. Uzajamno su učili
jezik — Boško od Nemca nemački, a ovaj od Boška srpski.
Kad je u ju nu otoplilo zajedno su išli i na kupanje, na Đetinju. Drugi Švaba je bio naduven, trubio je o nemačkoj sili
i nepobedivosti. Treći se, pak, ponašao neutralno. Svi Matici
su pomalo znali nemački, a Vera i Nada najviše. Međutim,
dok bi drugi katkad i progovorili pokoju sa Nemcima, Nada
se ponašala — kao da oni ne postoje, ili b ar kao da ne sta
nuju u njihovom stanu. Jednostavno kao da su to tri pred
m eta koje ona ne vidi, odnosno ne obraća pažnju na njih. Iz
njenih očiju i postupaka nezaustavivo je izbijala m ržnja pre
ma osvajačima i ubicama. Jednoga dana mama ju je blago pre
korila:
— Nado, dete moje, kaži tim Nemcima makar »dobar
dan«. Đavo da ih nosi, njih niko ne voli, ali su u našoj kući.
čak mogu posum njati da si komunista.
— Mama, oni za mene, jednostavno, ne postoje! Ne vi
dim ih i — gotovo! Ubice i palikuće, okupatori... Toliko ih m r
zim — da ih i ne primećujem...
N ajborbeniji deo borbenog Užica, članovi Partije, uspe
li su da se, u danima napada Nemačke na Sovjetski Savez, od-
�brane od prvog nasrtaja policije i okupatora. Izbegli su hap
šenja. Posle toga organizacije Partije i Skoja su radile još oba
zrivije i upornije, rukovodeći pripremama za ustanak, za oru
žanu borbu protiv okupatora. Počinje formiranje četa Užičkog partizanskog odreda koji je uzeo ime istaknutog socija
liste i radničkog borca rodom iz užičkog kraja, Dimitrija Tucovića. Po zadatku Partije, u čete odlaze mnogi Nadini drugo
vi: Milić Maksimović, Mirko Popović, Miodrag Stojičević Mikoš, Mileta Milanović... Nada, pak, takođe po zadatku Parti
je, ostaje da radi u gradu. Ona to disciplinovano prihvata i
deluje tiho, ilegalno i, kao i drugi — neprekidno i uporno.
U okolini grada već su bile počele oružane borbe Uži
čkog partizanskog odreda. Nada je jednog dana, u Veli
kom parku, na klupi ispod Đavolje stene, sedela s grupom
skojevaca i simpatizera NOP-a iz svog razreda: Vladetom
Tcšićem, Dušanom Jolićem, Lukom Jeremićem i Vladimi
rom Ćirovićem Ćizom. Obaveštavala ih je o najvažnijim ak
cijama koje predstoje. Svi su se bili zaneli u njenu priču.
Iznenadno, pojavili su se Nemci u streljačkom stroju. Luka
i Ćizo su uspeli da začas šmugnu u šiblje i izgube se, dok su
ostali uspeli samo da ustanu pre nego su Nemci bili pred
nj'.ma:
— Šta radite ovde?! — proderao se Švaba.
— Ništa — promrmljao je Tešić i, pokazujući na Na
du, r.a slabom nemačkom je rekao: To je moja devojka...
— A šta će ovaj tu? — gledao je Nemac u Jolića.
Jolić je bio mladolik za svoje godine i do glave ošišan,
pa je Tešić spasonosno dodao:
— Dete, sedeo je s nama...
Nemac je Nadu poslao — kući, a Tešiću i Joliću dao
po dve kasete municije, koje su sve cio noći nosili uz Zabučje, i tek uveče ih oslobodio.
Jednog dana je, na ulici u Uzicu, srela Dragoslava Mitrovića, druga iz školskih klupa. On je, noću i prekim putevima,
od Arilja do na Medino brdo iznad Užica, dopratio Milinka
Kušića, političkog komesara odreda, i Želimira Đurića, sek
retara Okružnog komiteta KPJ za Užice, pa je izjutra, po
završenom zadatku, sišao u grad. Nada se iznenadila kada ga
je ugledala:
— Otkud ti u Užicu? Ti si, nadam se, u četi?...
— Nisam! Rekli mi da ješ pričekam i da obavim ne
ke zadatke...
�UMESTO BUKETA CVEČA — SANDUK MUNICIJE
Plamtele su borbe na sve strane po Srbiji, po Jugosla
viji. Borile su se protiv Nemaca i čete Užičkog odreda, i to
na sve strane: na Gradini, u Gorobilju, Bajinoj Bašti, na Viroštaku... Nemački vojnici, bahati Hitlerovi silnici, ginuli su
borbam a protiv partizana, plašili su se, opasivali svoje kasar
ne bodljikavom žicom, pravili bunkere po ulicama i oko svojih
štabova. Trpeli su poraze od narodnih boraca koje su predvo
dili komunisti. I jednoga dana Nemci su morali da popuste
pod pritiskom partizana i napuste Užice i Požegu, predavši »vl
ast« Pećančevim četnicima. U Užicu se čekao dolazak partiza
na. Mladi i stari su se spremali da dočekaju svoju vojsku, par
tizane. Uoči tog dana N ada je, uveče i sa grupom svojih druga
rica i drugova, došla na Mimin rođendan — da tamo dočekuju
ulazak partizana. Tiho, sasvim tiho, pevali su proleterske i
druge borbene pesme. Odnekud su i tortu spremili i podugo
čekali da dođu partizani, ali ih te noći nije bilo. I torta je
pojedena bez njih.
Sutradan su partizani ušli u Užice. Četnici su se razbežali. Policija se postrojila na gradskom trgu — i predala se.
Prethodno su sa Zabučja sišla u Užice dvojica boraca, Mirko
Popović i Rađen Simović. Oni su, po naredbi komandira Slobodana Sekulića, odneli poruku sreskom načelniku — da pre
da oružje. Načelnik je brzo postupio po zahtevu. Kad su se
čete, na znak rakete koju je ispalio komandant odreda Dušan
J'erković, sjurile u Užice, žureći sa Zabučja, iz Krčagova, sa
Terazija, sa Trešnjice, na gradskoj pijaci su zatekle, postro
jenu, svu »oružanu silu« policije i žandarma. Nzihovo oružje
ležalo je na kaldrmi.
Užičani su oduševljeno dočekali svoje borce partizane.
Devojke, užičke skojevke, u tome su prednjačile. Među nji
m a bile su Nada i Vera Matić, Dobrila Petronijević, Mica Kovačević. Dana Milosavljević, Stanka Leković, Ruža Jungović...
Rastrčale su se po baštam a, brale jesenje cveće, pravile bu
kete i predavale ih borcima. Dana Milosavljević je predala
Vojku Petroviću sanduk pun municije — umesto buketa cveća. Te večeri u gradu je održana partizanska parada. Užičke
devojke, skojevke i članovi Partije, same su se odlučile da
dođu na paradu. Dogovorile su se da se najlepše obuku: sve
u belim bluzama i sa crvenim m aramam a oko vrata, koje su
imale kao sokolska obeležja. I na paradi ih je bilo preko sto
tinu. Opet su tu bile: Nada, Stanka, Dana, Mica, Ruža, Vita
�Gutman, Nada Vuković... Dok su se kolone uređivale za pa
radu, devojke su oduševljeno pevale. I tu je ispevana i nova
pesma. Stanka Laković navodi da su stihove kazivale Nada,
Vita i Ruža, a zapisivala ih je Mica Kovačević. To je bila »Užička partizanka« koja je počinjala stihovima:
Hej u gori, u zelenoj
Rascvet'o se crven cvet...
Oslobođeno Užice pružilo je nove mogućnosti za dalje
širenje oružanog ustanka, za njegovo omasovljavanje i odla
zak omladine u partizanske jedinice. Za kratko vreme Užice
postaje novi grad, grad koji živi novim životom. Izabran je
Gradski narodnooslobodilački odbor, zatvorene su kafane,
nastavile su rad fabrike oružja i tkačnica, sve zanatlije. Sve
je stavljeno u službu jačanja narodnooslobodilačke borbe.
Mladi su pohrlili u čete, devojke na sanitetske kurseve za bol
ničarke, na pozadinski rad. Ubrzo posle oslobođenja u Užice
je došlo i najviše rukovodstvo revolucije: Vrhovni štab narodnooslobodilačkih partizanskih odreda i Centralni komi
tet Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. Šest dana posle oslo
bođenja Užica u gradu počinje da izlazi i list »Vesti«, a dve
nedelje kasnije nastavlja izlaženje »Borba«, organ Komunis
tičke partije Jugoslavije, prvi put u oslobođenoj zemlji. Štam
paju se knjige, brošure, propagandni plakati. Priređuju se
umetničke izložbe, formira se Umetnička četa Užičkog par
tizanskog odreda, i u njenom sastavu sekcija koja daje pozorišne i druge predstave.
Na oslobođenoj teritoriji radi železnički saobraćaj: od
Dobruna, pred Višegradom, preko Užica, Požege, Čačka i Gor
njeg Milanovca do Banjana, i od čačka do Adrana, pred sa
mim Kraljevom. Užički radnici u željezničkoj radionici gra
de i oklopni i sanitetski voz za potrebe narodne vojske. Fab
rika oružja proizvodi puške partizanke i bombe, popravlja
puške, puškomitraljeze, mitraljeze i topove. Krojačke, obu
ćarske, pekarske i druge radionice rade punim kapacitetom.
Rade i užičke krojačice, dobrovoljno i to kod svojih kuća,
šijući rublje za vojsku. Mala fabrika koža kraj Užica, »kožara»,
kako su je Užičani zvali, takođe radi punim kapacitetom.
Građani Užica i okolnih sela, kao i drugi sa široke oslobođe
ne teritorije, daju dobrovoljne priloge u namirnicama. Izab
rani su Okužni narodnooslobilački odbor i Glavni narodno
oslobodilački odbor za Srbiju. U gradu je održana Okružna
konferencija KPJ za Užice i osnivački miting Srpskog narod-
�nooslobodilačkog omladinskog saveza. Užički partizanski od
red ima već nekoliko bataljona i narastao je na preko 3.000
boraca.
TROJE MATICA U PARTIZANIMA
Iz Matica kuće troje mladih je u partizanima. Vera je,
pošto je završila sanitetski kurs bolničarki, otišla u jednu od
četa Ćačanskog NOP odreda, Boško je bio u Užičkom NOP
odredu, a Nada je, prem a zadatku Partije, bila partijski rad
nik u Užicu, sada već i član Okružnog komiteta Skoja. Sem
Nade, u Okružnom rukovodstvu Skoja su bili: Dobrivoje Vidić, Aleksa Dejović, Radoje Ljubičić, Milivoje Antonijević, Pe
ta r Šeguljev, Nada Vuković i Aca Unuković, pri čemu su Na
da Matić i Nada Vuković radile sa srednjoškolskom omladi
nom. Pred Skojem su tih dana i meseci bili veliki zadaci. Na
da je radila danonoćno. Spavala je u kasarni, ili u Komandi
mesta. Nije imala vremena ni da trkne kući, sem veoma retko, toliko da poseti m ajku i oca, da im usput kaže da se za
Boška, Veru i nju ne brinu, je r su krenuli najboljim putem,
da pomiluje najmlađeg Fiću, kome je bilo tek desetak godi
na i koji je po naravi bio njoj najbliži. Majka Lepa se, pak,
posebno brinula za Boška .govoreći da je on mali, da će teš
ko podneti tolike ratne napore, je r to još nije za njega. Boš
ko je u početku radio u štam pariji »Vesti«, ali mu se to nije
dopadalo. Govorio je: »Ja sam skojevac — hoću u borbu!«
I pobegao je u Prvu užičku četu. U kasarni, iznad njegove
kuće, dobio je pušku i iskrao se, plašeći se da ga usput ne
sretne m ajka Lepa, je r bi ga ona, znao je to sigurno — razo
ružala. Stigao je u Požegu, a odande uskočio u borbe na Ka
ranu i oko Kosjerića. Lepa se zbunila, uplašena za njegov
život. Banula je u štab odreda i tražila da joj vrate njeno
»malo dete«. Posle pokoje i oštre reči, naređeno je da se Boš
ko Matić sm esta vrati na dužnost u Užice. A Boško se, ipak,
nije vratio. Napisao je majci pismo i prekorio je: zašto tra
ži da se on vrati iz borbe u koju su pošli svi rodoljubi.
M ajka je dobila Boškovo pismo i okvasila ga suzama,
ali je shvatila sina i poštovala njegov izbor, životni stav pre
m a borbi.
Među mnogim dužnostima koje je obavljala u oslobo
đenom Užicu, u centru Užičke republike, Nada Matić je bila
i jedan od rukovodilaca prve ratne omladinske radne akcije.
�izvedene u Dobnmu. Po odluci Okružnog komiteta Skoja, om
ladina se brzo i uspešno organizovala i pripremila za skup
ljanje letine sa polja i voćnjaka napuštenih domova dobrunskog kraja. Kao i u sve druge zadatke, Nada se u tu radnu
akciju unela i srcem i dušom. O početku prve omladinske
radne akcije užičke »Vesti« su 12. oktobra, u reportaži pod
naslovom »Omladina spasava letinu i veseli se«, zabeležila:
»Kad su hrabre partizanske čete čistile naš kraj, zaplašeni neprijatelj nije imao vremena da pokupi žetvu i da pobere plodove marljivih, žuljevitih zemljoradničkih ruku. U
opustelim selima, napuštena zasejane polja, sazrele voćke i
zrelo povrće nije imao ko da pobere. Ali našle su se vredne
ruke užičke rodoljubive omladine koja već nekoliko dana u
opustelom Dobrunu i njegovoj okolini bere jesenje plodo
ve i sprema zimnicu za vojsku. Od ranog jutra pa do zalaska
sunca veseli omladinci i omladinke, mladi partizani i parti
zanke, vredno rade. Beru šljive, kruške, jabuke i drugo voće,
spremaju pekmez. Prebiraju pasulj, paprike, kupus i drugo
povrće, beru zrele kukuruze«.
0 tome kako se došlo na ideju za omladinsku akciju,
Nikola Ljubičić kaže:
»Odmah posle oslobođenja Užica upućen sam sa oko
50 boraca jedne užičke čete na sektor fronta prema Višegradu. Kasnije su tamo došli Ariljci i deo Požežana. Kad smo
stigli u Dobrun, zatekli smo pusto selo. Muslimansko stanov
ništvo je pobeglo u Višegrad pred terororm četnika. Njihovi
su domovi opljačkani, a samo su jabuke i šljive bile nisko
obesile grane pune roda koji nije imao ko da obere. Ostalo
je neobrano žito i povrće. Znao sam da u Užicu nema dovolj
no hrane, a da će je biti potrebno sve više i za front, i za izbeglice, i za građanstvo. Sećam se da sam o tome obavestio
komandu Užičkog odreda i predložio da se uputi omladina
da obere žito i voće. To je ubrzo prihvaćeno...«
Savremenici Užičke republike kazuju da je 4. oktobra
1941. godine bila omladinska priredba u Sokolskom domu.
Negde pri kraju priredbe bubnjar je udario »tuš« i jedan
omladinac je objavio:
»Ujutru u devet časova, pred Domom, biće zbor omla
dine .Ide se na berbu kukuruza u Dobrun. Ostaje se desetak
dana. Treba da nas bude što više«.
Prolomio se pljesak i složni povici: »Hoćemooo...«
Sutradan je prepuna kompozicija »ćire«, sa preko 150
omladinaca i omladinki, koji su pevali jednu od svojih omi-
�ljenih pesama, »Širom cveta omladina nova«, krenula prema
D obrunu i Višegradu. U tom vozu koji je vodio mlade na pr
vu radnu akciju bila je i Nada Matić.
Dragutin Maksimović Cigo, član aktiva skoja za »Tka
onicu i grad«, seća se da je dobio zadatak da u Dobrun po
vede nekoliko omladinaca s kojima je održavao vezu.
— Okupili smo se pred Sokolanom. Dan je bio sun
čan: lokomotiva i prvi vagon bili su iskićeni cvećem. Sećam se slike kad smo prolazili pored plaže: voz je bio pre
pun, a mi smo svi proturili glave kroz prozore i pevali...
Po kazivanju Dušana Markovića ćuza, borca Treće
užićke čete, kod mladih se stalno orila pesma.
— Naročito veselo je bilo uveče, na komišanju kuku
ruza, i kuvanju pekmeza. Da se posao što pre svrši, u pre
dahu, između borbi, pomagali smo im i mi, borci. Stavimo
pušku preda se, o vrat, i — na posao! Za jednu omladinku
svi su govorili da je najbolja. Čini mi se da je to bila Nada
Malić, jedan od organizatora akcije.
Jelena Marković, jedna od učesnica te akcije, kaže da
je u Dobrunu, na radnoj akciji, bio čitav aktiv Skoja:
— Između ostalih bila je i Nada Matić, kasnije na
rodni heroj, Nada Vuković, Lenka Nikolić i mnoge druge. S
borcima čete Nikole Ljubičića koji nisu bili na položaju
održavana je politička nastava...
Mladima na radnoj akciji je, seća se Mileva Đurđić
— Topalović, svakodnevno dosađivao jedan italijanski
avion:
— Taj avion je kružio, m itraljirao, bacao svežnjeve
ručnih bombi. Leteo je obično na relaciji Višegrad — Šargan — Vitasi. Tukao je mostove, vozove i druge objekte.
Znali smo da pilotira ustaški satnik Kukovec. On je rođen
u tom kraju i zato se bio okomio na nas. Obično smo ga
čuli iz daljine kad »zadrči« i sklanjali se po voćnjacima i
u šumu. Tukao nas je ali, srećom, nikom se nije ništa de
silo Kasnije smo saznali da nema nišanske sprave na m it
raljezu, a to smo zaključili i po »pogocima«, pa se nismo
mnogo ni plašili. Na račun tog aviona i njegovog pilota
pravili smo i viceve. Čim poleti, železničari iz Višegrada su
javljali telefonom stanicama: »Bež'te, eto Kukavice!«...
Mnogi učesnici akcije dobro su zapamtili događaj
vezan za zaplenjenu italijansku zastavu. Cigo Maksimović o
tome kaže:
�— Na nekoliko dana pred kraj akcije, na stanici u
Vardištu obrela se grupa partizana s italijanskom fašisti
čkom zastavom. Zastava je zaplenjena od ltalijana u borbi
na Belom Brdu. Dok su partizani čekali voz za Užice, na
peronu je održan miting. Partizanski komandir Nikola Ljubičić je govorio kako je zadobijen ratni trofej i neprijatelj
nateran u panično bekstvo. Mi smo radosno pljeskali. A
onda — fašistička zastava se našla pod nogama partizana...
Omladinci i omladinke su se sa radne akcije, iz Dobruna, u Užice vratili 16. oktobra, da bi svi, već sutradan,
učestvovali u radu osnivačkog mitinga Srpskog narodnooslobodilačkog omladinskog saveza u Sokolskom domu. Za
mlade akcijaše to je bila najlepša nagrada.
NA PARADI U ČAST LENJINOVOG OKTOBRA
Užice je postalo ne samo središte ustanka u zapadnoj
Srbiji, već i mesto iz koga se rukovodilo borbom naroda
u celoj zemlji. Grad je dao sve što je imao narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi. Najvrednije od svega, razume se, bili su bor
ci, omladina. Hiljade mladih poslali su borci za oslobođe
nje. odnosno politički i pozadinski radnici. Proslava godišnji
ce oktobarske revolucije, održana 7. novembra, jedan je od
najlepših dana koja je doživelo Užice i čitava Užička repub
lika. A taj praznik, posvećen prvoj socijalističkoj revoluci
ji, te 1941. godine, kad su fašizam i ropstvo carevali gotovo
u celoj Evropi, slavljen je samo u Sovjetskom Savezu i na
oslobođenoj teritoriji u Jugoslaviji.
Taj veliki dan Užičke republike Nada Matić je doživela u punom zanosu. Deo toga dana provela je sa svojom
najboljom i nerazdvojnom drugaricom Milenom Spasojević, koja je, kao delegat iz Požege, došla u Užice. U Užicu
je bila zakazana parada u čast Oktobra. Iako je svečanost
bila predviđena za uveče — zbog zaštite grada od moguć
nog naleta neprijateljeve avijacije — u Užice su seljaci iz
okolnih sela, delegati iz jedinica na frontu, odbornici, žene
i omladina počeli da pristižu od ranog jutra. Delegati su is
koristili lep dan da obiđu Užice i vide sve što se moglo videti. Mnoge je privlačilo partizansko groblje. Pod svežim humkama mimo su počivali hrabri ratnici — borci, komandanti,
komandiri, komesari: Milan Mijalković Ciča, Bogdan Ka
pelan, Miladin Popović i drugi. Delegate je zanimala i iz
ložba partizanskih slikara: Bore Baruha, Dragoljuba Vuk-
�sanovića. Piva Karamatijevića i drugih, posvećena SSSR-u
i oktobarskoj revoluciji. Izložba je bila skromna, rađena
oskudnim sredstvima, ali je po mnogočemu odskakala od
mnogih izložbi spremanih i otvaranih pod neuporedivo po
voljnijim m aterijalnim uslovima.
U štabu Užičkog odreda za delegate je priređen sve
čani ručak. Za one oskudne prilike ručak je, ipak, bio bo
gat. Delegati su posluženi čak i pečenjem i kolačima, što je
bila retkost za ondašnje prilike. Nada je sedela sa Milenom
i Jovom Dragačevcem, školskim drugovima. Sa delegatima
je na ručku bio i Željo Đurić, sekretar Okružnog komiteta
KPJ. I Nada i Milena su bile vesele, pričljive. U pošalicama
0 ratnom vremenu su prednjačile. Milena je čak zadirkiva
la i Želja pitajući ga kada ee već jednom završiti ručak,
budući da je, zbog nekih poziva, nekoliko puta ustajao iza
stola i opet se vraćao. A Željo bi, opet, veselo dobacio — da
pečenje još nije stiglo. Nada je ponajviše zapitkivala dele
gate iz jedinica sa fronta: da li borci im aju dovoljno odeće,
kakva im je obuća, im aju li džempere, rukavice itd. i iz lo
ga izvlačila zadatke za omladinu — za pletenje džempera,
rukavica i čarapa borcima na frontu...
Užička republika je živela i radila, opirala se sili oku
patorskoj, napadima četnika, pobeđivala i uzmicala. Punili
67 dana trajali su napori oslobođenog Užica te ustaničke
1941. godine. Ali se, pod naletom jakih nemačkih snaga, nije
mogla održati. Posle nekoliko uzastopnih borbi, naročito
posle legendarnog žrtvovanja Radničkog bataljona i drugih
jedinica na Kadinjači, u Užice se ponovo vratio okupator,
a s njim i izdajnici: četnici, nedićevci i drugi. Nada Matić
je sa drugim borcima iz Srbije krenula na dug borbeni put
— u Sandžak, Bosnu, Dalmaciju, Hercegovinu, Crnu Goru,
pa otud — opet u Srbiju.
Dan povlačenja partizanskih jedinica iz Užica za Nadu
je bio veoma tužan. Po zadatku Partije, ona je mnogo radi
la na tome da se što više mladih skloni iz Užica pred na
letom Nemaca. Kao i mnogi drugi, ona se spremala za po
vlačenje. Uzela je samo najnužnije. I uspela da svrati do
kuće, da se pozdravi sa mamom, da joj kaže da bude hra
bra. da čuva Fiću i tatu. A njih troje: Vera, Boško i Nada —
oni će sa našom vojskom. Za njih da ne brine. Vratiće se u
Užice.
Pred polazak je otrčala do Mirne, da se i s njom po
zdravi. Samo je rekla da ne puste suze. A svojoj drugarici
�predala je desetak primeraka Staljinove biografije — da ili
sačuva. 1 otišla je u koloni iz Užica, preko Zabučja, prema
selu Ljubanju. S njom u koloni bio je drug iz školske klu
pe Radovan Urošević Bota, najveći romantičar njene gene
racije. Njemu je i u tim danima velike neizvesnosti i stra
danja bilo do šale. Idući preko Ljubanja pred jednom ku
ćom, u kapiji, Bota i Nada su ugledali školsku drugaricu
Ljubu Vidojević i njenu mamu Daru. One su se već sklo
nile iz Užica, kako bi izbegle prvi talas najezde okupatora.
Posle pozdrava, Bota je povikao:
— Ljubo, hajde s nama. Bolje što dalje od okupato
ra.
Ljuba pogleda u majku, pa upita:
— Mama, da idem i ja?
Majka nije stigla ni da joj odgovori, a ona, kao da se
nečega priseti, upita:
— A kad se vraćate?
— U nedelju! — grunu Bota, a Nada se samo nas
rneja.
Dara pripreti Ljubici da miruje tu gde se našla.
Nada i Bota se pozdraviše, pa odoše sa kolonom. Lju
ba i Dara rekoše na rastanku:
— Srećan put, Nado. Bota, vodi računa o Nadi...
Desetak minuta kasnije, dva aviona nadleteše i počeše
mitraljirati kolonu partizana i izbeglica, koji se raspršiše po
obližnjoj šumi. Dari se ote uzdah:
— Bože moj, da li deca izmakoše u šumu?..
Kad avioni odleteše kolone produžiše prema obronci
ma Zlatibora. Tada su seljaci utvrdili da žrtava nije bilo.
To je bilo 28. novembra. Već sutradan, posle borbe
na Kadinjači i prodora nemačkih jedinica preko Valjeva i
Kcsjerića, Nemci su ponovo zauzeli Užice. Vrhovni štab je,
sa jedinicama i zbegom, napustio grad i povukao se prema
Ziatiboru. Nada je, sa svojim Užičanima, usput, preko Palisada, Draglice, Sjeništa i dalje, prema Uvcu, doživljavala
teške časove odstupanja i povlačenja zbega pred silom oku
patorskom. Prešla je Uvac i došla u selo Radoinju, u par
tizansku bazu, na deo slobodne teritorije između Uvca i Li
ma. Ovde se dala na posao, sa drugaricama iz Užica: Stan
kom Laković, Vitom Gutman, Lenkom Nikolić Lelom, takeđe učenicom učiteljske škole, i drugima. I ovde je bilo
mnogo poslova za Nadu: trebalo je lečiti i negovati ranjeni
ke, savetovati borce kako da sačuvaju noge i ruke od po-
�sledica hladnoće. Još važniji je bio politički rad; svaki slo
bodan čas trebalo je iskoristiti da bi se borcima govorilo o
budućim akcijam a i pobedama partizana, je r ovo povlače
nje je samo trenutna kriza, kakvih u ratu mora biti. Ona
u radu već ispoljava kvalitete sposobnog političkog radni
ka koji lako razgovara sa borcima i na jednostavan način
im objašnjava pojmove, događaje. U sećanjima Nadinih rat
nih drugova ostale su njene reči iz tih dana, pune vedrine i
vere u pobedu:
— Vidite, drugovi, da su skoro svi Užičani odstupili,
povukle se ćele jedinice. N ajbolji i najjači naš deo je oču
van. Takve su i druge jedinice. Ako se ne budemo borili
u okolini Užica borićemo se tamo gde možemo. Svuda gde
dođemo — tamo je naš narod, a neprijatelj nam je svuda
isti...
Krajem decembra, Ljubinko Pantelić se u Radoinji
sreo sa Nadom. Taj susret on je zauvek upamtio:
— Jedne noći smo krenuli sa obronaka Zlatibora i
reku Uvac prešli kod Kokinog Broda. Most je bio srušen,
Pa smo gazili reku. Naša umorna kolona je oko ponoći sti
gla u Radoinju, u školsku zgradu. Tamo je već bilo dosta
naših jedinica. U povelikoj učionici u koju sam ušao škiljila
je petrolejka. Drugovi su nam napravili m esta da spavamo.
U tom sm eštanju prepoznadoh Nadu i Vitu Gutman. Nada
je bila neum orna da pomogne drugovima. Stalno je pripitkivala: »Drugovi, da li ste gladnP Im a hrane za večeru. Da
li su nekome, možda, promrzle noge?..« Bilo je više drugari
ca koje su se trudile da nam pomognu u svemu što mogu,
a Nada i Vita su u svemu prednjačile.
MILENA JE UMRLA USPRAVNO
Na oslobođenoj teritoriji između Lima i Uvca, sa
središtem u Novoj Varoši, jedinice iz užičkog i čačanskog
kraja, Sumadinci i Zlatarci, provele su ceo decembar 1941.
i jan u ar 1942. i vodile borbe protiv četnika, Italijana, Nemaca (najžešća je bila na Visokoj), vršile ispade prem a Zlatiboru i Ivanjici. Početkom februara jake četničko-nedićevske jedinice napale su partizanske snage i ove su, pod
vrlo nepovoljnim uslovima, morale da se povlače preko Li
ma, dublje u Sandžak. U vrlo dram atičnim borbam a — po
dubokom snegu, mrkloj noći i vejavici — jedinice su se pro
bile ka Limu i iznad Prijepolja prešle u Kamenu goru. Po
�jakom mrazu i pri vrlo niskoj temperaturi, noću između
6/7. februara, borci iz Šumadije, Ćačani, Užičani, Ariljci, Požežani, Moravičani, Zlatarci i drugi (većina svučeni do gole
kože — da ne bi kasnije, u mokrom odelu, promrzli) — pre
gazili su ledeni Lim. Jedan od boraca iz tog stroja hrabrih
ratnika bila je i Nada Matić. U toj dramatičnoj noći bilo je,
a i moralo je biti, i onih koji su se izgubili iz kolona, nas
tradali. Nada je, nakon dva-tri dana, saznala da joj je u
tim teškim danima stradalo troje dragih iz škole: Slavko
Međedović, Lenka Nikolić i Milena Spasojević. Lenkinu če
tu napali su četnici kod Aljinovića, pa je u tom okršaju i ona
poginula.
Za Nadu je vest o Mileninom nestanku bila tužna i
prelužna. Jer, nestala je njena najodanija drugarica iz uči
teljske škole, krasna devojka, čovek i prijatelj, član Partije.
A to »nestala« značilo je — poginula ili zarobljena. U nji
hovom razredu za sve đake bio je poseban pojam — Nada i
Milena. U tom istom razredu bile su još dve Nade — Karaklajić i Stranjaković, i još jedna Milena, ali kad se kaže
— Nada i Milena, dvojbe nije moglo biti, znalo se da se go
vori o Nadi Matić i Mileni Spasojević. Sada je Milena nes
tala. Prema kazivanju njenih drugova, ona se u mrkloj noći
vratila iz kolone da pronađe brata Dragoslava koji se bio
izgubio.
U jednom iznenadnom susretu i neravnoj borbi sa
četnicima, Požeška četa, u kojoj su bili Milena i njen brat
Dragoslav, desetkovana je. Dragoslav je u onom metežu
ostao sam, lutao, bežao i sasvim se izgubio od čete. Usput,
u lutanju, naišao je na još četvoricu partizana. Dospeli su
u selo, pa su ih tamo mesni četnici zarobili. Strpali su ih
u neki podrum. Posle jedne noći četnici su u istu kuću do
veli zarobljenu Milenu i Slavku Ivanović, učiteljicu iz Rogu.
Uskoro su streljali četvoricu partizana, a Dragoslava, Mile
nu i Slavku izveli da gledaju streljanje. Kao, oni su svi sta
riji, služili su vojsku — i zato su streljani.
Uveče, kad su troje zarobljenika ostali sami. Milena
je pitala brata o čemu su četnici s njim razgovarali, pa kad
je on ispričao kazala mu: »Dragane, bio si slabić. Šta imaš
da se pravdaš ovim skotovima i bagri o tome kako si otišao
u partizane i da ih lažeš da si bio u komori...« Posle su ih
četnici vodili od sela do sela i neukom i neprosvećenom na
rodu »pokazivali« Milenu i Slavku. Neke žene, zaostale i pri
mitivne, iščuđavale su se, pljuvale ih, a četnici se cerekali.
�Milena je bila m irna i kad bi se seljanke smirile — govori
la im da se na njih ne ljuti, jer kad budu prosvećenije znače
da i same treba da se bore za svoja prava i bolji život.
U selu Lopižama četnici su streljali Milenu i Slavku.
Hteli su od streljanja da naprave lakrdiju. O tome Dragoslav Spasojević, sem ostalog kazuje:
— Narediše Mileni i Slavi da se spreme. One iziđoše
napolje. Diko Jovanović (četnik iz Požege) zadrža mene, a
trojica četnika odoše za Milenom i Slavom. Diko i mene iz
vede napolje. Kad izidoh ugledah: Milena i Slava sa tri čet
nika, malo ispred kuće; njih dve napred, a četnici pet-šest
koraka pozadi. Priđemo tim četnicima. Diko me gurnu is
pred sebe, utrpa mi pušku u ruku i naredi da pucam u
u pravcu Milene. Međutim, ja sam bio van sebe i nikako ni
sam mogao da opalim. Diko uze iz mojih ruku pušku, koja
je, u stvari, bila prazna, zatim naredi onoj trojici da pu
caju. Milena i Slava su počele bežati po dubokom snegu, ali
kad ih pogodiše popadale su. Kad su pucali Milena je povikala: »Naša je pobeda!«, »živeo Sovjetski Savez!« i još neš
to je zaustila... Tu noć sam proveo u očajanju. Samog sebe
nisam osećao... U požeški kraj četnici su doneli najprljaviju
priču — da su me prim orali da pucam u sestru ili u Slavu...
Milena, ta divna devojka iz Zdravčića, bila je tiha i
mirna, ali kada je ušla u vrtlog borbe postala je smela. Sa
da je junački poginula.
SUZA ZA SESTROM VEROM
S Milenom je Nada bila i najintim nija drugarica. Sa
mo je Milena znala da Nada simpatiše Aleksu Dejovića, užičkog metalca. Zavolela ga je još na radu u Okružnom komi
tetu Skoja, onako neumornog, jakog, svega okrenutog borbi
za pobedu. A Milena je, pak, volela Želju Đurića, istina ispoljavajući to manje skriveno nego Nada. Čak je otvoreno o
tome govorila. Ali, samo je Nada znala koliko je ta ljubav
iskrena i ljudska. Otuda je nestanak Milene, iskrene druga
rice sa prvih skojevskih sastanaka — bila prva rana Nadina. A druga njena rana, još teža, doživljena samo koji dan
potom, takođe na Kamenoj gori, bila je — vest da je njena
divna sestra Vera, komunista i hrabra bolničarka, stradala
Vera, starija Nadina sestra, poginula decembra 1941. u Sjenici
��u borbi na Sjenici. Upravo, tih dana su na Kamenu goru sti
gli borci Moravičke čete Vera Dimitrijević, Dragica Parezanović, Miloš Glišić i Mikan Pavićević. Oni su bili zarobljeni u
borbi na Sjenici, a zatim zamenjeni za četvoricu Italijana.
Zamena je izvršena na putu Prijepolje — Pljevlja, pa su
odande došli na Kamenu goru. Vera Dimitrijević je, jecaju
ći, pričala o držanju u poslednjoj borbi i životnom kraju
Vere Matić.
U vreme borbe na Sjenici Vera Matić je izišla iz jed
ne kude da previje ranjene meštane. Nešto kasnije, vratila
se u kuću gde su bile smeštene bolničarke. A onda je došlo
do preokreta u toj borbi. Partizani su se morali povlačiti.
Bolničarke to nisu videle. Odsečene su od čete. U magnovenju, ugledale su neprijateljeve vojnike kako, sa čalmama
oko glava, jure prem a kući u kojoj su one bile. Baba, vlas
nica kuće, izgurala je pred prag desetogodišnjeg unuka da
kaže onima koji su pritrčavali da su u kući samo žene, i to
bez oružja, ali rulja je već bila na vratima; rupila je u jpretsoblje, nasumce pucajući. Dečačić je, ranjen, zajaukao, a
obesni fašisti su ubili i Veru Matić. Uto je ušao još jedan
njihov, očevidno starešina, i sprečio dalji pokolj. Vera Di
mitrijević i Justina Vivot su zarobljene.
— Gomila fašista ulete u sobu pucajući nasumce. Gle
dan; u cev uperenu u mene... Istovremeno Vera Matić pada,
sklopljenih očiju, lica upola oblivenog krvlju. Pada polako,
kac da tone. Ćini mi se kao da nikad neće pasti... Vera, dra
ga Vera. Pošle smo iz Užica zajedno. Od tada se nismo raz
dvajale. U svim akcijam a u Srbiji zajedno smo previjale
drugove, dežurale na smenu, delile radost i bol. Sinoć, pred
polazak na akciju, oprala je kosu, utrčala u sobu, sela kraj
peći i sušila je. Uzela je moju ruku i prinela je svojoj kosi:
»Vidi, Iepo sam je oprala«. Sada su joj vitice krvave —
završila je tužnu priču Vera Dimitrijević-Marković.
Boško, Nadin i Verin brat, za tu tragediju saznao je
nekoliko dana kasnije. Nada je došla u njegovu četu, po
tražila ga, poljubila i držala u zagrljaju dok je pričala šta
je saznala o njihovoj Veri. Taj doživljaj Boško i danas
pamti:
— Samo u jednom trenutku videh suzu u Nadinoin
oku — dok mi govori šta se dogodilo u borbi na Sjenici.
Onda, kao da se uozbilji i poče mi govoriti da se ginuti mo
ra, da je ovo borba u koju smo svesno pošli i da mi komu
nista moramo izdržati do kraja, do pobede...
�SKOJEVSKI RUKOVODILAC ĆETE PROLETERA
U vreme boravka na Kamenoj gori, gde su uslovi za
rad i život bili veoma teški, jer je sneg bio ogroman i mraz
veliki, gotovo neizdrživ, Nada je bila rukovodilac Skoja u
četi i, u isto vreme, četna bolničarka. Stanislav Piščević
Grco još pamti jedan skojevski sastanak iz tih dana:
— Negde ispred podne pozove me Nada Matić i kaže
mi: »Dođi na sastanak Skoja u onu baraku!« A ja, iskreno
rečeno, nisam ni znao da sam postao skojevac. Dobro pam
tim, na tom sastanku su još bili Đoko Minić, Boško Buha,
Zera... Sve dečaci. Napolju je bio veliki mraz, ali nas je
Nada zagrejala svojim jednostavnim pričama o pokretima i
borbama koji nam predstoje... Divan je čovek bila Nada. Ni
ko od nas, njenih vršnjaka, nije umeo tako lepo, razumlji
vo i oduševljeno da govori o našoj borbi, da zaokupi ljude,
da im vrati veru u sebe, u drugove, u uspeh i pobedu.
Bili su to dani velikih iskušenja. Ljuta zima je tako
reći štipala dušu u čoveku. Oskudica u hrani, soli, odeći,
obući — pritiskala je, satirala. Tako su u oružanoj borbi,
još na njenom početku, počele prve nevolje i velika iskuše
nja boraca. Na njih se, kao i drugi borci, navikavala i Nada,
padajući i u iskušenja.
Partizanima iz Srbije koji su dospeli u Sandžak, sem
visokih snegova, surovih mrazeva, suprotstavio se i Nemac,
i Italijan, i četnik, i pripadnik muslimanske milicije. Borbe
su vođene iz dana u dan. Ipak, i u tim nevoljama, posle ne
prekidnih borbi, zaiskrila je divna vest — da će se uskoro
formirati nova proleteska brigada, pored Prve. Ta vest je
stigla imeđu Užičane, u Nadin bataljon, u četu. To je do
življeno kao najlepši susret, kao najvrednija nagrada posle
toliko nevolja u neprijateljskoj ofanzivi, posle teških borbi
i gubitaka dragih boraca. Uskoro je ta vest i potvrđena:
drug Tito će formirati Drugu proletersku brigadu. U nju
će ući borci iz Srbije, među njima i Užičani. To je još u
Boljanićima borcima rekao Petar Stambolić. Za Nadu, to
je bio melem na sve rane koje su je zadnjih meseci i dana
sustigle...
Bataljoni su po visokom snegu hitali u Ćajniče, bo
sanski gradić prema Drini. Tamo su pristizali i čačani, Šumadinci, Požežani, Ariljci, Ivanjičani. U oslobođenom gradi
ću. posle kratkog odmora, sve se dalo na uređivanje odela,
obuće, šišanje, brijanje. Svi sastanci i dogovori bili su vezani
�7a tu brigadu, koju su svi borci u mislima već videli, osećali
je pred sobom. Nada je neumorno pričala o tome šta su
proleteri, koilko su jaki, čvrsti i nepokolebljivi drugovi i
borci. »Proleteri su nova snaga revolucije, oni će svojom
jačinom i oružjem, ali i saznanjem i čeličnom voljom, biti
ubojna sila koja će u našoj zemlji — sa drugim jedinicama
i narodom — srušiti okupaciju i razbiti fašističku silu. Pro
letere predvode komunisti i oni su najbolji, najodabraniji
borci...« Nadine reči, jasne i jednostavne, slušali su svi, njih
su razumeli i obični borci, dobrim delom seljaci, među ko
jim a je bilo i nepismenih.
U Cajniču proleteri su dobili i najlepša znamenja: na
petokrake su izvezli srp i čekić, koje nose samo proleter
ske jedinice. Bilo je teško naći tkanine crvene boje, pa su
se mlade partizanke rastrčale po gradiću da skupljaju sta
re fesove. A Nada, Stanka, Milena Siterica i mnoge druge
neum orno su krojile crvene petokrake zvezde i brzo i vešto vezle srp i čekić na njima. Nada i Stanka su to radile i u
Uzicu, prvih dana posle oslobođenja, kad su pristizale je
dinice u kojima još svaki borac nije imao petokraku. Tu
veliku želju svakog borca, da nosi partizansku oznaku, one
su brzo ispunjavale, a onda su na tom divnom znamenju
vezle još i proleterske simbole — srp i čekić.
Prvog m arta bataljoni iz Srbije su se postrojili na
trgu u Cajniču, pred hotelom i nestrljivo čekali najsvečaniji
trenutak. Kad je drug Tito stigao sa svojom pratnjom , Ratko Sofijanić mu je predao raport, rekavši da su srpski par
tizani spremni za form iranje Druge proleterske brigade. Ti
to je stao pred stroj, rekao ratnicim a da im donosi pozdrav
Centralnog komiteta Komunističke partije Jugoslavije i da
oni od danas čine brigadu, Drugu proletersku. Govorio je
Tito o dosadašnjim borbam a, o uspesima i porazima, kazao
da će borba biti teška i duga, ali da će partizani pobediti.
Mladi proleteri su Tita slušali široko raširenih ženica. Na
da je, iz stroja svoje čete u Četvrtom bataljonu, upijala sva
ku Titovu reč. Ponesena rečima Vrhovnog komandanta, ona
se iskreno radovala što se stvara nova vojska, odabrane
proleterske brigade, pred kojima ne može biti prepreka.
U stro ju Druge proleterske bilo je dosta Užičana, Na
di znanih i dragih ljudi, sinova njenog zavičaja. Istina, mno
gi su već pali u borbam a u Srbiji, na Kadinjači, oko Užica,
na Zlatiboru, mnogi ratnici, već prekaljeni borci, ostali su
na večitoj straži. Ali, evo ovde, u Cajniču, u stroju, čitavog
�bataljona Užičana! Tu su radnički borci Aleksa Dejović, Dobrilo Petrović, Ješo Popović, tu je i njen brat Boško i mno
go njegovih vršnjaka, užičkih đaka i šegrta, radnika, seoskih
momaka. U stroju bataljona su i Nadini drugovi iz školskih
klupa: Mirko Popović — zamenik komesara Prve čete, Milić
Maksimović — zamenik komesara Druge čete, a ona je ru
kovodilac Skoja Treće čete. U svakoj četi — po jedan. Po
red njih Milivoje Antonijević, samo dve godine stariji u ško
li, sada rukovodilac Skoja bataljona.
Bio je to veliki dan za proletere iz Srbije. Oko 800
boraca brojala je njihova Druga proleterska brigada, sas
tavljena od četiri bataljona: Prvi — borci dotadašnje Po
žeške, Ariljske i Moravičke čete; Drugi — dotadašnje čačanska, Ljubićka i Takovska četa; Treći, Šumadijski — sastav
ljen od boraca Račanske, Oreške i Pomoravske čete; i Če
tvrti — u koji su ušle Prva užička i Prva i Druga zlatiborska četa. Jedinice su se već dobro upoznale i u borbi ojačale,
izrasle u proleterske.
Odmah posle formiranja, nekoliko bataljona je, ka
mionima, prevezeno do Goražda, odakle su pošli na prvi bor
beni zadatak — napali su četnike okupljene u ergeli Bori
ke. U toku noći 8. marta Drugi i Treći bataljon su iznena
dili četnike u Borikama, opkolili ih i u jednočasovnoj bor
bi potpuno likvidirali, i to bez sopstvenih gubitaka. Zarob
ljeno je više od 130 četnika i oficira, koji su sarađivali sa
Italjanima iz Višegrada. Taj prvi borbeni zadatak brigada
je izvršila izvanredno.
Uskoro Druga proleterska i tri bataljona Prve prole
terske formiraju udarnu grupu i, po naređenju Vrhovnog
štaba, kreću prema Han-Pijesku, na dalje čišćenje istočne
Bosne. Za to vreme Prvi i četvrti bataljon, u napornom maršu i po dubokom snegu, prelaze planinu Devetak i silaze u
dolinu rečice Jadar, oslobađaju Miliće, Vlasenicu, Bratunac
i Srebrenicu. Nešto kasnije, dva bataljona napadaju ustaško-domobransko uporište Rogaticu.
U prvim mesecima svog delovanja brigada je imala
više borbi, a naročito iznenadnih sudara; ona je izbacila iz
stroja veliki broj neprijatelja, zaplenila znatne količine nao
ružanja, opreme i namirnica.
U tim danima Nada se posebno zbližila sa Stankom
Laković. One su se i iz Užica znale, ponekad su se, na ra
du, i susretale. Sad, u borbenoj koloni, na ratnim zadacima,
prilikom čijeg su izvršavanja bile bolničarke, delile su sve
�radosti. U radu skojevske organizacije Nada je uvek imala
punu pomoć od Stanke, osećala je njenu podršku u svakoj
prilici, računala na nju. Cak su i jele iz jedne porcije, uvek
zajedno.
— Nada je imala jednu šerpicu a ja neki lončić —
seća se Stanka. — I mi smo se, u početku u šali, i u tom
pogledu udružile: iz šerpice smo jele ono što dobijemo za
doručak, ručak ili večeru — kad je šta bilo, a iz lončića pile
vodu. Ta međusobna pažnja bila je toliko iskrena da smo
često jedna drugoj ostavljale hrane, nudile jedna drugu.
Ali, Nada je u tome prednjačila i često mi govorila: »Stanka,
moraš jesti više od mene, slabija si fizički...«
HRABRA BOLNIČARKA NA KRVAVOM GATU
Toga ratnog proleća Druga proleterska se borila u
Bosni, zatim u Crnoj Gori, u Hercegovini. Na Pivi, kod
Uzlupa, na D urm itoru i Dobrom dolu, njeni bataljoni su vo
dili teške borbe protiv jakih četničkih snaga. Borbe su bi
le žestoke, svakodnevne. Proleteri su se u svakoj od njih
junački pokazali. Svojom čvrstinom u borbi i spremnošću
na žrtve pomagali su crnogorskim partizanskim odredima
da se izvuku ispred četničko-italijanske udružene ofanzive.
Onda je došla borba na Gatu. žestoka, pogibeljna.
Jedna od najtežih i najstrašnijih koje je četvrti bataljon vo
dio ne samo dotad već i kasnije. Četiri dana i noći borci su
marševali, poslednji dan i noć bez hrane i vode. Po zadatku
Vrhovnog štaba, tri bataljona Prve i Četvrti bataljon Dru
ge proleterske krenuli su u napad na utvrđeni Gat, nedale
ko od Gackog. U tom rejonu četnici i Italijani su, udruže
nim snagama, poveli ofanzivu protiv naših jedinica. Treba
lo je štititi povlačenje ranjenika iz sela Izgori, štititi naše
snage u dolini Sutjeske i na Tjentištu. Još u početku borbe
gotovo sva vatra sa tvrđave Gat srušila se na Nadu i drugo
ve iz bataljona.
U borbu za Gat proleteri su ušli umorni, iscrpeni. Pre
ma zadatku, trebalo je u ponoć uoči napada da stignu na
presedlinu između Gata i sela Dulića. Međutim, zakasnili su
i stigli u osvit dana. Vodič, seljak iz susednog sela, u noći
je dosta oklevao — ili je i sam bio blizak četnicima ili se
sm rtno uplašio, pa je bataljon vodio lošim stazama. Tek
kad mu je kom andant bataljona, Miodrag Milovanović Lune,
podviknuo, — krenuo je u noći prem a Gatu. Sa zakašnje-
�njem je došla i druga nevolja. U samo svitanje, kad je ko
lona bataljona naišla na seoske kuće, patrola je primetila
čoveka zakplonjenog iza ograde. Bio je to stražar. Na to je
to«-ac Dragoslav Divac, koji je bio u patroli, opalio iz
puške za stražarem, mada je bilo naređeno da se ne puca
bez komande. Čovek je počeo bežati, a pucanj je otkrio pro
letere. Iz kuća su, na vrata i kroz prozore, navrat-nanos, po
čeli iskakati četnici, i juriti prema dolini koja je izvodila na
Gat. Tako je nastala prevremena borba.
Lune je komandovao »Trkom napred!«. Bataljon se za
talasao kao oluja, ne prezajući ni od trčanja brisanim pro
storom, niti od strahovite četničke vatre sa Gata. Ceo ba
taljon je pojurio prema vrhu, iako to nije bio njegov zada
tak. Nastala je prava trka. Radilo se o životnom pitanju:
ko će pre na vrh Gata.
Razvila se dramatična borba. Četnici su bili u dale
ko povoljnijem položaju: imali su proletere na brisanom
prostoru ispod Gata — kao na dlanu, u kamenjaru gde nen a sigurnog zaklona. Odozgo, sa vrha, iz utvrđenja i bunke
ra, gađali su proletere — pravo u teme. Na Četvrti bataljon,
premoren i izgladneo, krenuli su i četnici iz Dulića i sa Gata
— dobro snabdeveni, nahranjeni. (talijanski okupatori su
ih dobro potkupili. Počela je da tuče i italijanska artiljerija.
Nastao je pravi pakao. Ali bataljon proletera bio je čvrst
kao stena. Svaki čovek se borio junački, iako su bataljoni
Prve proleterske zakasnili da, po utvrđenom planu, izbiju na
svoje položaje. Hteli su Užičani i srcem i borbom — da iz
vrše zadatak. Kako je vreme odmicalo, borba je postajala
sve dramatičnija. Četnika je, što narod kaže, bilo kao pleve. Njihovi položaji ličili su na mravinjak. Proleterima se
teško bilo braniti od vatre i sa vrha Gata i iz podnožja, tim
pre jer zaklona nije bilo. Počeli su da padaju i prvi borci.
Ranjenika je bilo sve više. Uskoro se preko streljačkog stro
ja počelo da prenosi i ko je poginuo. Borci su tako saznali
da su pali komesari Dragan Pavlović i Dragoslav Krečković,
zamenik komesara Anđa Ranković, da je teško ranjen i
(uskoro je i umro) komesar bataljona Dobrilo Petrović, a
lakše ranjen i Lune.
U toj surovoj borbi, po vrućini i na kamenu koji je
pržio, borci i bolničarke su spašavali ranjenike. Bolničarke
su se po brisanom prostoru prebacivale od ranjenika do
ranjenika. Komandant Lune u svom »Nedovršenom dnevni
ku« zabeležio je da su hrabre drugarice Nada Matić i Milena
�Sitcrica na desnom krilu ukazivale pomoć ranjenicima, a
Stanka Laković, pod kišom kuršuma, previjala ranjene bor
ce. Ranjen je i Boško Buha. Njega izvlači Milena Siterica.
Mala Desa Petronijević, učenica prvog razreda učiteljske
škole, uzela je dve puške, jednu od ranjenog druga i jedva
ide za njim ali, iako na izmaku snage, neće da je ostavi.
Za vreme najžešće borbe ranjen je puškomitraljezac
Vojin Đurašinović Kostja. U blizini je bila Nada Matić i
ona je, na Kostjin poziv, brzo dopuzila da mu pomogne. Iz
rukava Kostjine desne ruke slivala se krv. Nada je bez raz
m išljanja zaklonila ranjenika i, da bi što brže došla do ra
ne, makazama odsekla rukav Kostjine bluze i košulje i pre
vila ranu. Dok je to Nada radila, za puškomitraljez je zale
gao K ostjin pomoćnik Milan Vlajisavljević, ali je uspeo sa
mo da opali rafal-dva pa je i sam klonuo, nepomično. Nekoli
ko m inuta kasnije dotrčao je vodnik Ljubodrag, Lunetov
brat, ali je i on, tek što je klekao za puškomitraljez, ne
stigavši, valjda, ni da nanišani u četnike — poginuo. Tri
puškom itraljesca začas su izbačena iz stroja. Nešto kasni
je i Nada je ranjena. Zrno joj je prošlo kroz grudi. Srećom,
rana nije bila teška, a Nada je inače bila jaka i hrabra, pa
sc nije pokolebala, već se sama kretala i izvlačila sa bojišta.
U tako neravnoj borbi četnici su uspeli da zaobiđu
proletere sa desnog krila i da na njih jurišaju i sa čela i sa
boka. Lune je bio prinuđen da naredi povlačenje sa pola
osvojenog visa. To nije bilo povlačenje da bi se izbegla bor
ba, već povlačenje uz borbu prsa u prsa. Bataljon se borio
da bi izvlačio ranjenike i sačuvao svoju snagu. Četnici su
bili u boljem položaju. Sjurili su se niz Gat na proletere.
Dve vojske su se izmešale, pa je bojište ličilo na mravinjak.
Tek tada su stupili u borbu i bataljoni Prve proleterske, ali
pomoći više nije bilo. Sad su se četnici i proleteri doslovno
hrvali, hvatali se u koštac. Ustremio se čovek na čoveka.
Pravi uokolj. U takvom krkljancu teško je bilo razaznati ko
je četnik a ko partizan. Pucnjavu su zamenili gušanje, bor
ba bez oružja. Proleteri su morali da prihvate takvu bor
bu, je r je trebalo spašavati ranjenike, koje su jedni izvla
čili dok su se drugi, brojniji, gušali i hrvatli sa poludelim čet
nicima.
Ceo bataljon se, iako je krvario i ginuo kao nikad ra
nije, borio — kao jedan čovek. Niko nije mislio samo na
sebe, nego na bataljon, na ime proletersko.
�Četvrti bataljon je na Gatu pretrpeo teške gubitke, naj
teže od Ćajniča. Gubici su bili preveliki i za ćelu brigadu: 36
poginulih i 26 ranjenih proletera. Borbu Četvrtog bataljona
prihvatio je Prvi. U žestokim okršajima na Živnju, Lebršniku
i Čemernu, branio se Prvi bataljon. Napadi četnika, koje je
pomagala italijanska artiljerija i eskadrila aviona »savoja«,
trajali su ceo dan 13. juna i sutradan. U borbi na Živnju,
braneći odstupnicu bataljona, herojski je poginuo zamenik
komandanta Petar Leković, prvi narodni heroj Jugoslavije,
koji je to zvanje dobio još za života.
Proleteri su nosili ranjenike, od kojih su mnogi, po
onoj nesnosnoj vrućini, umirali tražeći gutljaj vode koje, eto,
nije bilo ni za spas života.
Zahvaljujući upornoj borbi proletera na Gatu i Čemer
nu četnici i Italijani nisu prošli u dolinu Sutjeske. Bolnica
iz Izgora je evakuisana.
POD RANAMA NA MARSU ZA KRAJINU
Posle tih i drugih teških dana proleteri su proveli de
setak dana na Tjentištu, u Vrbnici i okolnim selima — na
odmoru, oporavku i pripremi za nove okršaje.
Odmor u selu Vrbnici ispod Zelengore ratnici četvrtog
bataljona i čitave Druge proleterske zapamtili su kao vreme
gladovanja. Borci su u dugotrajnim borbama i marševima
iznureni i iscrpeni. Borili su se u ekonomski siromašnim kra
jevima, gde ni u mimo doba nije bilo dovoljno hrane ni za
domaće stanovništvo. Obuća boraca bila je izlizana i dotra
jala, odclo isto tako. Taj predah iskorišćen je i za to da se
odelo boraca što je moguće bolje opere, okrpi i opari u »par
tizanskim buradima«. Glad je, ipak, predstavljala veću nevo
lju ratničku. U tim danima borci su najčešće govorili o hrani,
0 gladi, prisećali se kad su dobro i bogato ručali. Vrbnica
1 seia oko nje bila su siromašna. Zato su i vojničke rezerve
sasvim otanjile. Retko se moglo naći štogod da se kupi. Ne
koliko dana za čete se kuvala kopriva, pa su borci išli da je
beru sve dok je po okolnim proplancima nisu svu obrali. U
koprivu se dodavalo po kilogram-dva krompira, a na četu je,
uz taj krompir i koprivu, dolazilo samo po pola jagnjeta. Ti
me je trebalo okrepiti po 40 do 50 boraca. Mnogi borci su se
snalazili tako što su posle obaveznih časova obuke odlazili u
berbu sitnih šumskih jagoda. Pa pola sata-sat tragalo se da bi
se ubrala šaka jagoda. Bilo je to koliko da se makar pokvase
�usta. O tome koliko je glad pritiskala borce svedoći i činjeni
ca da su u to vreme počeli da jedu i konjsko meso, većina
njih i prvi p u t u životu. Neki borci su od tog mesa zazirali.
Tada su komunisti išli prvi da uzmu hranu sa konjskim me
som. U Četvrtom bataljonu zaklali su konja i ždrebe i svo me
so je pojedeno.
Četvrti bataljon je u Vrbnici, posle teških gubitaka
na Gatu, dobio novo pojačanje: čitavu Treću užičku četu
Šumadijskog bataljona Prve proleterske brigade, u kojoj je
bilo dosta i Nadinih poznanika. Za komandanta bataljona
imenovan je Nikola Ljubičić. Nada je dane u Vrbnici provo
dila u brigadnoj bolnici, ali je gotovo svakodnevno odlazila
i u svoj bataljon. U bolnici je najviše bila sa Marom Kusturić, ranjenom na Gatu. Ovde je Nada prvi put srela i Veru
Kušec, studentkinju medicine, koja je sa grupom omladinaca
iz okoline Sarajeva došla u brigadu, i koja će postati jedna
od njenih najboljih drugarica.
Pokret proleterskih i udarnih brigada iz Vrbniče i Zelengore preko Kalinovika i dalje, preko pruge Mostar-Sarajevo, Nada je, i kao ranjenik i kao borac, doživela sa velikim
oduševljenjem. Iako sa još nezaceljenom ranom, stalno je i
izdržljivo pešačila. I uvek je bila radosna kad bi čula da su
bataljoni dobro prošli u borbam a, a naročito kada su bili
u pitanju njeni Užičani. Ipak, i u tim prilikama je, kao i uvek,
svaki predah koristila za politički rad, za političke razgovore.
Nekoliko dana nakon prelaska pruge, negde iza Tarčina, Na
da i Mara su se, posle oporavka, vratile u četu. Nada se svom
snagom angažovala u političkom i partijskom radu. Tih dana
na dnevni red je postavljeno i pitanje prijem a u Parti ju Mare
K usturić i Milene Siterice. Bile su to dve bolničarke i odli
čni borci; one su već pokazale izrazitu hrabrost, naročito u
borbi na Gatu, kada su se istakle velikim požrtvovanjem pri
likom previjanja ranjenika i njihovog izvlačenja sa bojišta.
Uz to, Mara je hrabro izdržala i neprijateljsko zarobljavanje
i m altretiranje. Cak je posle onog streljanja, kad se osvestila, toliko bila uporna da se dovukla do sela u kome su joj
meštanke ukazale prvu pomoć. Teško ranjena i iznemogla,
ali koliko-toliko okrepljena, Mara je išla za jedinom svojom
mišlju — da nađe brigadu. Uspela je da sustigne proletere.
Dospela je u bolnicu u Vrbnici. Dobrom negom, ličnom čvrsti
nom i voljom — ta hrabra devojka je sve prebrodila i sad
očekivala najsrećniji dan — da postane član Partije.
�Na nekoliko dana pred sastanak Nada je sa Marom raz
govarala o Partiji, o borbi u koju su komunisti poveli narode
Jugoslavije, o novim obavezama. Mara se toga ovako seća:
— Kaže mi Nada: »Čeka te jedan od najlepših dana u
životu. I drug Milić (Maksimović, zamenik komesara čete;
prim J. R.) će ti o tome govoriti, ali ja hoću da ti kažem da
treba da budeš ponosna što ćeš postati član Partije. To je
dokaz velikog poverenja u tebe, a ti si ga pošteno i zaslužila
više puta dosad, naročito svojim držanjem u borbi na Gatu,
kao i svim onim što si preživela i čime si mogla da pobediš
i svoje teške rane, i iscrpljenost, i četnike...« Kao da i danas
slušam divne Nadine reči koje su mi otvarale oči u pravom
smislu — da ću postati član Partije.
U isto vreme Nada je pripremala za Partiju i Milenu
Sitericu, malo i milo devojče, sazdano od lepote, puno nestašluka, veselo i uvek raspevano, a u borbi dobrog borca. Zna
la je da s njom dugo ide u koloni i da joj, prebacivši ruku
preko njenog ramena, zanimljivo i jednostavno govori o Par
tiji.
Na sastanak četne partijske ćelije došla je i Spasenija
Cana Babović, član CK KPJ. Sekretar ćelije Milić Maksimo
vić, Nadin drug iz istog razreda učiteljske škole, divan drug
i oličenje skromnosti i partijnosti, suvonjav momak, visok
kao bor — otvorio je sastanak i saopštio da su za prijem u
Partiju predložene Mara i Milena. Uzela je reč i Cana. Svi su
je pažljivo slušali, upijajući njene reči o značaju prodora pro
leterskih brigada u Bosansku krajinu, o veličini izvojevanih
pobeda, odnosu prema narodu i njegovoj imovini. Mara i
Milena su sedele jedna uz drugu, u uglu barake u kojoj je
održavan sastanak. A kada je Cana govorila o liku komuniste
u borbi i, naročito, o tome ko može biti komunista, Mari se.
kako i danas pamti, činilo da su sve oči uprte u nju i u Mi
lenu.
— Pamtim Nadin iskreni poljubac posle sastanka —
kazuje Mara. — Izljubila je i mene i Milenu, našu Miienicu,
kako smo je svi zvali. To mi je bila najlepša čestitka. Osećala sam se nekako svečano pored Nade i u mislima sam sa
mu sebe preslišavala: da li sam baš sve to ispunila o čemu
se govorilo na sastanku ćelije — kad su Miienicu i mene pri
mali u Partiju.
�ŠEST JURIŠA NA KUPRES
42
K rajem jula i Druga proleterska, posle više uzastopnih
borbi, stiže u Kupreško polje, pred gradić koji su ustaše
pretvorile u svoju tvrđavu. U Blagaju, selu nedaleko od
Kupresa, narod je proletere dočekao kao svoje najrođenije,
kao svoju vojsku. Blagajci su unapred doznali da im dolaze
proleteri iz Srbije, za šta su se i pripremili, pa sada njihovoj
radosti nije bilo kraja. Umorne čete i bataljone čekala je go
tova večera — kuvano ovčije meso s krompirom. Posle du
gog i napornog m arša i toliko borbi, za umorne proletere to
je bila prava poslastica. Te prve večeri omladina je čuvala
straže ispred logora bataljona, da bi se umorni proleteri od
morili. Posle toliko marševa — ovde su se dobro naspavali.
Narod Blagaja dao je svojoj vojsci, proleterima, sve što je
imao. Za svaki obrok borci su dobijali po četvrtinu hleba.
Žene i deca su prikupljali u selu odeću i čarape, džempere,
namirnice za ishranu. Stariji su obavljali ulogu sigurnih vo
diča.
Ustaše su se bile dobro utvrdile u Kupresu. Na raskisnicam a ulica izgradili su bunkere i mitraljeska gnezda,
a sve kuće od tvrdog m aterijala ojačale novim zidovima. Pro
zori visokih zgrada podešeni su za puškarnice. Odbrana Ku
presa ojačana je i baterijom topova, a gotovo svakog dana
joj je dolazila upomoć i avijacija. Ustaške jedinice bile su
dobro naoružane, popunjene sa dosta municije, snabdevene
bogatim rezervama hrane i drugim potrebama.
Kupres je, po planu Vrhovnog štaba, napadalo više
proleterskih jedinica, a najčešće Druga i Četvrta brigada,
zatim i Prva krajiška, kao i odred »Iskra« čuvenog krajiš
kog junaka Simele Šolaje. Šest puta su proleteri napadali na
Kupres, ali ga nisu mogli zauzeti. Očistili bi u toku noći sva
sela i zaseoke oko njega, ali uzoru bi se morali povlačiti.
Noć je bila saveznik proletera, ali su danju ustaše dobijale
•»krila«: bile su bolje naoružane, dolazila im je upomoć avi
jacija. Noćne borbe su se često pretvarale u prave vatrome
te. Više puta su m anji sastavi proleterskih jedinica, naročito
iz Druge i Četvrte brigade, upadali u pojedine delove Kup*'esa, osvajali utvrđene zgrade, zarobljavali ustaše, ali su se
uzoru i oni morali povlačiti.
Gotovo mesec dana su se proleteri hrvali sa ustašam a
oko Kupresa, ali ga nisu mogli osloboditi. Mnogi proleteri
su i poginuli u jurišim a, boreći se protiv podivljalih ustaša
�utvrđenih u bunkerima. Pri tom su mnoge bolničarke po
kazale izvanredne primere junaštva iznoseći ranjenike kroz
kišu kuršuma, previjajući ih na samom bojištu. Jedne noći
Nada i Stanka su, sem ranjenika iz svog bataljona, previle i
osmoricu Krajišnika. To je bilo s večeri 12. avgusta, kada su
na Kupreškim vratima poginuli Boško Masal i Dragiša Ćetenović Četo, obojica Nadini drugovi, užički đaci.
Dugotrajne i teške borbe, veliki gubici i druge nevolje
činili su da su to bili tužni dani za mnoge borce, pa i za
Nadu Matić. Ipak, najtužniji dan za nju bio je kad je saz
nala da je poginuo Dragomir Petrović Kokica, njen školski
drug. Preko njega su je mnoge lepe uspomene vezivale za
Užice, za njene drugarice i drugove. Mladi seljačić iz Ježevice kraj Požege u svakoj prilici je bio pun narodskog
duha i vedrine, svaki razgovor sa njim pretvarao se u pra
sak smeha.
Sada, u Blagaju, tužna tišina je pritiskala borce po
red Kokičinog kovčega. Ceo bataljon se postrojio da oda
počast i njemu i drugim palim borcima. Mirko Popović, zamenik komesera čete, držao je svom omiljenom drugu
oproštajni govor. Opirao se toj tužnoj obavezi, srce mu se
steglo, ali mu je Aleksa Dejović, komesar bataljona, rekao
da je to dug prema drugu iz škole i borcu pa nije imao
kud. A oko kovčega s posmrtnim ostacima proletera Ko
kice, sem Nade, bili su i ostali njegovi drugovi iz školske
klupe: Radovan Urošević Bota, Milić Maksimović, Vladi
mir ćirović Ćizo, Mileta Milanović, Dragoslav Vuković. Svi
potišteni. Mirkove reči, čas prigušenije čas jače, izgovarane
s lugom za bliskim drugom, duboko su se doimale srca sva
kog prisutnog, budile sećanja na divne zajedničke dane u
gradu njihove mladosti, na borbe i pobede, na zadatke i du
gove narodu i slobodi.
Uskoro je u borbama za Kupres poginuo i popularni
Dragoslav Vuković, koga su svi njegovi vršnjaci zvali Vule
Pupavac. Nadi je Vule bio posebno drag; volela ga je i zbog
njegove sestre Nade s kojom je dugo radila u Užicu — u
učiteljskoj školi i u Okružnom komitetu Skoja. U susretima
s njim često bi spomenula i njegovu sestru koja se iz Radoinje vratila u užički kraj na pozadinski rad. Vule je bio
lep momak, kao isklesan, uvek vedar. Znao je u razredu,
na časovima, da zasmeje i profesore. Zbog jedne neodmerene šale isključen je iz učiteljske škole. U bataljonu je bio do
bar borac, a uporno je tražio da umesto puške nosi puško-
�mitraljez. Sada je i on prestao da korača u borbenoj kolo
ni Druge proleterske.
Teške borbe na Kupresu su se odužile. Proleteri su
izdržali velika iskušenja, pojačana nedostajanjem municije
i težih oruđa. H roničari Druge proleterske beleže da je je
dan njihov bataljon pošao u napad kad je svaki njegov bo
rac prosečno imao samo po devet metaka. A napadalo se na
osinjak u kome su ustaše imale municije u izobilju i neštedimice je trošile. Bataljon tako oskudno naoružan samo u
toku jedne noći je izdržao 148 eksplozija artiljerijskih gra
nata kojima ga je tukla ustaška artiljerija. Ustaše su znale
sa kakvim se teškoćama bore partizani, a pogotovu kako
im aju malo municije, kako njihovi kuvari nemaju soli, bez
čega je hrana bljutava. Upravo zbog toga mnogi proleteri su
u loku napada slušali ustaške povike, naročito pred svanućc. kad su se ustaše spremale za protivnapade: »Drž’te se,
pelometkovići, m ajku vam komunističku«, ili »Neslani Jovar.e, priteži opanke, valja ti bježati...« No ni te, kao ni sve
druge, brojne teškoće nisu mogle pokolebati proletere. Na
protiv, oni su čak i sa tako malo municije jurišali na Kupres, na ustaške koljače, gotovo golim rukam a otimajući od
njih mitraljeze.
U borbam a oko K upresa proleteri su doživeli i mno
ge radosti. Najviše ih je oduševljavalo poverenje koje im
je narod ukazivao, narodna ljubav dokazivana na svakom
koraku i pomoć pružana u svemu. U susretim a sa mladima,
sa starijim a, u svakom selu — osećali su se kao u rodnoj
Srbiji. Zbog toga je među starešinam a i borcima bila veo
ma popularna i često spominjana pošalica: »Ovuda je naj
kraći put za Srbiju«, što je često ponavljao i divni komesar
brigade Milinko Kušić.
Posle borbi oko K upresa Druga proleterska je, brat
ski sadejstvujući sa Prvom krajiškom brigadom, oslobodila
Mi konjić-Grad. U toj akciji najviše uspeha je imao Prvi
bataljon, koji je zarobio nekoliko stotina domobrana. Već
sutradan u Mrkonjiću su počele rad zanatske radionice,
naročito krojačke i obućarske. Šiveni su odela i unoforme
za borce, izrađivana nova i krpljena stara obuća. Bilo je i
dosta plena, naročito municije. Deo municije, po naređenju
Koste Nada, kom andanta Operativnog štaba za Bosansku
krajinu, upućen je drugim jedinicama, pa i Vrhovnom šta
bu. Borci su se posebno obradovali ćelom vagonu zapljenjene soli, što je za njih bilo basnoslovno bogatstvo. Ovde je
�Druga proleterska dobila divan dar od Prve krajiške — protivtenkovski top, ili, kako su ga proleteri zvali, protivkolac,
koji će u kasnijim borbama postati veoma popularan.
Nakon oslobođenja Mrkonjića nastavljene su borbe
protiv četnika i Nemaca. Četvrti bataljon se najduže za
držao na položajima na Kmjinu, u bezvodnom kraju. To
su bili prvi dani septembra 1942. godine; vreme suvo, sunce
upeklo, pa je borce na položaju najviše mučila žeđ. Snabdevarje jedinica vodom vršeno je svakodnevno, korišćenjcm
mešina. Pored žeđi, Nadin bataljon je na Krnjim trpeo i od
bombardovanja neprijateljske avijacije i artiljerije, tako
da je teško bilo reći šta je proleterima bilo teže: žeđ ili sva
kodnevna nemačka bombardovanja.
Na Kmjinu se prekinuo životni put i Dese Petronijević, poznatije po nadimku Mala Desa. Dete siromašne užičke
porodice, dvanaesto po redu, tek upisana u prvi razred uči
teljske škole, bila je omiljena u Četvrtom bataljonu. Stra
dala je od udara artiljerijske granate, zajedno sa Dušanom
Dujićem, takođe đakom učiteljske škole. Kad su je sahra
njivale, Desine drugarice su, među ličnim stvarima u njenoj
torbici, našle i jednu lutkicu! Dete — borac, u ratnom vi
horu hrabro i smiono, imalo je i svoje tajne. Lutka u tor
bici borca, pored zavoja i lekova za ranjenike, bila je sigu
ran dokaz neproživljenog detinjsiva.
U borbama za oslobođenje Jajca borila se i Druga
proleterska, a najviše Prvi i četvrti bataljon. Oni su brzo
osvajali bunker za bunkerom i tako za kratko vreme rasterali ustaše sa dominantne kose Ćusina iznad Jajca. Tamo
su zaplenili i jedan minobacač i odmah ga okrenuli prema
Jajcu, pa osuli granatu za granatom na ustaške položaje.
Posle oslobođenja proleteri su u Jajcu ostali dan-dva, a on
da raspoređeni po okolnim selima. Tih dana je, kako su
saznali i borci, drug Tito došao u oslobođeno Jajce. Deseti
na proletera obezbeđivala je vilu u kojoj on radio. Tom
prilikom Tito je razgovarao i sa štabom Druge proleterske.
Rekao je da je veoma zadovoljan učešćem proletera u bor
bi za oslobođenje Jajca, a naročito time što nije bilo gu
bitaka pri osvajanju toliko bunkera na Ćusinama. Dodao je
da će uskoro stići novi borci iz redova krajiške omladine,
koje treba vaspitavati na najboljim tradicijama proletera
iz Druge brigade.
�BRATSKA DOBRODOŠLICA BORCIMA IZ LIKE,
BANIJE I KRAJINE
U Jajcu i selima oko njega proleteri iz Srbije su ima
li mnoštvo susreta sa narodom, omladinom i decom. Još
pre upada u Jajce Četvrti bataljon je logorovao u šljiviku
jdnog seljaka. Šljive su bile dobro rodile i sazrele. Čitav
šljivik se plavio i mirisao, ali borci nisu dirnuli ni jedan
plod. Potrajao je taj boravak među šljivama nekoliko dana,
pa je seljak došao u štab i izrazio čuđenje — kakva je to
vojska koja ništa niti uzima niti traži! Verovao je, kaže,
da će mu vojska sve šljive obrati, ali se prevario. Sada je
nudio da vojska slobodno bere šljiva — koliko god joj treba.
Stanislav Piščević Grco, u to vreme desetar, dobro
pam ti jedan susret sa Nadom iz tih dana:
— Nada se vrlo uspešno bavila političkim i partij
skim radom. Sedam se da je tražila da napišem članak za
brigadni ili bataljonski list. Odabrao sam moje kurisko pu
tovanje do Vrhovnog štaba. Posle uspešne borbe kod Tarčina dobio sam od štaba brigade zadatak da odnesem izveštaj Vrhovnom štabu. Bio sam desetar i na taj zadatak sam
otišao sa ćelom desetinom. Našli smo Vrhovni štab u šćitu,
kod Prozora, predao sam pismo drugu Titu i u brigadu se
vratio sa desetinom posle nekoliko dana. Dobro se sećam da
sam napisao tri stranice u mojoj svesci, uglavnom o sus
retu sa drugom Titom. Nada i ja smo zajedno pročitali čla
nak. Njoj se, kako mi je rekla, dopalo kako sam sve to opi
sao. Trebalo je još samo da ona nešto malo popravi, pa da
se članak objavi. Ubrzo posle toga sam ranjen i podugo os
tao u bolnici, a moj članak je objavljen.
Posle oslobođenja Jajca, u Drugu proletersku i njen
Četvrti (Užički) bataljon stiglo je nekoliko stotina omladinaca i omladinki rodom iz Krajine, Like i Banije, sa Podgrincča. Te devojke i mladići došli su u Mrkonjić-Grad, od
nosno u Drugu proletersku, pošto su prepešačili preko što
kilometara. U Srpskim Jasenicama, na Podgrmeču, završili
su borbeni kurs za partizanske jedinice i položili zakletvu,
pa krenuli u brigadu. U Mrkonjiću je za njih održana poseb
na priredba, posle koje su raspoređeni u bataljone. Dirljivi
su bili ti susreti Srbijanaca i novih boraca. Krajišnici, Li
čani i Baniici brzo su počeli pevati omiljenu pesmu prole
tera: »Oj Moravo, moje selo ravno«. Tu pesmu pevala je ćela
brigada, a Cačani i šum adinci najviše.
�Srbijanci su takođe učili i prihvatali pesmu došljaka.
Nada je provodila čitave časove u neposrednom razgovoru
sa novim borcima, naročito sa devojkama. Svojim jedno
stavnim kazivanjima, lako razumljivim svakome, privlači
la je pažnju koliko i svojom skromnošću. Težila je da sazna
šta mlade partizanke znaju o ranjenicima, o zavojima, o uka
zivanju prve pomoći. Ali isto tako raspitivala se ima li ne
pismenih među novim drugovima i drugaricama.
SEKRETAR PARTIJSKE ĆELIJE BOLNICE
Pred oslobođenje Jajca štab brigade je nešto izmenjen. Kušić je otišao za komandanta Prve krajiške brigade,
a novi politički komesar postao je Aleksa Dejović. Slobodan
Penezić Krcun postao je zamenik komesara brigade, a Spasenija Cana Babović je sa te dužnosti otišla u Vrhovni štab.
Pred jedan od pokreta jedinica, Krcun je pozvao Olgu
Živković iz Prvog i Nadu Matić iz Četvrtog balaljona. Nare
dio im je da odu u susedno selo i ispitaju mogućnosti za
smeštaj bolnice. Devojke su to učinile i kad su se vratile izveslile su Krcuna da se bolnica onamo može smestiti. Sad
su očekivale da im Krcun naredi da se vrate u stoje bataljone. Međutim, on je jednostavno rekao:
— Od danas je Olga politički komesar brigadne bol
nice, a Nada zamenik komesara!..
Bile su tu i Stanka Laković, Mica Đorđević i još ne
koliko bolničarki. Bio je i Aleksa Dejović. Raspoređivali su
ih, jedne na apotekarski, druge na sanitetski kurs. Nada se
obratila Aleksi, svojoj intimnoj simpatiji, uzor-čoveku i ko
munisti, ali i momku snažnom u reći, u odluci, u pogledu:
— Druže Aleksa, ja bih volela da idem na apotekarski
kurs, ako već moram ići iz bataljona?
Aleksa je, sa jedva primetnim smeškom, progovorio:
— Ne, ne. Ti si, Nado. partijski radnik kakav nam
treba. To je idealan posao za tebe...
Nada je videla da posle Krcuna ni Aleksa ne popu
šta. Najteže joj je bilo što se sad rastaje od toliko druga
rica, a one će posle završenih kurseva — u razne jedinice.
Nada se, sa Stankom Laković, izdvojila »od pogleda rado
znalih«. Isplakale su se zbog rastanka, baš kao da su zna
le da otad nikad više neće biti u istoj brigadi. Samo su se
jedna drugoj zavetovale: da će biti vojnici i kad zemlja
�bude slobodna, m akar i samo vojnici Partije. A potom i po
sle svega, kad su se rastajale od drugih drugarica, koje ni
su mogle da izdrže suze, one su bile »hrabrije«. Kroz smeh
su govorile da su one to već preživele...
Posle desetak dana borbi oko Mrkonjića, Druga pro
leterska kreće za Drvar, najpre peške do Mliništa, a odatle
vozom šumske železnice. Putovanje vozom, u stvari prvo
otkako je form irana brigada, bio je lep doživljaj za sva
kog borca. U male otvorene vagone šumske železnice sabije
ni su ljudi i konji, oprema, mitraljezi, protivtenkovski top.
Iako su ljudi, konji, oruđa i oprem a naslagani u male va
gone kao u kutije šibica — sticao se utisak da tu nikome
nije tesno. Polazilo se od jednostavne istine: bolje se voziti
bilo kako nego pešačiti. Dobro je odmoriti se makar se sto
jeći đrem alo ili kunjalo na podu vagona. Svaki vagon je
»okićen« granam a četinara, pa cje voz u pokretu, u krivina
ma, ličio na dugačku zm ijurinu, a nekima je izgledalo kao
da se kreće čitava planina, da sa vagonima i borcima pu
tu ju jele i borovi. Kad bi voz zastao, zvonko se oglašavala
sirena lokomotive. A na svakoj stanici, koje su razrušene,
železničari su podigli nadstrešnice, pa iz njih prim aju i is
praćaju vozove. Rade u ratnim uslovima kao i svi drugi. U
Oštrelju, dok je voz stajao, članovi štaba brigade svratili su
u Vrhovni štab koji se nalazio u nekoliko železničkih va
gona sklonjenih u šumu.
Putovanje, tačnije rečeno prevoženje, borci su prove
li pcvajući. Prolamale su se bosanske planine, odjekivala
su brda od pesama srbijanskih, krajiških, ličkih. A uveče ih
je dočekao Drvar, porušen, ali sav partizanski. Šarolik
stroj omladine napravio je špalir od stanice do u grad, kroz
koji su prolazili proleteri iz Srbije. Na čelu stroja bio je
kršan momak sa crvenom zastavom u rukama. A gromka
pesma krajiška, kakvu su proleteri ranije čuli samo oko
Kupresa, odjekivala je Drvarom, da bi se odmah nastavile
pesme proleterske.
Lune je o dolasku u Drvar zapisao u svoj dnevnik:
»Velika sala Radničkog doma je puna devojaka, koje
se sprem aju da idu na branje kukuruza u Sanicu. Ovde su
zanoćile da ujutro produže put. Idu da pomognu svojim
drugovima na frontu. Dok se mi borimo na položajima, one
će zbirati letinu. Već je noć, neke od njih, umorne, spavaju.
Susreće nas jedna mala drugarica, njen zvonki glas odjeku
je salom: Drugarice, naši drugovi dolaze sa položaja, nji-
�ma treba mesta, oni su umorni, oni će opet u borbu’. 'Ustu
pamo im mesto, mi ćemo odmah produžiti put’, odgovaraju
joj. Sala se prazni... One odlaze...«
PETORO SA FOTOGRAFIJE IZ DRVARA
Prvi dan boravka u Drvaru bio je redak doživljaj za
proletere iz Druge. Sem ostalog, kao nova popuna i pojača
nje stiglo im je oko 160 novih boraca iz Dalmacije, među
kojima i dosta devojaka. Bili su to mladi rodom iz okoline
Šibenika, iz sela Konjevrate, Vodice, iz Zagore. Oni su se
usput naoružali sa nekoliko pušaka, a Italijani su ih napali
kod sela Vrlike i Otišića, ali su se Dalmatinci probili i stigli
u oslobođeno Livanjsko polje, a odande se zaputili u Drvar,
njihov dolazak u Drugu proletersku bila je velika radost i
za njih same i za proletere iz Srbije i drugih krajeva
zemlje.
Sve se spremalo za sutrašnju svečanost, jer se znalo
da će među proletere doći Vrhovni komandant. Nada je ra
dila pevajući, željna da iskoristi redak dan kad je brigada
na okupu — da vidi svoje drugove iz školskih klupa. Našii su se njih petoro: Nada, Milić, Mileta, Ćizo i Bota. Nisu
mogli da pronađu Mirka Popovića i Dragoslava Mitrovića
Uču. Taj susret je obeležen i jednom fotografijom koja je
sačuvana, a na kojoj su se poredali jedno do drugog: Milić,
Botat, Nada i Mileta, a Ćizo ispred njih toliko utonuo u
visoku jesenju travu da mu iz nje viri samo glava.
Gotovo čitav sat bili su zajedno petoro Užičana i dru
gara iz školskih klupa. Pre nego su požurili u svoje jedinice,
da bi se pripremili za sutrašnju svečanost pred drugom Ti
tom, oživeli su mnoge uspomene na Užice. Bota i Milić su
bili najgovorljiviji. Bota je priče o svakom ranijem doživlja
ju prožimao humorom i šalama, a kad se u pričama vraćao
Uzicu, spominjao je redom one drugove i drugarice koji su
tamo ostali i o njima se u Drugoj proleterskoj više nije zna
lo baš ništa. Spominjali su i roditelje i profesore, pitali jed
no drugo šta li se tamo sada događa, kakvom li su teroru nji
hovi najmiliji izloženi, na šta niko ništa pouzdano nije znao
da odgovori. Sećali su se onih svojih drugova i drugarica za
koje su pouzdano znali da su pali u borbi: Živote, Milene,
Kokice, Vula Pupavca, Slavka, Mire...
�Misli i priče o doživljajima iz mladosti, vezanim za
Uzice, za roditelje, za Užičku republiku — odvodili su ih
u rodni grad. Oteo bi se pokoji uzdah. Nada je na rastanku,
dok joj je u očima titrao neki čudesno lep sjaj, odlučno
rekla:
—Svi ćemo se, drugovi, vratiti u Užice, i to kao po
bednici!..
— A kad li će to biti, Nado? — pitao je Ćizo, smejući se. — Ti si od svih nas najrealnija...
Nada se uozbiljila:
— Za godinu, možda i za dve. Ali, sigurno!
Bota je uskočio u razgovor:
— Sećaš li se, Nado, kako smo, pirlikom povlačenja
iz Uzica, u Ljubanjam a iznad Zabučja sreli Ljubu Vidojević. Pitala nas je, naivno, kad se vraćamo, a ja sam joj od
govorio — u nedelju! Evo, prođoše nedelje i nedelje. Mora
mo za povratak da izaberemo nedelju, kako bismo bili t?čni, pa m akar koji dan čekali na Zlatiboru...
Ratni vihor se poigrao sa petoro proletera sa te fo
tografije. Svi su zauvek ostali na nekoj od deonica dugog
borbenog puta Druge proleterske. Milić, divni momak i pra
vi proleter, umešan partijski radnik koji nikad nije znao
za um or i teškoće. Kraće vreme bio je sekretar partijske će
lijo u Centralnoj bolnici. Lune beleži u svom »Nedovršenom
dnevniku« da je na božić 1942. godine spavao kod Milića —
u bolnici. U petoj ofanzivi je sa Čedom Minderovićem u Šes
toj istočno-bosanskoj brigadi. Tada je sm trno pogođen konj
dok ga je Milić jahao. Docnije, na Majevici, otišao je u no
voformiranu Šesnaestu muslimansku brigadu — za rukovo
dioca politodela, da bi, naposletku, ne stigavši da primi duž
nost u Šesnaestoj vojvođanskoj diviziji, poginuo na Spreči
pred Tuzlom, 20 januara 1944. godine.
Bota, večito pričljiv i duhovit, nikad umoran i nat
muren, u ratnim danim a se počeo baviti onim što je neo
bično voleo — glumom. Za kratko vreme postao je član —
am ater Pozorišta narodnog oslobođenja. Na stotinama pri
redbi nastupao je kao talentovani recitator, a često i sa
ulogama u pojedinim partizanskim komadima. U tom svom
oduševljenju i potpunoj predanosti glumi, nesrećnim slu
čajem je nastadao upravo na partizanskoj pozornici, u selu
Četvoro iz istog razreda — borci Druge proleteske u Drvaru, oktobra
1942. godine; u gornjem redu: Nada M atić i Radovan Urošević Bota; u
donjem redu: Vladim ir Ćirović Ćizo i Milić Maksimović
��Orašju, nedaleko od Brčkog, 20. septembra 1943. godine.
Te večeri je, za borce i narod i u punom mladalačkom za
nosu, recitovao svoju »Razbijenu violinu«, ispevanu na Krnjinu, u njegovom i Nadinom četvrtom bataljonu. Poginuo
je ne uspevši da ispuni svoje romantičarsko obećanje —
da se rodnom Užicu vrati u nedelju.
Vladimić Čirović Ćizo, momak sa Međaja, kako su ga
užičke devojke među sobom nazivale, čovek plemenite du
še i odličan borac, pregurao je sve nevolje Druge proleter
ske — od Drvara, preko Grahova i Livna, Gornjeg Vakufa,
Neretve, sve do Drine. Na položaju na Šćepan-Polju, iznad
Foče, krajem m aja 1943. godine, Ćizo je pao i tu zauvek
ostao, ostavivši u borbenoj koloni Druge proleterske upražnjeno mesto.
Mileta Milanović, politički komesar čete, vredan poli
tički radnik, pedantno je, iz dana u dan, vodio svoj ratni
dnevnik. Sa svojom četom, njenim pobedama i porazima
živeo je i u okršajim a na Neretvi, na Sutjesci. U toku teških
borbi na brdu Košuru, iznad same Sutjeske, u vreme sva
kodnevnih napada Nemaca, gladi i kriza koje su hvatale iz
nemogle, Mileti je ponestalo snage. Sa grupom boraca na
pustio je položaj i, posle dužeg vremena, dospeo u Krčagovo kraj Užica, u svoju kuću, Bilo je to juna 1943.
Nekoliko meseci živeo je Mileta skriven u svojoj kući.
Ujesen te godine, rodbina je pokušala da ga prebaci
na sigurnije mesto, ali su ga otkrili Ijotićevci i odveli ga
u logor na Banjicu. On se na Banjici, i pored one krize ko
ja ga je zahvatila na Košaru i povela u provaliju — držao
proleterski. Prema kazivanjima logoraša, on je tamo doneo
nove partizanske pesme, uneo pravu sliku među zatvorenike
o snazi Narodnooslobodilačke vojske. Ispevao je i logorašku pesmu »Banjičanka«, Tu je napisao i opširno pismo logorašici Nadi Vuković, svojoj školskoj drugarici, i prvi joj
javio da je njen brat i njegov školski drug, popularni Vule,
hrabro poginuo u teškim borbam a Druge proleterske na
Kupresu. Pred odlazak na streljanje Mileta je istukao noga
ma i pesnicama i zloglasnog gestapovca Vujkovića.
Tu fotografiju snimljenu u Drvaru u Užice je doneo
upravo Mileta. I s njom prve vesti o Drugoj proleterskoj.
Pored ostalog, kazao je da su živi: Nada Matić, Milić Maksimović, Radovan Urošević Bota, Vladimir čirović Ćizo, Mir
ko Popović i Dragoslav Mitrović Učo...
�SA TITOM, POD CRVENOM ZASTAVOM
Sutradan posle tog fotografisanja grupe Užičana, Dru
ga proleterska brigada je u Drvaru, iz Titovih ruku, primila
svoje najveće znamenje — crvenu proletersku zastavu sa
srpom i čekićem na njoj. To je bio najlepši poklon o kome
su ranije sanjali proleteri, znamenje za koje su kao simbol
slobode, pravednosti i socijalizma, mnogi već dali svoje ži
vote, ne dočekavši da crvenu proletersku zastavu vide na če
lu stroja i kolone svoje brigade.
Popodne se brigada postrojila na jednoj livadi kraj
samog Drvara: bataljon do bataljona, četa do čete. Dan ra
nije i toga prepodneva svi proleteri — i oni stari i oni koji
su u njene redove nedavno došli iz Krajine, Like, sa Banije
iz Dalmacije — vežbali su strojevi vojnički korak, ravnan je
i pozdrav starešine. Sve to da bi lepše i složenije pozdravili
Vrhovnog komandanta. Popravljena je odeća i obuća, kako
bi i to u tom svečanom trenutku delovalo što urednije i pri
kladnije.
Kad se na drumu, sa susednog brdašca, ukazao auto
mobil, duž stroja se pronelo: »Eno Tita!« Svi bi se okrenuli
onamo, da vide auto, a onda odmah nastojali da poravnaju
stroj. To je trajalo samo koji minut. Kad se automobil zau
stavio iz njega su izišli: Tito, Ivan Milutinović, Moša Pijade,
Cana Babović i drugi. Odjeknula je komanda za pozdrav.
Tito je obišao strojeve svih bataljona. Iz četa i bataljona su
ga gledale hiljade očiju, većina njih drugi put, posle ćajniča, ali je bilo dosta boraca, u prvom redu mladih, koji su ga
videli prvi put. No svi su, kao jedan, želeli da bolje vide
Tita. Pozdravio ih je antifašističkim borbenim pozdravom,
sa »Smrt fašizmu«, na šta je polje kraj Drvara odjeknulo
od snažnog povika proletera — »Sloboda narodu«. Tito se
popeo na tribinu i održao govor. Slušali su ga njegovi rat
nici, upijali i pamtili svaku njegovu reč, aplaudirali mu i
klicali. Rekao je Tito da su u narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi
postignuti veliki uspesi, da mlada revolucionarna vojska go
tovo godinu i po dana vodi borbu bez ičije pomoći, bez magacina oružja, lišena hrane i opreme. Ali ona postiže pobede
zato što se bori za pravednu stvar, za slobodu, za bolji ži
vot radnih ljudi, zato što je zajedno sa narodom. Tito je
kazao da će borba biti duga, da će pasti još mnogo žrtava,
ali da je pobeda sigurno naša. Borce su posebno oduševile
Titove reči o tome da oslobodilačka borba bukti u svim kra
jevima zemlje: Dalmaciji, Sloveniji, Hrvatskom zagorju...
�Potom je Tito uzeo zastavu Druge proleterske, crvenu
poput krvi koju su proleteri prolili na mnogim bojištima,
poljubio je i predao komandantu brigade Ljubu Đuriću, a
ovaj jednom od nabojlih boraca, Mihajilu Vukajloviću Cr
nom. Onda je Tito i svakom komandantu bataijona predao
zastavu. Posle tog svečanog čina, koji je ostao kao jedan od
najlepših doživljaja proletera, brigada je začas formirala
stroj za defile i pored Tita prošla strojevim korakom.
Posle svečanosti razigralo se kolo partizansko, nastalo
je veselje, odjeknula pesma. Uveče su bataljoni davali pri
redbe za omladinu i narod Drvara.
PRIMERNA BOLNIČARKA I POLITIČKI RADNIK
Tih dana Nada Matić, pomoćnik političkog komesara
bolnice Druge proleterske, neumorno radi i prisno sarađuje
sa Olgom Živković, Verom Kušec i mnogim drugima. Njena
posebna briga su ranjenici. A oko bolnice, oko ranjenika,
bilo da su u pokretu ili na lečenju, uvek je bilo mnogo pos
lova. Nada se svuda nalazila da pomogne, da pritrči kad tre
ba ukazati pomoć ranjenicima, negovati ih, da podmetne svo
ja ram ena pod nosila ranjenička, da u razgovorima uteši i
razmagli neizvesnost oko lečenja i ozdravljenja.
U Tičevu, Peuljama, oko Dinare, doslovno u svim mestima, Nada je umešno i nenametljivo vodila političke razgo
vore, naročito sa ženama. Svojom skromnošću, jednostavnim
i razumljivim rečima ona deluje na žene, a pogotovu omla
dinke, i brzo stiče prijatelje među njima, lakše do'bija smeštaj za teške ranjenike, mleko za iznemogle. U svim tim po
slovima N ada bi, nenametljivo, povela i razgovore o učešću
žena u oslobodilačkoj borbi, o tome koliko je žena, mladih u
prvom redu, u stroju Druge brigade stiglo iz Srbije i njenog
Užica, koliko je krajiških i dalmatinskih devojaka pre koji
r.esec dana došlo u brigadu. Govorila im je o tome kako že
ne u svemu pomažu muškarcima, boreći se, zajedno sa njima,
protiv zajedničkog neprijatelja.
Borci su se u selima sretali i sa decom. Ona su bila
najslobodnija, pa su stalno nešto zapitkivala. Oko dece su se;
obično, nalazili mlađi borci, a među njim a i Nada. Jednoga da
na neko od dece je tražilo olovke za pisanje. Borci su u svojim
džepovima i torbam a našli po koju olovku. Ali je dece bilo
dosta, pa su olovke često prekraćivane na dva-tri dela, a neretko i na više komada, samo da bi svako dete dobilo kakav-takav pribor za pisanje.
�— Razgovarajte sa decom — govorila je Nada u selu
Gerzovu Petru Višnjiću, Žarku Jovanoviću, svom bratu Bošku, Mileni Siterici. — Pričajte im ponešto iz geografije, o
Jugoslaviji, o Bosni, o Srbiji. Sa dva-tri krompra možete im
održati i malo predavanje iz astronomije: pokažite putanje
Sunca, Zemlje i Meseca. Na nekoliko mesta oljuštite krumpir
i objasnite gde je kopno, a gde more. Treba deca da osete i
taj vasionski svet o kome malo znaju. Tako ćete ih lakše pri
vući, a onda im govorite o našoj borbi, o nama, proleterima.
U bolnici, među ranjenicima, ona je bolničarka i par
tijski sekretar i drug koga svi cene i poštuju, pre svega po
predanom i gotovo neprekidnom radu. Nađe vremena da ra
njenika, ako ga lično ne poznaje, upita, da li je član Partije
ili Skoja, da mu pomogne da partijski živi, obavesti ga o no
vostima, pripremi za prijem u Partiju. Pored svih poslova i
obaveza, uvek je nastojala da svaki ranjenik, zatim lekari,
pomoćnici, bolničarke, snabdevači, konjovodci i drugo osob
lje koje je bilo na dužnosti u bolnici — budu politički dobro
i na vreme informisani. Brinula se da se u bolnici nađu po
godne knjige, politička literatura i beletristika, kako bi se i
to štivo, kad to prilike dozvoljavaju, pružilo ranjeniku, od
nosno čitalo grupi. Posebno se brinula o tome da i ranjenici
odu na priredbe koje priređuju bataljoni, ili da grupe izvo
đača programa dođu u bolnicu, među ranjenike.
Radost formiranja Druge proleterske divizije, 1. no
vembra 1942. borci su doživeli kao izuzetno krupan događaj,
što se pogotovu za Nadu moglo reći. Govorila je, kako se sećaju ondašnji ranjenici, da će odsad Narodnooslobodilačka
vojska biti jača, opasnija za protivnika, da će moći probiti
svaki obruč neprijatelja, da za nju neće biti neprelazne pre
preke. Najviše se radovala tome što su u istoj diviziji tri bri
gade iz tri kraja Jugoslavije: iz Srbije, iz Crne Gore i iz Dal
macije.
Druga proleterska je dan oktobarske revolucije pro
slavila u školskoj zgradi u Velikom Tičevu. Učinila je to za
ondašnje prilike dosta svečano: došli su predstavnici svake
desetine, svakog voda, čete i bataljona, a stigle su i delegacije
Četvrte poleterske i Devete hrvatske brigade. Pevala se Internacionala, komesar Dejović je govorio o značaju oktobarske
revolucije, a skup su pozdavili i delegati brigada. Pevalo se
i igralo. Nada je i te svečane novembarske večeri 1942. misli
ma bila u svom Užicu; opet je preživljavala defile partizan
skih jedinica gradom koji je onda bio središte Užičke repu-
�blike, sećala se svakog raskršća svog grada i mnogih likova
iz mnoštva školske omladine, pogotovu onih sa kojima jc
najviše radila kao član Okružnog komiteta Skoja. U mislima
je stigla i u rodnu kuću, svojim roditeljima i bratu Fići. Naj
više se brinula šta će biti sa ocem, je r je odnekud, odmah
posle povlačenja iz Užica, saznala da je uhapšen. Mislila je o
tome kako se u tim teškim ratnim vremenima snalazi .mama
Lepa, da bi odmah, za se, zaključila kako je ona energična
žena i ništa je ne može slomiti; ona će se boriti i izdržati sve
udarce...
Iz misli su je u stvarnost vraćali aplauzi i pesma i
igra; vraćali je u brigadu, među ranjenike. Prekorila je sebe
u mislima: kako se mogla odvojiti od ovako divne svečanosti,
kad sve kipti uzavrelošću, revolucionarnošću i voljom za bor
bu. Ipak, iako pomalo setna za Užicem, bila je zadovoljna.
Tog dana se videla sa bratom Boškom. Kritikovala ga je, od
nosno, kako se to govorilo, »ribala«, zbog nekih »sitnica«:
što se, kako je čula, ne čuva u borbi, već istrčava i kad ne
treba; što je ponekad pomalo i neozbiljan. Opet, bila je srećna što se videla s njim i što je osećala da Boško sve to što
mu kaže prihvata vrlo ozbiljno i pošteno, upravo bratski, jer
je ccnio što zna više od njega i što mu sve »skreše u brk«.
Ipak, najradosnija je bila što je imala prilike da ga zagrli i
izljubi — m akar i u mimoilaženju kolona.
Proleteri su u to vreme imali mnogo okršaja. Tukli su
se na Bosanskom Grahovu; četiri puta je brigada po najve
ćoj buri prelazila Dinaru i oko Knina se tukla sa ustašama,
Italijanim a i četnicima iz Dalmacije. Bili su to naporni marševi, ali značajni za partizanski uticaj u narodu, za dalje razvjajnje borbe protiv okupatora, ustaša i četnika.
SPAŠAVANJE DRUGOVA U I.IVNU
Početkom decembra Drugu proletersku je, posle jed
nog iznenadnog prepada ustaša na Četvrti bataljon, brigadnu
komoru i štab brigade — zadesila velika nevolja: ustaše su
zaplenile njenu proletersku zastavu. Nešto ranije, brigadni
zastavnik Crni je ranjen i upućen u bolnicu. Zastava je os
tavljena u jedan sanduk u brigadnoj komori. U trenutku ustaš
kog prepada, konj koji je nosio sanduk sa zastavom od puc
njave se prepao, istrgao se konjovodcu i pobegao prema us
tašama. To je bilo veliki udar za svakog borca, tim pre jer
�se ta tragična vest brzo razglasila i tako reći svi su za nju
saznali. Štab brigade je prekoren čak od druga Tita, koji je,
sem ostalog, rekao:
— To nisu krpe, već proleterska zastava!..
U to vreme se spremao napad na ustaše u Livnu. A ka
ko se znalo da su ustaše iz tog grada zaplenile proletersku
zastavu, to se sa tim napadom žurilo. Od druga Tita je stigia
kratka poruka:
»Livno mora pasti! Zastava se mora pronaći!..«
Takva odluka oduševila je svakog proletera. I stvarno,
posle žestoke dvodnevne borbe, posle juriša i podviga bom
baša i todbžija na Bašajkovcu i upada u grad jednog bataIjona Četvrte proleterske, Livno je, opštim jurišem proletera,
oslobođeno. U napadu na ustaški dom jurišao je i vod boraca
Trećeg bataljona. Desetar Rudolf Kalauz, pretresajući fijoke ustaškog glavešine Bobana, pronašao je brigadnu zastavu.
To je bio razlog za oduševljenje proletera. Livno je oslobo
đeno. Radost proletera, doživljena posle duboke tuge, bila
je neizmema. Slučaj je hteo da u borbi za Livno pogine i us
taški zlikovac Perajica, koji je predvodio ustaše u prepadu
na Četvrti bataljon u Ljubunčiću. Desetorica proletera dali su
živote u borbi za Livno. Na njihovoj svečanoj sahrani, partij
ski rukovodilac brigade, Krcun, održao je dirljiv posmrtni
govor, kazujući da su oni junaci osvetnici proleterske zastave.
Bolnica i sve njeno osoblje u borbama za Livno imalo
je pune ruke posla. O žestini borbi svedoče i podaci o 10 po
ginulih i 64 ranjena proletera iz Druge brigade.
— U vreme borbe za Livno položaj minobacača bio je
blizu bolnice. Kad je trebalo da otvore vatru, jedan minobacačlija se zapleo: pogrešno je okrenuo minu i ubacio je u cev,
na šta je ona eksplodirala i ranila nekoliko minobacačlija.
Nastali su jauci. I mi smo se svi poplašili, ne snalazeći se
odmah. Međutim, Nada Matić, naš partijski sekretar, prva
je otrčala među minobacačlije i brzo ih oslobodila od šoka,
dok smo mi ostali stigli da im ukažemo prvu pomoć — seća
se Vera Kušec. — Nada je bila izuzetno pribrana, požrtvovana i hrabra drugarica i u ovoj situaciji. Bila je u bolnici po
moćnik komesara, radila je sve poslove, nikad odmorna nije
bila, a uvek je priželjkivala da ide u svoj Četvrti bataljon,
u svoju četu — u streljački stroj.
U vreme priprema za Prvi kongres antifašističke om
ladine i u Drugoj proleterskoj se, kao i u drugim brigadama
i divizijama NOVJ, povelo takmičenje vodova, četa i bata-
�ljona. O tom krupnom događaju obavešten je svaki borac,
uglavnom na bataljonskim konferencijama. U svakom bataIjonu držana su predavanja o doprinosu omladine u borbi
protiv okupatora, u jačanju bratstva i jedinstva. Na konic
tencijam a je rečeno da će bataljoni za Kongres birati svoje
delagate ,sve najzaslužnije borce. Iz Druge proleterske su,
u prvoj polovini decembra, za delegate izabrani: Petar Ivanović Perica, Dragoslav Mitrović Uča, Zagorka Stoilović Zaga
M ladomir Stojadinović, Dragoljub Milošević Ćikalo, Boško
Malić, Milorad Krga, Boško Buha, Ljubomir Pavlović Koča,
Grozdana Belić Zina, Radoslav Ilić Mika. Svi delegati su se
okupili u štabu brigade i na sastanku, kome je prisustvovao
i zamenik političkog komesara Krcun, analizirali rezultate
takm ičenja u brigadi. Sutradan, u Livnu, okupili su se i de
legati iz Četvrte crnogorske i Druge dalmatinske, gde su se
folografisali sa komandantom divizije Pekom Dapčevićem i
političkim komesarom Mitrom Bakićem. Na putu za Bihać,
gde je održan Kongres, delegacija omladine Druge proleter
ske je, u bolnici u Bosanskom Petrovcu, posetila svoje ra
njene drugove, među kojima Milovana Vukajlovića Crnog,
prvog zastavnika brigade.
U Bihaću, na Kongresu, Druga proleterska je stekla
veliku popularnost. Nju je naročito dobro predstavio bombaš
Boško Buha svojim jednostavnim i upečatljivim govorom o
tome kako proleteri osvajaju neprijateljeve bunkere.
Posle povratka iz Bihaća, delegati su bili svedoci ve
likog interesovanja boraca brigade o tome kako je radio
Kongres, šta su i koga videli, šta doživeli. U svim četama ili
bataljonim a držani su posebni sastanci na kojima su delega
ti prepričavali svoje utiske, a svako od njih je posebno go
vorio o tome kako je burno pozdravljen Boško Buha. Pro
leterim a je to, razume se, pričinjavalo posebno zadovoljstvo.
Nada Matić je na svoj način doživljavala omladinski
kongres i tako brojno učešće mladih iz brigade na njemu.
B rata Boška tih dana nije videla i pomalo se ljutila na sebe
šta ga je koji put i grdila za neopreznost u borbi i nestašluke. Sad je videla da to nije bilo potrebno, je r čim ga je bataljon birao za delegata — to znači da je on borac na svom
mestu! I to ne samo borac, već i komunista i čovek.
Posle Kongresa, u vreme kad su delegati već bili stigli
u brigadu, Nada se jedne večeri, u pokretu, obradovala izne
nadnom susretu sa delegatom i drugom iz đačkih dana, Dragoslavom Mitrovićem. Podugo su išli jedno pored drugog, u
�koloni. Nada je pitala najviše o Kongresu, o broju delegata,
o odlukama koje su donete, o tome kako je i o čemu delega
cija brigade razgovarala sa drugom Titom kad je bila kod
njega na prijemu. Pitala je i o Bihaću, tada najvećem slobod
nom gradu, o životu u njemu.
Te večeri Nada i Dragoslav su se prisećali i Užica, dru
govanja, njihovog razreda, — onog divnog Kolektiva, skojevskih sastanaka. Jedno drugo su pitali: »Kad ćemo stići u
Užice?« I smejali se tom pitanju, mada su i jedno i drugo
govorili kako ih, možda, upravo ovaj pokret vodi u Srbiju,
čak u Užice.
Taj pokret bio je samo deo velikog puta iz Krajine, ka
jugoistoku. Najpre će brigada, još jednom, učestvovati u na
padu na Kupres. Iako se s tim napadom nije uspelo, za Dru
gu proletersku on je ostao kao veoma značajan po podvigu
koji je izvela jedna grupa njenih boraca. Ona je u jednoj tanketi, zaplenjenoj od ustaša u Livnu, upala u Kupres i čitavu
noć vodila borbu sa ustašama. A kad je tanketa oštećena —
posada je uspela da se izvuče iz grada.
ROĐENA »ZA PARTIJSKI RAD«
U bolnici je Nada bila primer skromnosti, vrednoće i
pažnje prema ranjenicima. Za nju nije bilo nerešivih teško
ća, prevelikih uzbuđenja, malodušnosti i panike. Njene dru
garice koje su tada s njom radile u bolnici, i danas se sećaju
reči koje im je ranjenik Milivoje Nikitović Furtula često
upućivao, prekorevajući ih:
—Sto se ne ugledate na Nadu? Odmah vas uhvati pa
nika, uplašite se pokreta i velikog broja ranjenika...
Nekoliko meseci pošto je Nada postala partijski ruko
vodilac bolnice u jednom izveštaju upućenom iz brigade Cen
tralonom komitetu SKJ kaže se, sem ostalog, da je partijski
rad u bolnici napredovao odkad je formirana partijska jedi
nica. To je samo potvrđivalo onu ocenu koju je o Nadi dao
komesar brigade Aleksa Dejović kad je određena za zamenika komesara bolnice: »Nada je rođena za partijski rad...«
Odista, ona je umela da radi sa ljudima: sa svim bor
cima; sa ranjenicima; sa starešinama; sa drugaricama; sa na
rodom u mestima gde je bolnica prenoćila ili predahnula,
gde je boravila. Za svakog i o svakom je znala da kaže pra
vu, jednostavnu i razumljivu reč.
�Posle Livna i K upresa Nada je bila zajedno sa Milenom
Sitericom, devojkom koju je neobično volela. Milena je Nadi,
u stvari, zamenila najintim niju i najbolju drugaricu iz škol
skih dana, Milenu Spasojević, koja je još pre godinu dana
pala u borbi. Njih dve su, kao devojke, imale i svoje intimne
priče. Obadve su imale momke u brigadi, intimno ih volele,
ali to nisu ni njim a smele da kažu, Nada pogotovu. Milena je
bila otvorenija pa je katkad o Lunu govorila i drugim drugaricama:
— Prošao je moj »princ na konju«, moj div...
Znale su to njene drugarice. Ženskom oku je i u ratnim
prilikam a teško moglo promaći, pa ni pogledi pri susretima,
u mimoilaženju kolona. Milenica, pak, to nije posebno ni kri
la.
Nada je bila drugačija. Ona je volela Aleksu Dejovića
kao pravog partijskog radnika, komunisti iz »snova«, ener
gičnog borca, koji nikad ne poklekne, sve može. Ali, zavolela
ga je i kao čoveka, muškarca. Bila je zaljubljena u njega —
»do ušiju«. K atkad bi »otvorila dušu« Milenici ili Veri Kremić, pričajući im o Aleksi kao svom idolu. Ipak, bila je svesna da je vreme ratno i surovo, borba neprestana i bespošted
na, da to njenu ljubav nasilno odlaže i ogoljuje, dajući pred
nost svakodnevnim poslovima, danonoćnim obavezama.
Nada je bila poznata po svojoj brizi o ranjenicima, i
to ne samo onim što ih je, sa drugaricama, lečila u brigadnoj
bolnici, već i o onima težim, koji su bili u pravim bolnicama,
u gradovima. Mnogima je pisala, raspitivala se za zdravlje i
oporavak drugih, pitala kad će opet doći u brigadu, da ih
drugovi željno očekuju.
U to vreme Dana Milosavljević, borac četvrtog bataIjona, bila je ranjenik u bolnici u Bosanskom Petrovcu. I
pored svega ratnog vihora ona je uspela da sačuva pismo ko
je su joj zajedno pisale Nada i Milenica. Pismo su napisale
�31. decembra 1942. godine, posle oslobođenja Livna i upada
Kostjine tankete u Kupres, i sada se čuva u Muzeju revoluci
je u Beogradu.
»...Kako si!« — pitala je Milenica Danu u pismu. —
»Ja sam dobro. Bila sam u borbama na Livnu i Duvnu. Bri
gada je na položaju, a moja četa u Livnu drži stražu. Gina
Vuksan je bila ranjena u nogu, sad je dobro. Naša tanketa,
koju smo zarobili u Livnu, išla je na Kupres. U njoj su bili
Vojin Đurašinović Kostja iz Prateće čete i jedan Crnogorac
(Petar Vojvodić prim. J. R.), a ostalih devet iz našeg bataljona. Da bih te obradovala reći ću ti koji su to heroji: Slavko
Petrović, Milutin Perović koji je neustrašiv, Slavko Pantović, Rajko Kovačević iz Druge čete, Vule ćirković, Vidoje
Borović, Jovo Aćimović i Selimir Jovanović. Oni su bili do
brovoljci za tanketu. Tukli su se pet sati, a u početku su
bili svi ranjeni. Da li je tamo drug komandant Nikola Ljubičić, moj politikom Jovo Njego, moj komandir Mijo Đajić?
Ima li tamo koga iz našeg bataljona? Pozdravi ih sve puno!
Popularna »trojka«, rukovodioci bolnice Druge proleterske u četvrtoj
ofanzivi: dr Vera Kušec, Nada Matić (na konju) i Vojin Đurašinović
�Biće sigurno ponosni na svoj bataljon kad čuju. Ne znam
šta bih ti još pisala. Izdrži sve junački, ne zaboravi ko si.
Pa onda u nove borbe, blizu je kraj. Ja sam dobro, bataljon
je dobro, brigada još bolje, a divizija samo gura napred. Fa
šisti su sve slabiji, a mi dobijamo sve nove snage. Naša bor
ba je opravdana, mi hoćemo novi život i da mladost dece sa
dašnje ne bude gorka kao naša. Ali ako doživimo!? Pa i mi
čemo uživati i stvarati novo društvo, izgrađivati socijalizam«.
Na istom papiru, ispod Mileninog pisma, nastavlja pis
mo i Nada Matić:
»Draga Danice,
Da ti i ja napišem bar dve-tri reči. Ali pošto sam ja
»mnogo zaposlena« to se ti zadovolji sa ovim što ti je Mile
na napisala. Ona ti je sad bolesnik pa ima vremena na baca
nje. Želim ti da što pre ozdraviš i da opet dođeš kod nas,
Pozdrav od Nade«.
U ŽARIŠTU BITKE ZA RANJENIKE
Uskoro je nastala četvrta neprijateljeva ofanziva; do
šlo je do dram atičnih borbi na reci Neretvi i oko nje. Preko
100.000 Nemaca, Italijana, ustaša i četnika, preko 150 aviona
i mnoge tehnike neprijatelji su pokrenuli u operaciji velikih
razm era da bi, kako su nameravali, uništili »Titovu državu«.
Druga proleterska je išla dolinom Drežanske i zauzela Drežnicu, pa su njeni delovi već prošli reku Neretvu. Međutim oni
se, po naređenju Vrhovnog štaba, ponovo vraćaju, opet —
preko Neretve. Trebalo je braniti ranjenike, izvršiti protivnapad na Nemce prem a Gornjem Vakufu.
Bila je to neobična stvarnost. Tito je naredio da se
ruše svi mostovi na Neretvi. Brigada se od Drežnice kamioni
ma prebacuje u Prozor. A samo pre nekoliko dana se lomila
preko Štitara, zaglavljivala se u dubokom snegu, šuljala niz
urvine. A sada — nemačkim i italijanskim zaplenjenim ka
mionima — za Prozor! U šćitu, zamenik komandanta Lune
i načelnik štaba Sredoje Urošević, svraćaju u Vrhovni štab
i tamo od druga Tita dobijaju naređenje za napad na Nem
ce na Makljenu i Crnom vrhu. Od Prozora brigada opet peša-
�či usiljeno, ali za proletere nema prepreke. Uskoro su uleteli u žestoke okršaje protiv Nemaca, pa u prvi sudar na Cr
nom vrhu, na Pidrišu, Gornjem Vakufu. Ovde su proleteri
napadali i sa zaplenjenim italijanskim tenkovima. Bio je to
deo borbe za spašavanje oko četiri hiljade ranjenika koji su
nalazili u prozorskoj kotlini. Na Crnom vrhu, i svuda oko
njega, Nemci su bili potučeni »do nogu«. Oni su napadali i
tenkovima, žestoko tukli artiljerijom, bombardovali avioni
ma, a ipak su potučeni. Proleteri su svojim očima opet, kao
i mnogo puta ranije, videli kako Nemci bežc, odstupaju, os
tavljaju topove, minobacače. Borci iz Prve čete Prvog bataljona na Crnom vrhu su zarobili grupu Nemaca, među ko
jima je bio i nemački major, komandant bataljona. Mladi
borac Vid Akšić, koji je pre nekoliko meseci stupio u prole
tere.. načinio je pravi podvig. Kad se borba stišala na Crnom
vrhu, drugovi su ga uputili sa čuturicom da negde pronađe
vode da ugase žeđ. Uskoro, on je nabasao na grupu Nemaca
koja se bila sakrila u guste kleke. Jedan Nemac je opalio
dva metka iz pištolja, ali je promašio. Vid je odmah potegao
pušku i pozvao Nemce na predaju. Nemci su se predali bez
otpora. Nemačkog majora, komandanta bataljona, zarobio je
nepismeni dečak, proleter. Zarobljeni Nemac uskoro je pre
dat štabu brigade, pa štabu divizije, koji je od njega dobio
dragocene podatke o planovima neprijatelja u ovoj operaciji.
žestoki su bili sudari i sa Nemcima na Makljenu. Ko
mesar čete u Prvom bataljonu Dragoslav Marković, onako
umoran i iznemogao, seo je u toku borbe na grudobran nemačkog rova. Nemci i proleteri su se već bili izmešali. Uto
je Marković ugledao jednog Nemca sa pištoljem u ruci i
svom snagom se bacio na njega, hvatajući ga za pištolj. Nemac
je ispucao sve metke ustranu, pa se uhvatio u koštac sa ko
mesarom i oborio ga. Ali, Marković se nije dao. Kotrljaju se,
odozgo je čas jedan čas drugi. Nemac je jači, uhranjen, odmorniji. Počeli su se i ujedati. Nemac je gotovo odgrizao pa
lac komesarove desne ruke, pritisnuo ga uz jedno drvo i po
čeo da ga davi. Pritrčao je vodnik Momo Spasić i počeo
kundakom da tuče Nemca po šlemu, ali je pogodio komesara.
Kad se pribrao počeo je tući Nemca po leđima i uspeo da
ga svali sa komesara. Nemac je počeo da beži, a Spasić ga iz
puške smirio.
Izmešali su se sa Nemcima i drugi, hrvajući se. Laza
Tešić, zamenik komandanta bataljona, uhvatio se sa Nemcem
�i oteo mu mašinku. Borci iz okoline Grahova i Peulja takođe su se gušali sa Nemcima u toj žestokoj borbi. Komšija je
dozivao komšiju — da čuje da li je još živ, treba li mu po
moć. U najtežem okršaju čuli su se glasovi: »Ej, Markane!
Evo Švabe na meni, svetu mu neđeljicu. Pomozi, brate!« A
komšija, sad pouzdan ratni drug, odgovara: »Ne merem od
svog Švabe, dok ga ne smaknem«.
Na Strm cu, iznad samog Gornjeg Vakufa, Četvrti i Prvi
bataljon su izdržali strahovito bombardovanje. Među pogi
nulima je bila i hrabra Gina Vuksan, učenica trećeg razreda
užičke gimnazije, najmlađa u bataljonu. Bila je toliko ma
lena, da je puška bar za koji santim etar bila duža od nje.
Jedno vreme je išla polubosa, dok joj komanda čete nije na
bavila lepe crvene čizmice. Po plavoj kosi i crvenim čiz
micama svi su je znali. Bila je vrlo hrabra. Iako je bila bo
rac, p ritrčala je puškom itraljescu da ga privije, misleći da je
ranjen, a on je već bio nepomičan. Htela je da izvuče puškomitraljez, ali je i ona pala od eksplozije nove avionske
bombe...
Samo u tom danu poginulo je 25, a ranjeno 75 prole
tera.
Druga proleterska slavila je pobedu na Makljenu, Cr
nom vrhu, pred G ornjim Vakufom. Sve jedinice koje su uče
stvovale u protivudaru prem a Vakufu, posebno na Vilica gu
mnu, imale su dosta uspeha. Titova zamisao o obmani Nemaca o pravcu proboja — rušenjem svih mostova na Neretvi
i prolivudarom prem a severu — sasvim je uspela. Nemci,
Italijani, ustaše, četnici, svi su očekivali dalje napade Tito
vih divizija prem a severu. Međutim, Tito je sve svoje snage
okrenuo opet prem a Neretvi, gde je nabrzinu jedan srušeni
most osposobljen za prelazak reke.
U danima te surove i teške neprijateljeve ofanzive u
velikim nevoljama su se našli narod, vojska, ranjenici, zbeg.
Teško je oceniti kome je bilo teže. Ipak, ranjenici, a naro
čito oni teški, doživljavali su najveće nevolje.
Te naporne i preteške dane, kad se svaki borac i se
ljak sa područja zahvaćenog borbom borio za spašavanje ži
vota svakog ranjenika, Olivera Kremić Vera, koju su svi os
lovljavali i zvali kao Kremićku, bila je bolničarka u bolnici
Druge proleterske. Tu je svakog dana i časa sarađivala sa
Nadom i Verom Kušec. Jedne večeri ranjenici su zanoćili u ne-
�koliko seoskih kuća. Trebalo ih je zbrinuti, nahraniti, sremiti
im što podnošljiviji konak. Kremićka se sa nekoliko ranjenika
našla u kući jedne negostoljubive žene. Među ranjenicima
je bio i jedan teži.Videći da je kuća imućna, da u njoj ima
hrane i mleka, obratila se domaćici, postarijoj ženi:
— Majko, vidim da imaš dosta mleka. pa te molim da
mi malo daš za ovog teškog ranjenika.
Namemo nije rekla za sve, nego za tog jednog, najte
žeg, kako bi ocenila u kojoj je meri domaćica osećajna. Me
đutim, domaćica je odgovorila sebično i oholo:
— ’Oću, ako ćeš mi dati tu tvoju bijelu bluzu.
Vera je bila human čovek, spremna na sve lične žrtve
za spas ranjenika. Odmah je počela da svlači bluzu.
— Evo, daću ti...
Međutim, seljanka se u tren predomislila. Prišla je
nosilima i počela da sa njih skida sneg. Vera je pomislila da
to seljanka hoće da vidi ranjenika. Prevarila se, seljanka je
ugledala ćebe na ranjeniku, opipala ga i onda rekla Veri:
— Bolje će biti da mi daš ovo ćebe!
— Majko, vidiš li da je teški ranjenik pokriven tim
ćebetom. Sta će bez ćebeta? Rana će mu i ozebsti, pored toga
što ga boli...
— On će i onako umreti. Bolje je da ti meni daš ćebe,
a ja ću tebi mleka...
— Dok je seljanka pričala u meni je sve kuvalo. Nikad
nisam naišla na tako sebičnu ženu. A kad je rekla da će ra
njenik »ionako umreti« — prekipelo mi je — priča Vera. —
Udarila sam je nekoliko puta, dušmanski. Naravno, nastao je
lom. Uzbuđenje — kako smem da tučem ženu, još domaćicu.
Srećom, brzo je odnekud dotrčala Nada Matić i smirila me,
spustila me na zemlju...
— Smiri se, Vera. Nahranićemo ranjenike i bez ove
sebične seljanke — govorila je Nada, dok sam ja još sevala.
Sutradan, Kremićka je morala — na raport kod Krcuna. On je bio glavni »sudija« za sve greške, pa* i za ovako
grube ispade.
— Sta si to uradila, crna Kremićka? — pitao ju je
Krcun.
— Sta sam uradila? Rekli su ti već, znam sigurno. Eto,
da ti potvrdim: prebila sam dušu u njoj.
�— Znaš li da za tako nešto može da se zaradi i sm rtna
kazna?
— Znam — govori Vera bez uvijanja.
A Krcun će opet:
— Ko te je obuzdao, boga ti?
— A ko bi drugo već Nada Matić!
Krcun ućuta, pa će:
— Nada Matić? Naravno. To je i komunista, i čovek,
i žena — ma šta god hoćeš, a uvek na mestu. A ti? Pretukla
seljanku!
Opet Krcun malo poćuta, kao da hvata dah, pa do
daje:
— Kremićka, da ne znam kako si human čovek i koli
ko se boriš za naše ranjenike — ne znam šta bih predložio za
tebe. Ali, ako ti se ovako nešto ponovi — svašta može biti. Mo
že, bogami, i najgore...
Reče to Krcun i ode, bez pozdrava.
— Od Nade sam i ja i mnoge moje drugarice mnogo
šta naučila — seća se Kremićka. — Ona je umela u pravom
smislu da smiri čoveka, otvori perspektivu, kaže toplu ljud
sku reč. U ratnim danima bila sam gruba žena. Znala sam
čak da istučem vodiča kad mi pogrešnim putem vodi kolonu.
I tada bi mi Nada priskočila upomoć. Tiho bi mi prišla i go
vorila: »Draga Vera, ništa tako nećeš postići. Ti si veoma do
b ar čovek. Ponekad si i previše humana. Ali, eksplozivna si.
Moraš uvek pomisliti šta će biti posle nekog tvog postupka...
Kad ćeš već jednom ozbiljno zakucati na vrata Partije? Ova
kvim postupcim a nećeš skoro. Kako ću da branim tvoju kan
didaturu kad ovako nešto činiš?!«
Više puta su Nada i Kremićka govorile i o ljubavi.
K remićka nije umela ništa da sakrije. Znala je da to u ra t
nim prilikam a ne ide, jednostavno, da se tog mora odricati,
a ona se začas zagleda u druga, u borca, komandira. Zaljubi
se. Nada je bila drukčija, sasvim. Postojanija. Govorila je
Kremićki od srca:
— Draga m oja Vera, moraš uvek im ati na umu da mi
živimo u ratno vreme, kad je sve usmereno na borbu, na dis
ciplinu, na ispravan odnos prem a narodu. Svi smo mi od
krvi i mesa i to od mlade, vruće krvi u kojoj život vri. Ču
vaj se i zbog sebe i zbog svih nas. Ako nekog voliš — voli ga
pogledom, osmehom. Ako nekog poljubiš, ne moraju te svi
videti. Poljubi ga — i zaboravi. U naše vreme se voli samo
srcem i dušom. Naša veličina je i u tome da ponešto ostavi
mo i za sutra, za vreme kad rat protutnji...
�Posle pobeda na Makljenu i Crnom vrhu, i Druga pro
leterska maršuje prema Neretvi, pa preko ranije srušenog
željezničkog mosta prelazi reku. U Krstaču, u prvoj borbi
po prelasku Neretve, brigada se sudarila sa jakom grupaci
jom četnika, iznenadila ih, razbila i proterala. Druga proleter
ska brigada prodire sve dublje. Ona je prethodnica Druge
proleterske divizije. I redom tuče četničke gotovo razbijene je
dinice: u rejonu sela Idbar, i Ljubini planini, kod Bijele i sve
do Boračkih jezera. Ne zna se šta je u tom prodoru, marševima i borbama bilo teže: bespuće, surova zima, ledene kiše ili
slaba, gotovo nikakva ishrana boraca i ranjenika.
Posle Boračkih jezera redaju se: Glavatičevo, Nevesinjsko polje, Obalj, Kalinovik. Veštim manevrom deo brigade
se u borbama kod Kalinovika zabacuje za leđa neprijatelju i
ugrožava mu bok. U brzim i iznenadnim okršajima proleteri
zbunjuju četničke jedinice, koje se povlače, beže, predaju
se. Proleteri presecaju drum Kalinovik — Foča. Jedna četa
P nog bataljona, posle obaveštenja meštana da je četnička
artiljerija otišla putem prema Foči, pojurila je drumom,
uskoro stigla četnike, naterala ih u bekstvo, a zaplenila dve
haubice sa granatama i čitavu četničku komoru. Razbijeni
kod Kalinovika, četnici su prinuđeni da beže prema Drini i
Foči. Morali su napustiti ćelu teritoriju na levoj obali Drine.
Tokom »četvrte neprijateljske ofanzive«, bolnica Dru
ge proleterske s mukom i velikim naporima kretala se sa bri
gadom, transportovala ranjenike, negovala ih, lečila. Put je
bio naporan, bolesnika i ranjenika mnogo. Ali, marševala je
bolnica uporedo s brigadom. Štab brigade uvek je posebno
brinuo o bolnici i ranjenicima. To je već postala tradicija.
TIFUSARSKI HOD PO MUKAMA
U blizini Kalinovika, bolnica je bila na kraćem odmo
ru. Ranjenici su se oporavljali a osoblje poslovalo, brinući se
o lekovima, rublju, ishrani. Nada je bila zauzeta razgovori
ma sa ranjenicima, kad se pred njom pojavio iscrpljen, sav
osušen kao senka borac — bivši tifusar. Tražio je baš nju,
Nadu Matić.
— Ko si ti, druže? — pitala ga je Nada. — Iz koje si
brigade?
— Zar me ne poznaješ? Ja sam Boško. Tvoj brat!..
— Joj, Boško, kakav si, rođeni moj?! Nikad te ne bih
poznala — povikala je Nada i pritrčala da ga zagrli.
�Uzela je Boška za ruku, odvela ga u jednu zgradu, donela tople vode i sapuna, pa ga skinula do gole kože i dobro
okupala, preobukla i smestila da se odmori i polako nahrani.
— Ne sedam se da me je i moja majka Lepa tako paž
ljivo i nežno kupala kad sam bio dete — govori Boško o toj
svojoj zgodi.
Tužna je i surova Boškova tifusarska priča.
Osetio je tem peraturu još kad su delegati krenuli iz
Bihaća, sa omladinskog kongresa. Iz dana u dan bilo mu je
sve gore. I kad je bilo jasno da je dobio tifus, ostao je u
jednoj bolnici — ne zna ni u koje vreme, niti koja je to bol
nica bila. Zna da je to bio jedan od ešelona Centralne bolni
ce. Nekako se dogurao do iznad Prozora. Ali, bolest je po
čela da uzima maha. Opala mu je i kosa sa glave. I još gore
— obadve noge su mu paralizovane. Nije mogao ni da se po
digne iz ležećeg stava. Lakši bolesnici nosili su ga na rukama
kad je, iz neke nužde, morao da iziđe iz prostorije. Muke su
to bile prevelike. Gotovo ništa nije znao šta se događalo oko
njega. Postao je neosetljiv, ravnodušan na sve. Trajaće to
nekoliko dana.
Jednog ju tra komesar ešelona je rekao bolesnicima:
— Drugovi, Nemci su blizu! Ko može neka ide, neka
se povlači. Ko ne može dalje — mi mu ne možemo pomoći.
Idite kako bilo, samo da se odmičemo od ubica. Prikupite svu
snagu. Možda će kasnije, kad se odavde izvučemo, biti po
moći.
Boško je osetio strah. Uplašio se da ne ostane.
— Neću nikako da ostanem — govorio je. bolesnicima
oko sebe. — Ići ću m akar četvoronoške! Samo me, drugovi,
iznesite napolje...
To je rekao i počeo se grčiti — kao da hoće da krene.
Izneli su ga iz kuće. Ta silna želja za životom, želja da se iz
makne ispred Nemaca, da ozdravi i da se bori, pokrenula ga
je. Počeo je da hoda, da se tetura, ali i da odmiče. Korak za
korakom u koloni ranjenika. Kao da je dobio neku nevidlji
vu snagu. Ćelu noć je putovala ta ranjenička kolona. Boško
se ponekad oslanjao na drugove do sebe, ali je pešačio. Mu
čio se, upinjao, izdržao.
Posle te noći, kad već su ranjenici izmakli ispred nemačke opasnosti, pokreti nisu tako teški i usiljeni. Ipak,
moralo se napred. Znalo se, i tifusari su o tome bili obavešteU istom bataljonu: sestra Nada i brat Boško
��ni: ide se preko Neretve, samo preko jednog jedinog mosta
prvo srušenog pa popravljenog — sve radi spasa ranjenika
i bolesnih. U tim pokretim a iz dana u dan, iz noći u noć,
teškoće su postajale sve veće. Tifusarske muke, uostalom, niko ne zna osim onih koji su ih preživeli — tifusari...
Išle su kolone, teške i trome. Vukle su i pobeđivale
nemoguće. I gladne, i prozeble, i još teško bolesne.
Sve je to Boško gledao, video, mnogo od toga sam pre
živeo. Ali želja da ide, da pobeđuje, da se bori, da nađe
svoju Drugu proletersku — pobedila je! čim je, u blizini Kalinovika, saznao da je negde tu i njegova brigada, ostavio je
tilusarc, svoje drugove sa Neretve, i zdimio, samcit — da tra
ži biigadu. »Ništa bez Druge proleterske!« ponavljao je u
sebi. A kad je naišao na grupu boraca upita ih je: znaju li gde
je Druga proleterska, na šta su mu odgovorili da su i oni nje
ni borci. To je i Boško rekao za sebe. Međutim, oni su videli
da im aju posla sa tifusarom, pa mu nisu mnogo verovali. Ni
ko ga nije poznao ni iz drugih grupa boraca, pa ni oni koji su
ga upućivali kuda da krene da bi stigao do bolnice Druge
proleterske. Toliko se bio izobličio i izmenio da je nalikovao
na avet. Takvog ga, u prvi mah, nije prepoznala ni njegova
sestra Nada.
Zahvaljujući tom susretu sa sestrom Nadom i njenoj
sestrinskoj nezi, hrani i odmoru — Boško se brzo oporavio. I
nije prošlo više od mesec dana od Boškovog dolaska u bol
nicu, a on je već bio sposoban da ide u borbu. Negde iznad
Foče, posle prelaska proletera preko Drine, otišao je u svoj
Četvrti bataljon, među Užičane, Krajišnike i Ličane. Rado
sti njegovih drugova nije bilo kraja. Više meseci o njemu niš
ta nisu znali. Mnogi su ga bili i ožalili.
ŠKRTA, RATNIČKA LJUBAV
Sestra Nada bila je njasrećnija. Srce joj se u toku
preteške ofanzive skupilo — zbog velikog broja ranjenika i
sijaset nevolja s njima, zbog brojnih žrtava koje su, iz borbe
u borbu, padale i zbog velike neizvesnosti za Boškom. Ali sa
da, kad je sve to prošlo, vedrina je opet osvojila njeno lice.
Tu vedrinu je često unosio i veliki optim ista Kostja, ranjenik
sa K upresa i sada kom esar bolnice. Nada Matić, Vera Kušec
i on na zadacima i u nevoljama čak i u najtežim trenucima,
�bili su zajedno, zbog čega su ili ranjenici nazvali »nerazdvoj
na trojka«. Vera se svojski brinula o ranjenicima, oduševlja
vala se njihovom hrobrošću i vedrinom.
Sekretar partijske ćelije u bolnici, Nada Matić neumor
ni ratnik i komunista, uporni politički radnik, na svakom ko
raku je, uvek misleći na Partiju, pripremala nove komuniste
— u koloni, na nosilima, na zastancima, u borbi. I Kostja,
čovek koji je uvek imao »rešenje« za izlaz iz svake nevolje,
koji je umeo da unese vedrinu i u trenucima kad su svi dru
gi »pokisli« od žalosti ili drugih tegoba, znao je da zanimljivo
priča o svemu što je doživeo ili od drugih čuo, da pesmom
ponese ljude. Na molbu Nadinu ili Verinu, Kostja bi uvek
tiho, osećajno i zanosno otpevao pokoju romansu, ili parti
zansku melodiju. Još kad bi se negde uz njega našla i mala
Miler.ica, pesma bi bila pravo uživanje, melem od kojeg se
i na ranu, bar na tren, moglo zaboraviti.
Put kojim je brigada išla od Kalinovika prema Drini
uzbuđivao je borce, naročito one koji su ovuda, gotovo pre
godinu dana, prošli na putu u veliku ofanzivu ka Zapadu. Sad
se ide prema Drini i dalje, a mnogi misle i u Srbiju. Na putu
iz Kalinovika za Borije, Lune beleži u svoj dnevnik:
»...Idemo, ja, Nada Matić i Vojin Đurašinović Kostja...«
Nailaze borci, bombaši. Među njima su Boško Buha i
Sirogojno. Usput je stigao i Aleksa Dejović. On pita da li su
dečaci umorni. A Buha mu odgovara: neka to pita »matorce«,
možda su oni umorni. Počinju šale, pesma. Buha zapitkuje
Aleksu da Ii će on da se s njima porve, sad ovde, pred Dri
nom. Zvao je, kaže, Luna kod Drvara, a ovaj nešto izvrda
vao. »A ko zna: možda se zamenik komandanta nećkao i za
to što bi ga, onako snažnog, oborio »mali Buha« smeje se na
sva usta nestašni bombaš. I Aleksa obećava: pohrvaće se s
Buhom — čim pređu Drinu.
A onda, Lune, Aleksa, kuriri, Zina i još poneko zaigraju
»šljake«.
Jedne od tih prolećnih večeri, pred Drinom, opet su
bile zajedno Nada i Milenica. Dugo razdvojene i podaleko
jedna od druge, retko su se viđale, pa su sada imale o čemu
jedna drugoj da pričaju. Uvek vesela, katkad i lirski raspo
ložena, Milenica je upitala Nadu:
— Jesi li videla juče, ovuda je proša moj »džin«, moj
»princ na konju«?..
Nada se smeškala. Dobro je znala Mileninu ljubav pre
ma Lunetu koju je katkad skrivala, ali je to bila lujbav koja
je iskrila u obome, istina u Milenice jače i vidljivije.
�— Videla sam ga, kako da nisam. Išla sam s njim i
Kosljom podugo — jedno pored drugog. Dugo smo govorili...
— E, i ja sam sc pozdravila s njim. Malo smo se smejali... Ja sam ga pomalo peckala, da mu skinem prerane bore
sa čela...
— Je li ti rekao nešto lepo?
— Rekao mi je najlepše. Pitao me: »Kako je moj
mali čvarak?«
Govorila je to Milenica punim srcem i smejala se.
Nada je bila raspoložena. Milenica je više osećala
je i Nada priprem ljena da otvori srce pred njom .
— A ti, vide li juče Aleksu?
— Tvoga Aleksu? Da se prisetim. Da, videla sam. Bila
si pored njega — odgovorila je Milenica i šeretski se kikotala.
Nada je ćutala. Rumen joj je oblila lice:
— Mi nismo razgovarali jedno s drugim. Bili smo za
jedno, pričao je on sa Lunom, Buha je oko njega čavrljao.
1 ja sam koji put upadala u razgovor, ali nisam ga ništa pi
tala, a ni on mene.
— Kako ga baš ništa ne upita, Nado?
— Eto, nisam. Ali gledali smo se.
— Dobro, a jesi li mu se m akar nasmcšila.
— Pa, jesam malo — utiša Nada.
— A no? — znatiželjno je Milenica upiljila.
— On me je pogledao punim očima. Pogledi su nam se
susreli. Videla sam mu smešak na krajičku usne...
Bilo su to časovi iskrenosti, mladalačke ispovesti dve
devojke. Jedna je bila Nada, devojka sva sazdana od ljudsko
sti, borac koji je ćelo svoje biće poistovetio sa interesima
Partije i postao uzor komuniste i izuzetno hrabar partizan,
prim erna bolničarka, i omiljeni sekretar partijske ćelije u
sredini koja je i u naoko nemogućim ratnim okolnostima
vodila bitku za pomoć ranjenim drugovima. Druga, vižljasta
i vragolasta Milenica, satkana i za borca i za bolničarku, bila
je rođena da zametne pesmu, da se u predasima šali do iz
nemoglosti, da svrze nespretnog druga do sebe i da se tome
do ludila smeje.
JURIŠ PREKO DR INE
Proletere je posle borbe oko Kalinovika čekala Drina,
velika vodena prepreka. A odmah preko nje — četnici po zlu
�čuvenog Pavla Đurišića koji su najureni sa visova oko Kalinovika, i ltalijani u utvrđenoj Foči, pa Nemci i ustaše. Prva
prepreka bila je nadošla Drina. Pokušaji da se u prvom nale
tu na njenu desnu stranu prebace grupe dobrih plivača, Daimaiinaca, nisu uspeli. Onda su jedinice gradile splavove od bal
vana. Njih je nabujala reka začas razbijala. Uz to, italijanska
artiljerija dosta precizno je tukla preko Drine, zasipajući pro
storiju na koju su stigli proleteri. Kad ništa drugo nije mo
glo da se učini, komesar Aleksa Dejović, divni užićki metalac,
sa grupom boraca je počeo da pravi novi, jači splav. U jed
noj napuštenoj baraci u selu Brodu kod Foče pronađeni su
ostaci »Vardine« radionice — šine, balvani, pruga i nešto ala
ta. To se polako pretvaralo u »kovačnicu« Druge proleterske.
Komesar Aleksa je neumorno kovao, mada nije imao ni pravog
alata, ni pomoćnih sredstava. Nije bilo čak ni mehova kovačkih da se bar sa njima razduva i zapali ugljevlje, da se
raspiri vatra i omekša metal toliko da se od njega iskuju
klamfe. Pomagali su mu bombaši, kuriri. A dotle su čete i bataljoni čekali na novi splav.
»Sta ima novo? Hoće li se skoro preći?« — pitaju oći
boraca Užičkog bataljona — pisao je Čeda Minderović. —
»A Drina izdaleka izgleda tiha i blaga«.
Aleksa se sav uneo u posao. Kuje splav da prevede bri
gadu preko Drine. Zaboravio je i na neprijatelja i na njego
vu artiljeriju. Uneo se u posao. Ne čuje Lunetove i Krcunove opomene — da se čuva. A nesreća je, kao i uvek iznenada,
stigla i ovde. Lune o tome beleži u »Nedovršenom dnevniku«:
»Od Krcuna sam dobio pismo da se pazimo. Pošli smo
uveče i počeli da radimo. Opet pismo od Krcuna da sklonimo
Aleksu u kuću Prvog bataljona. Razmišljam kako to da uči
nim, da ga nekako prevarim, ili ubedim da je potrebno da se
skloni, ali me nije poslušao. Zaklonili smo se najzad za bal
vane. Našli smo se u radionici gde je Aleksa tražio šrafove.
Izlazimo napolje, kad odjednom svitani. »To su opalili topo
vi« reče on. Ja trčim pored baraka, on za mnom. Dok puzimo
jedna granata je eksplodirala ispred nas. Nešto me tresnu
u nogu. Aleksa, jesi li živ?« On me zove i trčimo zajedno u
kuću, ali on zasta. Uneli su ga; teško je ranjen, u nesvesti.
Dođosmo do hirurške ekipe. Krcun je s nama. Mnogo se
ljuti. Izvršili su mu operaciju. Plašim se za njegovu nogu...«
Rana je bila teška. Komesarova noga je odsečena. Ali,
isceljenja nije moglo biti. Umro je komesar Aleksa — duša
Druge proleterske, njen ponos. Borci, komandiri, komesari
tužno su šaptali: »Umro je naš komesar, naš Aleksa«.
�Brigada je prešla Drinu. Prešli su svi bataljoni — bez
komesara Alekse.
Pogibija Aleksina unela je tugu i izazvala dubok bol
proletera za velikim, pravim drugom, ali i dala novu, divov
sku snagu borcima, četama, bataljonima, celoj Drugoj prole
terskoj. Kao na krilima su pošli u nove okršaje. Sa Četvr
tom crnogorskom, Trećom sandžačkom, Drugom dalmatin
skom. Krenula je Druga u nove juriše. Redaju se teški su
dari, iscrpljujuće borbe na Humiću, Zavajitu, Cclebiću. Sa
mo u jednom danu gine šesnaest proletera Takovske čete na
Humiću. Sve su to teški dani, ali pobedonosni. Proleteri su
novim pobedama nad neprijateljem osvetili svoga Aleksu.
Nada Matić je tužno, ali dostojanstveno doživela Aleksin odlazak. Ispratila je svoju nedoživljenu ljubav. Srce i
duša su se stegli od bola, velikog, iskrenog.
— Nesreća na Drini rastužila je ćelu našu brigadu, ali
je Nada, sigurno, bila najtužnija — kazuje Vera Kremić. —
Posle te nesreće dugo nismo videli Nadu raspoloženu i nasmejanu. Volela je velikog čoveka, volela ga iskreno, kako je
ona jedino i mogla i htela, a ipak skriveno. I umela je to da
sačuva za sebe. Znala je da je vreme ratno, da je čekaju za
daći Partije, ranjenici, čitava bolnica. Za nju su borba i Par
tija bili najvažniji.
Među veoma značajnim pobedama iz log vremena su
i rezultati borbe koju su tri batal jona Druge proleterske, za
jedno sa Četvrtom i Petom proleterskom, vodila na Međuna
rodni dan rada 1943, na Javorku kod Nikšića. Te snage su
razbile četnike tzv. Nikšićke brigade i kompletan puk Italijanske divizije »Ferara«. Rezultat tih dvodnevnih borbi pro
letera bio je blistav: 670 poginulih oficira i vojnika, 500
italijanskih vojnika, i 200 četnika zarobljeno, zaplenjeno 7
tenkova, 17 kamiona. 15 minobacača, 4 brdska topa, 8 m itra
ljeza, 12 puškom itraljeza, 500 pušaka, 5 radio-stanica, itd. Ta
dobra ratna vest sa pohoda grupe brigada za Crnu Goru bila
je dovoljno velik razlog za iskreno ljudsko radovanje koje je
partijski sekretar Nada podelila sa komunistima i svim ra
njenicima i bolničkim osobljem, tim pre je r je u tome videla
dosta simbolike: proleteri na dan praznika proletera celog
svela zadali su jedan od sm rtnih udaraca svom najljućem
klasnom neprijatelju — fašizmu.
�U PAKLU SUTJESKE, PRED 250 RANJENIKA
Uskoro su došli novi dramatični dani. Počela je »peta
neprijateljeva ofanziva«. Nemci su sa svojim saveznicima i
kvislinzima — u svemu oko 127.000 vojnika — krenuli sa svih
strana protiv snaga Glavne operativne grupe NOVJ koju je
predvodio Vrhovni štab i koja je brojala oko 19.000 boraca
(među kojima je bilo oko 3.500 ranjenika). Iz pokreta su za
tvorili nekoliko obruča oko tih premorenih, nepopunjenih,
oskudno opremljenih jedinica i sabili ili na pasivnom i bes
putnom zemljištu severne Crne Gore, Sandžaka i dela istočne
Bosne. Pored drugih jedinica koje su imali na raspolaganju,
Nemci su za ovu operaciju, u njihovim dokumentima nazva
nu »Svare«, dovukli i svoju zloglasnu Prvu brdsku diviziju
(iz Grčke, sa odmora i popune, posle pretrpljenih poraza na
istočnom frontu) i puk bugarskih fašističkih vojnika, angažovali i osam artiljerijskih pukova i čitavu mešovitu diviziju
avijacije.
Nastale su teške i veoma dramatične borbe koje su
tiajale čitav mesec dana — od 15. maja do 15. juna 1943. go
dine. Te borbe u nas su poznatije po zajedničkom nazivu Bit
ka na Sutjesci.
U vreme »pete« ofanzive brigadna bolnica Druge pro
leterske bila je velika, sastavljena uglavnom od lakših ra
njenika, od kojih je većina i čitavu »četvrtu« ofanzivu pro
vela u bolnici. Posle te ofanzive, deo pokretnih ranjenika iz
Centralne bolnice, koii su ranije bili borci Druge proleter
ske, došao je u brigadnu bolnicu.
Među ranjenicima u brigadnoj bolnici bio je i Rade
Smiljanić, borac Četvrtog bataljona. On je ranjen još na
Kupresu i tokom ofanzive kretao se uz pomoć štapa, pa je,
tako, sa štapom »uleteo« i u »petu« ofanzivu. Tokom ofanzi
ve često se družio sa Nadom. To drugarstvo je još u Užicu
bilo začeto. Nižu gimnaziju su učili zajedno, a kad su oboje
konkurisali za prijem u učiteljsku školu Rade je odbijen
— zbog slabog sluha. Sada, u vreme dugih pokreta ranjenika,
oni su sc, katkad, i na to potsećali
Brigadna kolnica nalazila se u Gornjoj Bukovici, raz
bacanom seocetu, kod Žabljaka. U stvari, ćela bolnica bila
je smeštena u osamljenoj šumarskoj kući. Dva prostrana odeljenja, zastrta slamom, prekrivena ćebadima i šatorskim kri
lima — to je bila bolnica Druge proleterske.
�Jednoga dana trebalo je dovesti nekoliko ranjenika iz
Centralne bolnice u bolnicu Druge proleterske. Taj zadatak
dobili su Nada i Rade Smiljanić. Njih dvoje su se javili ko
mandi mesta u Žabljaku, pa krenuli prema Crnom jezeru
da dovedu ranjenike. Uskoro, nemački avioni su počeli bom
bardovati Žabljak. Njih dvoje su pobegli što dalje od kuća i
našli se na prostranim livadama gde nije bilo zaklona. Kad
su avioni počeli m itraljirati i okolinu Zabljaka, Nada je rekla
Radu odlučno:
— Lezi, Rade!
— Daj da razmolavamo ovo moje ćebe, pa da se njime
pokrijemo. Znaš, ne smemo poginuti ovako glupo, nasred le
dine, moramo izvršiti zadatak...
Začas su preko sebe navukli ćebe, tako da su, odozgo
gledani, izgledali kao neka mala neravnina na livadi. Onako
maskirani, bojom se nisu izdvajali od livade na kojoj trava
još nije ozelenela, pa se iz vazduha nisu mogli uočiti, što im
je spasio glavu. Avioni su leteli i m itraljirali okolo. Zahvalju
jući snalažljivosti očvrslog i iskusnog borca Nade, njih dvoje
su na vreme legli i tako vešto se maskirali da ih piloti nisu
prim etili niti zakačili rafalom. Cim je bombardovanje pre
stalo Nada i Rade su požurili prem a Crnom jezeru i odande
odveli ranjenike u svoju bolnicu.
U Gornjoj Bukovici bolnica je boravila više dana. Rade
je taj boravak u selu zauvek zapamtio, ponajpre po tome šte
je tu kandidovan za člana Partije. Ponajviše je i dosta dugo
s njim radila Nada, priprem ajući ga za prijem u Partiju, da
jući mu zadatke, proveravajući ga u njihovom izvršavanju.
A kada je ocenila da je politički u toj meri zreo i odgovoran
da može prim iti odgovornost komuniste, rad sa njim, onaj
koji je neposredno predstojao pred prijem u Partiju, pre
pustila je Grču Piščeviću.
— Odvojio me Grco od ostalih ranjenika i počeo mi
pričati da je doneta odluka da me partijska ćelija bolnice
kandiduje za člana Partije, pa mi govori o zadacima, o odgo
vornosti. — seća se Rade. — A ja se čudim i velim Grču:
»Šta ti meni pričaš te stvari o Partiji, o kandidatima? Sve ja
to znam. Ja sam skojevac odavno, a i Nada mi o svemu tome
odavna dosta govori...« A on meni: »Dobro: znaš dosta, ali to
ne znači da nećeš znati i više, da ne treba da znaš više.« Na
da je to vreme bila partijski rukovodilac bolnice, u svakom
poslu, kao i uvek, neum oran radnik, svakome od nas pouz
dan drug, sestrinski zauzeta oko ranjenika...
�Za vreme boravka u ovom selu bolnica je dala i neko
liko priredaba za narod i ranjenike. Pored ostalih tačaka,
nastupao je hor kojim je dirigovao Žika Avramović .lakođe
ranjenik.
— Dosta je ranjenika pevalo u tom Žikinom horu —
seća se Rade. — I Nada i ja, iako oboje »besluhovići«, bili
smo članovi hora. Žika me odredio da vodim pesmu »Oj Mo
ralo«. Pevao sam, bolje reći morao sam, jer mi druge nije
bilo, a nije ni ispalo loše, jer su me, srećom, drugi članovi
hora »izvlačili«. Na toj priredbi imali smo i našeg popular
nog »vrapca«. Njega su, ako se dobro sedam, pisali Nada i
žika. Nada je dala dosta podataka za »vrabac« i unela u
njega onu, samo plemenitim ženama svojstvenu meru du
hovitosti i humanizma, žika ga je i pevao sa još jednim
ranjenikom. A taj naš »vrabac« je, kao i toliko puta ra
nije, bio pun bodlji ne samo na račun zlodela neprijatelja,
već, koji put, i na račun naših sopstvenih slabosti, neukosti.
I tada u Bukovici borci i narod su se od srca smejali.
Dani »pete« ofanzive i za bolnicu Druge proleterske
su bili preteški. Ali uprkos svim nevoljama, bolnica se držaia kompaktno, negovala ranjenike i izvukla ih ispred kli
nova neprijatelja, istina s velikim naporima i samopožrtvovanjem. Pred samu ofanzivu u bolnicu je, na politički rad.
upućena i Olga Živković. Pozvao ju je Krcun i rekao joj,
kratko:
— Olga, idi u bolnicu da pomogneš Nadi i Kostji...
Osoblje bolnice Druge proleterske, koja je u ofanzivu
ušla sa preko 200 ranjenika, u to vreme su pored Nade, Kostje i Olge, činili i Vera Kušec, Boško Vidaković, Grco Pišče\ić i drugi. Prema Kostjinom sećanju, jedno vreme bio je
i Srećko Milošević. Bilo je tu više iskusnih i požrtvovanih
bolničarki. Vera Kušec o tim danima govori i ovo:
— Druga proleterska se uvek veoma dobro i nepre
stano brinula o ranjenicima, o bolnici i njenim potrebama.
Uvek nas je smatrala kao borbenu jedinicu. I u samoj »pe
toj« ofanzivi, kad je bila velika oskudica u kadrovima i kad
je svaki rukovodilac bio dragocen, slala nam je pojačanje i
doturala nam uvek najbolje što je imala u onoj velikoj os
kudici opreme i hrane.
Pokreti, napori i nemaština bili su teški i za bolnicu
i za ranjenike. Nada je tih dana punih borbi, pokreta bila
izuzetno iscrpena. I pored svega, brinula se za svakog čoveka koji im je bio poveren, borila se da niko od ranjenika
�ne izostane iz prem orene kolone, cla se ne izgubi. Ali je i
sama, prem orena i iscrpena, padala u fizičke krize.
— U vreme tih dugih i napornih pokreta imali smo
oko 250 ranjenika — seća se Olga. — Kolona se otegla. Teš
ko se ide. Ljudi padaju, pa se pokreću, traže pomoć. Nada
se, sa nekim od osoblja, vraća, pomaže, određuje lakše ra
njenike da priđignu iznemogle. Njoj je povremeno ponestajaio snage. Jedanput kad je zastala, zovnula me je i tiho ka
zala:
»Olga, ja dalje ne mogu. Ni trunke snage više ne
mam. Molim te, vodi ranjenike. Bori se, ne daj da zaostaju,
hrabri druge... Ja dalje ne mogu...«
Ostala je tako Nada pored kolone, nemoćna.
Nisam znala kako da joj pomognem — veli Olga. —
Ali kad sam posle sat-dva zastala da vidim kako se kreću
ranjenici — ugledala sam i Nadu u koloni. Našla je snage da
ide. Znam nju dobro: osećaj odgovornosti učinio je da pri
kupi i poslcdnju snagu i savlada sve napore. Bila je takva
da je htela i umela da i sebe pobedi. Htela je da živi, da se
bori, da sa proleterim a i narodom pobeđuje neprijatelja,
neznanje, nemoć...
U vreme najžešćih borbi proletera oko Sutjeske —
i a Košuru, na Gornjim Barama, na Košuti i drugđe, bol
nica Druge proleterske je bila najčešće u pokretu, a rede
skrivena u šumi. Jednoga dana, u vreme pokreta od Suhe
i prem a Krekovima, Nada je, opet sa Radetom Smiljanićem,
upućena na važan zadatak. Kao i uvek, prilježno i krajnje
odgovorno se prihvatila i tog zaduženja. Žurili su koliko su
im najviše snage dopuštale i tek negde kod Krekova seli da
predahriu. U blizini su ugledali razbacane sanduke. Bilo je
očigledno da je m itraljeski rafal iz aviona pogodio tovamogkonja pa je i komora neke jedinice stradala. Oboje su prišli
da vide šta ima u sanducima. Sve je bilo polomljeno, ras
tureno, ali je u toj hrpi bilo i knjiga. Upravo po njim a su
prvo i počeli da preturaju. Kada je naišla na roman »Mati«
od Maksima Gorkog, Nada je povikala:
— Rade, ovu knjigu ćemo da ponesemo!
— Koja je to tako važna knjiga da je moramo poneti?! Vidiš da jedva idemo. Bolje da ponesemo samo ovo
zavoja i špriceva što smo nakupili, je r pretovarimo li se —
ništa od zadatka...
— Ponećemo mi i špriceve i zavoje, itekako, ali i ovu
knjigu, je r je veoma važna. Ti, sigurno, nisi čitao roman
»Mati« čim tako govoriš.
�— I nisam, pa šta?! A zašto bi pa ta »Mati« toliko i
bila važna?
— Eh, kako da nije važna! Mi smo se u Užicu gra
bili ko će pre da je pročita i teško smo dolazili na red. često
se knjiga mogla zadržati samo dan i noć...
— Čuo sam to, ail je nisam čitao.
— Mnogi je nisu čitali. Rade. Zato ćemo je i poneti.
Evo, stavi je u tvoju torbicu, ti prvi da je pročitaš, a onda
ćemo je, posle ove furtutme, daii da ide od ruke do ru
ke boraca...
Pored drugih, najnužnijih, potreba, roman »Mati« je
»petu« ofanzivu preživeo u Radetovoj torbici.
Iz obruča se, za proleterima, probila i bolnica Dru
ge proleterske sa ranjenicima. Iako je u najteže vreme na
ređeno da se ostavi sve što opterećuje ljude i komoru, što
je značilo da sve sanduke sa opremom treba zakopati —
bolnica je iznela svoj sanitetski materijal. Najveći i naj
važniji deo te dragocene opreme sačuvala je Kremićka, sa
odobrenjem partijskog sekretara Nade. Tako nije ostavljen
sanduk u kome su bili lekovi, jod, špricevi, doboš sa steril
nom gazom, itd. Reskirano je da se ne izvrši naređenje, iako
je ono bilo posve jasno i Kremićki neposredno saopšteno.
Odmah nakon ofanzive pokazaće se da je ta »neodgovor
nost« bila dobrodošla.
Prelazak bolnice preko ceste kod sela Rataja bio je
vrlo težak. Ranjenici su se prebacivali po grupama. Jedna
grupa bi se zadržala u šumi iznad sela dok se prva prebaci.
Onda su se lakši ranjenici vraćali da pomognu težim ra
njenicima da, i pod stalnim mitraljiranjem i bombardovanjem avijacije, pređu cestu. Vraćale su se, nekoliko puta.
Nada i Olga. Pomagale su čas jednoj čas drugoj grupi. Na
da je — iako i sama iscrpena od silnih poslova, danonoćno
i u najtežim ratnim uslovima obavljanim za bezbednost i
spas ranjenika — neumorno pomagala ranjenim drugovima
da pređu i tu otkrivenu cestu, izbegnu smrt od avionskih
rafala i zakorače u slobodu.
Odatle, od sela Rataja, i za bolnicu su nastali bolji
dani...
Iz obruča je, na širok prostor, izbila i Druga proleter
ska, pošto je, u toku jednomesečnih borbi, napravila ne
koliko podviga po kojima je zauvek ušla u istoriju narodnooslobodilačkog rata naših naroda i narodnosti. Pre svega,
tu su borbe na Košuru i Košuti, poznate po herojskom drža-
79
�nj ii proletera. Sada, prilikom probijanja brigade preko ko
munikacije Sarajevo — Višegrad, negde kod Sjetline, izosta
la je i mala Milena Siterica. Izgubila se. Tragali su za njom
borci Četvrtog bataljona, tragali, ali je nisu našli. Pročula se
ta vest u celoj brigadi, pa stigla i do Nade Matić. Ona je taj
gubitak bolno doživela, tim pre je r se zbio kada je brigada
tako reći izašla iz obruča, izbila na širok i slobodan prostor.
I već je i ožalila svoju dragu Milenicu, kad se dogodila sre
ća u nesreći. Milenica se probila kroz neprijateljske redove
i usput se pridružila bratskoj Četvrtoj proleterskoj. Od
radosti što se iz nevolje tako srećno izvukla, Milenica je te
večeri divno pevala crnogorskim proleterim a, među koji
ma je našla i svoju drugaricu Angelku Đurđić. Posle toliko
dana opet je bila u svojoj Drugoj proleterskoj. Nada je to
saznala i odmah, na prvom odmoru, dotrčala u Četvrti bataljon — da zagrli svoju Milenicu, da pogledom pomiluje
draga lica prvoboraca svog bataljona, pouzdanih drugova sa
duge ratne staze proletera.
KAO DOBRA MAJKA, II I BRIŽNA SESTRA
U jednom selu pod Vitezom, dok su delovi bataljona
držali položaj duž puta koji vodi za Sarajevo, u prostranu
kuću se smestilo tridesetak težih ranjenika. Ranjenici su
se odmarali, a napolju se kuvao ručak; u kazanu je krčkalo
meso. Ranjenicima je rečeno da će dobiti i hleba. To jc
trebalo da bude prvi pošten obrok posle više od mesec dana
muka i gladovanja. Dok su se ranjenici odmarali, prepriča
vali svoje nevolje, s tugom spominjali one koji su ostali i
željno čekali da ručak bude prigotovljen — ciknuo je nemački »šarac« i odjednom oočeo da rešeta kuću. Začas se
razvila borba oko kuće. Kako je ko znao i mogao — po
čeo se izvlačiti, a ostali su, nepokretni, Miladin Anđelić, teš
ki ranjenik sa Košute, Milivoje Borović, Pera Višnjić i još
nekolicina. Kad nije znao šta drugo da uradi, Miladin, heroj
sa Košute, prikupio je ono oružja što su ostavili ranjenici
dok su su se izvlačili iz kuće, privukao k sebi mašinku i ne
koliko bombi i rešio da se bori dok ima sa čim. Oprezno je
čekao da se na vratim a pojave Nemci. U tom čekanju, dok
se borba slišavala i odmicala od kuće, na vratima se, za
Miladina izenadno, pojavio Kostja, komesar bolnice. On je,
u vreme izvlačenja ranjenika iz bolnice, čuo da je Mila
din ostao, pa se vratio po njega. Izneo ga je, popeo na konja
�i odveo preko šume kuda se izvlačila bolnica i jedinice iz
zaštitnice. Olga Kojadinović je izvukla Peru Višnjića i po
pela ga na konja. Nada je, svojom hrabrošću i prisebnošću,
značajno pomogla da se ranjenici iz te teške situacije iz
vuku bez gubitaka. No ona ni tada, kako se seća Pera Višnjić, nije bila govorljiva; naprotiv, ostajala je dosta ćutljiva, ne odajući, kao i nikada u svom delovanju, utisak »ra
toborne revolucionarke«, ili energičnog partijskog rukovo
dioca:
— Više je ličila na dobru majku koja je brinula o
svojoj deci, na brižnu sestru koja bdi nad svojom braćom. Za
svoje probleme i teškoće nije toliko brinula, ali je sa bolom
i teškoćama svakog pojedinca oko sebe bila vrlo emotivno
vezana. Posebno je brinula o ranjenim drugovima. Često je ra
mena podmetala pod nosila sa ranjenikom Iako svcsna da rat
zahteva žrtve, svakome je htela da pomogne, svakoga da ohra
bri. da svakom bude: i majka, i sestra, i drug u borbi, i prijate
lj. Svoje probleme je držala duboko u sebi, za sebe. Glas joj
je bio tih, gotovo nečujan. Pomalo je vrskala kad govori; ima
lo se utisak kao da nekome tepa. Najviše je nosila pantalone
pumperice i vojničke cokule, a oko vrata šalčić. Uvek je i po
sebno bila zabrinuta za svog brata Boška; želela je da ga ne
kako sačuva, u tom ratnom košmaru...
Tokom jula i avgusta brigada je boravila u istočnoj
Bosni. U to vreme vodila je više borbi protiv Nemaca, »vražje
divizije« i četnika. Nada je, sa saradnicima u bolnici, radila
danonoćno, održavala sastanke komunista, ranjenika i osob
lja, razgovarala sa ljudima o njihovim problemima, delila s
njima radosti i tugu, za svakoga našla savet, priču o srećnom ishodu, pobedi.
Sada se Nada trudila da nadoknadi sve ono što je od'agano ili izgubljeno u vreme ofanzive i neprekidnih pokreta
u izuzetno teškim uslovima, kad je politički i partijski rad
morao biti podređen jedinom cilju — sačuvati svakog ra
njenika. Svaki trenutak Nada je koristila da razgovara sa
komunistima, da odabere i pripremi novog kandidata za čla
na Partije, da podstiče ljude oko sebe da uče i šire svoje vi
dike, kako bi im život bio bogatiji i lepši, a njihov udeo u
zajedničkoj borbi veći i značajniji.
Radovala se uspesima ćele brigade, ali posebno uspesisvojim drugovima iz bataljona, gde bi osvežila uspomene,
3{sod ‘b o iu ia i ? miz!iq ft e p js ofiu oSnp afoij ouo uz ejeiidn
es Euiijajsns ejBAopcj on M?.\ft euof|e}eq ‘So^oizft ‘Soas eiu
�jednog sastanka političkih radnika, dugo je sedela sa Mir
kom Popovićem. N jih dvoje, dugogodišnji školski i ratni dru
govi, uvek su imali o čemu da razgovaraju, nemajući jedno
pred drugim tajni. Živo su raspravljali o brigadi, bataljonu,
0 političkom i partijskom životu, o sebi, svojim drugovima i
drugaricama; u pričama su se vraćali u svoje Užice, u uči
teljsku školu. Katkad bi se pitali: šta li je sa njihovim vršnja
cima koji su tamo ostali u vreme prve ofanzive, kako li su
oni prošli...
Nada je M irku govorila o sebi, svome radu i tome ko
liko drugi cene njen rad. Govorila je, kao i uvek, otvoreno,
sa svom iskrenošću, samokritički:
— Nisam zadovoljna sobom i svojim radom. Radim
dosta, ali mogu i više da postignem. Čini mi se da mogu više
da napredujem , da rešavam i odgovornije i složenije zadatke,
da se efikasnije borim sa problemima. Ali, vidiš, izgleda da
odgovorniji drugovi od mene ne misle tako. Dugo sam na istoj
dužnosti. A osećam, mogla bih i više dati...
Mirko ju je pažljivo slušao, sedeći pored nje, u šljiviku u kome su se grane povijale pod bogatim rodom već uzrelih plodova. Cupkao je travu, odobravao to što mu je Nada
govorila.
— Pravo da ti kažem, Mirko, želela bih da se opet vra
tim u naš bataljon. Da i tamo budem partijski radnik i bo
rac. Koliko mogu da ocenim, više se ceni rad u borbenoj je
dinici, nego u bolnici. Istina, ja sam dobro videla šta znači
bolnica, koliko osoblje tamo radi, koliko se žrtvuje i bori za
svakog ranjenika. Sigurno mogu da kažem da je rad u bol
nici ravan onome što daju borbene jedinice. Ali, ne misle svi
tako. Zato bih želela, kažem ti iskreno, jer te dobro poznajem
1 volim kao druga, pa mogu da budem otvorena — htela bih
opet u naš bataljon...
PARTIJSKI SEKRETAR ĆETE
Nekoliko dana posle tog Nadinog i Mirkovog susreta,
brigada je iz istočne Bosne krenula prema Foči i Sandžaku.
Ubrzanim maršem je krenula prem a sandžačkim garnizonima
koje su držale italijanske trupe. To su bili dani kada se oče
kivala kapitulacija Italije, pa su preduzimane akcije da se
Uspomena iz Prijepolja: Nada Matić (s to ji), sede: Đorđe Martinović
poginuo u borbi na Prijepolju decembra 1943), Zaga Stojilović-Antunović i Milena Siterica (poginula aprila 1944. na Katićima).
�mM&M-
�italijanski garnizoni napadnu i što pre likvidiraju. Žureći pre
ko Foče, Druga poleterska je, sa drugim jedinicama, oslobodila
Pljevlja 22. septembra 1943. godine. Sa rasplamsavanjem
borbi u Sandžaku, povećavao se i broj oslobođenih gradova
u dolini Lima i Tare: Bijelo Polje, Berane (danas Ivangrad).
Andrijevica, Kolašin, Nova Varoš, Priboj. Delovi italijanskih
divizija su prešli na stranu Narodnooslobodilačke vojske. U
Drugu proletersku je došao veliki broj novih boraca. Borbe
protiv Nemaca i četnika su vođene na sve strane. Bataljoni
Druge proleterske su prodrli čak do Zlatibora...
Nadi se ispunila želja — vratila se u svoj, Užički, bataljon, na dužnost partijskog rukovodioca Treće čete. Ali je
u četi, umesto starih poznanika, zatekla mnogo novih, nepo
znatih boraca. U Prijepolju se često viđala i sa bratom Boškom, koji je neprekidno ostao u svom bataljonu. Njen dragi
Mirko Popović, pak, ubrzo odlazi iz ove stare sredine, gde je.
gotovo dve pune godine, bio partijski rukovodilac čete. Sad
je otišao na novu dužnost, u Treću proletersku (sandžačku)
brigadu. Tog rastanka sa starim drugovima, sa svojom če
tom, on se ovako seća:
— I ja sam, podstaknut onim Nadinim razmišljanjem
o sebi, izloženim preda mnom u šljiviku u Živinicama, javno
rekao da sam nezadovoljan sobom i svojim radom, kazao da
mogu više da radim i krupnije zadatke da obavljam. I doneta je odluka: idem na novu dužnost, ali ne u Drugoj proleter
skoj, nego u Trećoj sandžačkoj. Teško mi je došao taj od
lazak. Pamtim i danas: u Prijepolju se oko mene okupili Ješo
Popović, Dragoslav Novaković Muto, Isak Samokovlija Kic i
drugi. Ješo je poveo, a drugi prihvatili, setnu pesmu:
Jato ptica napušta svoj kraj.
Da se vrati kad nastupi maj...
Ta pesma me još više rastužila, vezala za drugove s
kojima sam proveo najteže dane u neprekidnim okršajima
tokom više od dve godine.
Nada se u Prijepolju susrela i sa Milojkom Drulovićem Cičom, još jednim od svojih školskih drugova. Ciča je
dugo, u najtežim ratnim uslovima, bio sandžački gerilac, pa
je i sam susret sa Nadom doživeo radosno i s oduševljenjem.
Taj susret Milojko je ovako opisao:
»Početkom oktobra Druga proleterska brigada je bila
u Prijepolju. Petnaestak dana pre njenog ulaska u grad bio
sam imenovan za sekretara Oblasnog komiteta SKOJ-a za San
džak. Došao sam u Prijepoljc na sastanak skojevske orga-
�nizacije, koja je bila brojna i vrlo aktivna. Sreo sam Nadu,
gotovo posle dve godine. Poslednji put, koliko se sedam, vidcli smo se u Novoj Varoši, pred povlačenje preko Lima. Ob
radovao me taj susret sa Nadom — sa kojom sam počeo sri
cati prve komunističke ideje.
Nada je odlično izgledala. Na sebi je imala nešto kao
englesku vojnu uniformu (široke pantalone uvučene u bele
vunene čarape, nove vojničke crne cipele, malo nakrivljenu
tiiovku — sa srpom i čekićem :— na njenoj gustoj kratkoj
potšišanoj smeđoj kosi. široki opasač, nemački pištolj). Opa
ljena suncem, sada — najzad, odmorna, izgledala je besprekorno uredna. Bila je nadprosečne visine, prilično snažno gra
đcna.
Najpre smo razgovarali o našim drugovima iz generaci
je. Većinom su bili u Drugoj brigadi. S tugom smo konstatovali da je mnogo drugova iz našeg razreda već izginulo: Ko
kica, Vule Pupavac, Cizo, Bota. Milena, Slavko, Života i dru
gi. Od Nade sam saznao da je Mirko Popović u Trećoj prole
terskoj, a Milić Maksimović i Dragoslav Mitrović u istočno-bosanskim jedinicama.
Ispričao sam joj sudbinu moje jedinice, koja je bro
jala 46 boraca. Po naredbi Vrhovnog štaba, maja 1942. godi
ne, lormirana je od odabranih boraca iz dva Zlatarska batuljona — Zlatarska gerila sa zadatkom da se bori u pozadini
neprijatelja. Za 14 meseci borbi, svega 13 mojih drugova bora
ca ostalo je u životu. Ispričao sam joj kako sam tada, maja
19-12. godine, sa dužnosti zamenika komesara Drugog zlatar
skog bataljona, postavljen za političkog komesara te jediniu neprijateljskoj pozadini.
Toliko pogibije naših drugova za nas oboje bile su ve
like traume, mada smo znali da drugačije ne može biti. Ni
sam tada ni slutio da ćc se taj bilans još surovije završiti. Iz
našeg razreda — od 26 boraca, većinom sedamnaestogodišnja
ka, koji su pošli u oslobodilački revolucionarni rat 1941. go
dine, ostaće na kraju rata svega trojica u životu: Dragoslav
Mitrović, Mirko Popović i ja.
Ratni dnevnik koji sam vodio i koji sam nosio u tor
bici smatrao sam delom svog intimnog sveta. Nikome ga do
tada nisam pokazivao. A sada sam ga pokazao Nadi. Ona je
ostala i poslednja ličnosti kojoj sam pokazao i pročitao neke
redove svog dnevnika. Bila je to poveća sveska, formata džep
ne knjige, u platnenom čvrstom povezu sa oko 250 listova,
u kojoj su se, u stvari, nalazila tri dnevnika: najpre je dnev-
�nik vodio Rifat Burdžović, isključivo beležeći partijske
karakteristike članova P artije u brigadi. Jezdo Lović
(radnik, beogradski komunista), koji je Tršu, posle po
gibije, nasledio na dužnosti zamenika komesara Treće pro
leterske. beležio je partijske sastanke brigadnog i drugih ko
miteta i njihove zaključke; ja sam u istoj svesci, posle pogibi
je Lovića, vodio svoj intimni dnevnik, gotovo stideći se pred
ozbiljnošću i strogošću prve dvojice. Nisam oklevao da ga
Nadi pokažem, je r bili smo istog uzrasta (takoreći još smo
rasli), imali smo istu veru i zanos, imali smo staro blisko
drugarstvo.
Bila je zrela i divna jesen. K aldrmisana ulica prijepoljcka bila je puna graje od vojske i omladine. Jurili su gore-ciole. Uveče smo zajedno gledali priredbu I bataljona Druge
proleterske, dopadljivu i punu humora. Pokazala mi je bri
gadni list »Bez predaha« i jedan duhovit i aktuelan crtež-karikaturu: partizan trebi vaške po košulji, a ispod »karikatu
re« reči popularne romanse uoči rata; »I te tvoje nožice sitno
koračaju, m ira mi ne daju, tužan sam ja...«
Razgovarali smo i o tome kako ćemo nakon rata, —
makoliko on trajao, a imali smo osećanje da neće dugo tra
jati — moći normalno nastaviti naše školovanje. To smo to
liko želeli. A Nadi je najviše pristajalo da o tome govori, jer
je bila odlična učenica.
Poklonila mi je jednu svoju fotografiju, napisavši na
poleđini, jednostavno, kakva je ona bila: »Drulu od Nade, Prijepolje...« Tu fotografiju sam, nekoliko godina posle oslobo
đenja, pozajmio Nadinoj majci Lepi da je »prekopira«. Bri
nem — da li je još kod mene. Već je dugo nisam video. Ćovek
stalno odlaže da sređuje stare, dragocene uspomene, rezervišući posebno vreme za to, a ono se stalno iskrada i beži. Na
toj fotografiji Nada je sama, negde u Bosni, u partizanskoj
uniformi, jednom rukom podbočena, stoji na steni, zamišlje
na i zagledana u daljinu. To je, zaista, filmska slika njene
skromne naravi, njenog duha, nenametljive i stalne zanesenosti idejam a i snovima koje ona i njena generacija nije samo
sanjala, već i ostvarivala, ne pitajući za cenu.
Nisam mogao ni pomisliti da će to biti i naše poslednje viđenje...«
�t e šk e r a n e sa
PRODORA u SRBIJU
U limskoj dolini Druga proleterska je imala mnogo
okršaja. U jednoj borbi iznad Pribojske Banje, u vreme bor
be protiv četnika, ranjen je i Dragoslav Novaković Muto, ko
mesar čete. četnički minobacač je za svega pola časa borbe
izbacio više boraca iz stroja proletera. Nada i Stana Ćulibrk
izvukle su ranjenog Muta sa poprišta borbe. Odmah tu, u
jednoj zaravni. Nada mu je dala injekciju. Igrom slučaja, ona
se u vreme borbe, kao zamenik komesara čete, našla blizu
Muta, njenog poznanika još iz Užica. Mutu su ostali u sećanju mnogi partijski sastanci iz vremena kad je Nada bila
partijski rukovodilac čete:
— Partijski sastanci su uvek bili analiza rada i postu
paka ćele jedinice i svakog pojedinca, svakog člana Partije.
Nada je umešno vodila te sastanke, dobro ih usmeravala, zna
jući kad treba i prema kome da bude blaža ili oštrija. Uvek
je to umela tačno da proceni. A sastanci su uvek bili zanim
ljivi. Svi komunisti su uzimali reč. Bilo je često i neslaganja
u ocenama oko držanja pojedinaca. Nadina smirenost i smi
sao da tačno proceni svačiji rad i doprinos zajedničkoj stvari
uvek su bili korisni. Njeni zaključci redovno su bili zreli. Go
tovo nikad se nije dogodilo da komunisti budu nezadovoljni
ocenama koje je Nada davala.
Tih dana proleterske jedinice oslobodile su Priboj. U
slobodnom gradiću na Limu susreli su se mnogi ratni dru
govi iz raznih jedinica, proleteri i Krajišnici. Nada je na so
kaku, iznenadno, srela Stanku Laković koja je još prošle je
seni, u Krajini, otišla u Petu krajišku diviziju.
— Ne znam ko je bio radosniji od nas — kaže Stanka.
— U oslobođenom Priboju na ulici smo se našle: Nada, Milenica, Dana, Angelka. Mara i ja. Ja sam već dugo bila s Kra
jišnicima među kojima sam se osećala kao među svojim Užičnima, ali kad sam srela toliko mojih drugarica, a naročito
Nadu, bila sam presrećna. Mnogo sam saznala toga dana.
Najviše smo govorile o onim drugovima i drugaricama kojih
više nema, koji su ostali na poprištima borbi.
Opet su Nada i Stanka, u drugom pričanju, »otputovale« u Užice, u grad svoje mladosti. Vezivale su ih za grad
i mnogobrojne žrtve mladih koji su iz Užica pošli u oslobo
dilački rat, a već su prestali koračati u borbenoj koloni. Du
go, dugo Nada je govorila o svojim borcima u četi, o člano
vima Partije, o skojevcima, bombašima. Mnoge je hvalila, ra-
�dujući se sa Stankom, tome što mladi ljudi stiču iskustvo,
napreduju, postaju sigurniji, izrastaju u rukovodioce. A onda
su, u pričanju, opet pošle u Užice, svojima. Nada je govorila:
— Draga m oja Stanka, ponekad dugo mislim o mami i
0 tome kako je podnela toliku nevolju da živi bez nas troje.
Zamisli: Vera, Boško i ja smo toliko daleko od nje. Ona si
gurno ništa ne zna o Verinoj pogibiji, niti o nam a dvome.
Tamo je teror strahovit. Bila joj je puna kuća dece, mladih,
a odjednom ostala samo sa malim Fićom. Samo da dođem
jednom u Užice, da ga oslobodimo, želela bih da što pre na
đem moju Lepu, da je zagrlim i da se od nje ne odvajam, da
je povedemo sa nama. iMora da joj je svakog dana i noći le
deno oko srca, je r znaš kako m ajka voli decu, naročito ko
liko tuguje za njim a — kad živi u neizvesnosti, kad ne zna
čak ni da li su živa...
Lepa je, stvarno, živela u mukama, ali uvek hrabro,
uspravno. Nedićeva policija joj nije dala mira. Tadašnji šef
policije u Užicu, Ljubojević, rekao joj je u oči:
— Šta hoćeš, Matićka?! Svi su ti poginuli: i Vera, i Na
da, i Boško!..
Majka Lepa je i to dostojanstveno oćutala, prigušujući
u sebi bol.
Govorila je Nada o ocu Vukadinu, koji je pošao putem
svoje dece — u oslobodilačku borbu. Kao oca troje boraca oslo
bodilačkog rata, vlasti su ga počele surovo progoniti. A on, iako
bivši policijski činovnik, bio je sa svojom decom. Patriotski
duh je plamteo u njemu. Prkosio je nepravdi i teroru. Dva
put je odvođen u logor na Banjici. Nešto kasnije deportovan
je u Mathauzen, gde je i spaljen 22. jula 1944. godine.
Ofanzivne operacije jedinica NOVJ prem a Srbiji preduzimane su odlučnije i češće. N ajpre Druga proleterska, u
decembru 1943. i početkom januara 1944. godine, dopire do
Ivanjice i uspešno se tuče protiv četnika, Bugara, Nemaca.
Samo dva meseca kasnije dve divizije — Druga proleterska i
Peta krajiška, preduzele su širi i snažniji prodor, brzo stižući čak do Ibra. Međutim, ovde je neprijatelj prikupio jake
snage. Tu su Nemci, Bugari, četnici, nedićevci i belogardisti
sve sile uperili protiv te dve divizje i njihovog daljeg prodora.
1 odista, divizije NOVJ u lim danima nisu mogle da se probi
ju preko Ibra i prodru prem a Kopaoniku i Rasini. Protiv tili
združenih neprijatelja tukao se, u sastavu Druge proleterske
i Četvrti bataljon. U jednom sudaru sa bugarskim fašistima,
u selu Marinkovićima, pod planinom Radočelom, teško je ra
njena Nada Matić, partijski rukovodilac ćete. Rane su bile te-
�ške, najteže što mogu biti. Parčad minobacačke granate raznela su joj oba kuka.
Nada je morala na nosila, a na njima je mogla ležati
samo potrbuške. Nikud nije mogla da se okrene, da se pomeri i odmori.
Od tog zlosrećnog dana pa za puna dva meseca trajaće
Nadina tužna odiseja — na nosilima.
Brigada se borila protiv četnika po Dragačevu, a za
jedno sa Četvrtom crnogorskom ih razbija, naročito u Kaoni.
Grupa proletera izlazi čak na planinu Jelicu sa koje puca po
gled iz snova — na već ozelenelu kićenu Šumadiju. A Nada se
za to vreme muči na nosilima. Tuguje, herojski podnosi uža
sne bolove, ne žali se na muke ranjeničke. I često pita: gde
je Užički bataljon, kako je prošla njena, Treća, četa u bor
bama.
Zbog razvoja događaja u Dragačevu i oko Ivanjice,
giupa divizija se izvlači iznad Ivanjice, preko visokoplaninskih predela prema Zlatiboru i Užicu i Valjevu.
Bili su to neviđeni napori za borce i za konje, a za ra
njenike najteži. Zakasneli snegovi planinski, duboki, teški za
gaženje, otežavali su kretanje boraca, nošenje ranjenika. Lu
ne u svom i Nedovršenom dnevniku« beleži te stravične po
krete brigade:
»...Jedva smo konje izvukli na brdo. Morali smo po
prtini prostirati svu ćebad i šatorska krila da konjima noge
ne bi upadale u sneg... Sa Čemerna idemo niz planinu, sneg
je do pod pazuho... a konji se kotrljaju i valjaju. Sve smo ih
morali rastovariti i ljudi su saneli stvari...«
Nada je putovala sa brigadom, na nosilima. Oko nje
su bile Ang 'ka i Stana Đurđić, Mara Kusturić, Vera Kušec,
Desa Vuksanović, Zora Gulin... Negovale su je, previjale, ali i
ćutke. krile suze, plašeći se najgoreg. Na bespuću Golije, red
je došao na Nadin bataljon da nosi ranjenike. Nada je le
žala, kao i uvek, potrbuške i tužno je upinjala snagu da po
digne glavu, da makar pogledom pomliuje svoje borce, čla
nove Partije svoje čete, komandire, komesare, bolničare.
— Ne boj se Nado — govorili su borci. — Sve ćemo
mi izdržati i pobediti... Tvoja rana je teška, ali ti si u sto bit
ki pokazala da si jača od svake rane...
Slušala je Nada drage glasove svojih drugova. 1 nemo
spuštala glavu na nosila. Pri tom bi tiho govorila:
— Žao mi je što toliko mojih drugova mora da se mu
či oko mene. umesto da se bore, da budu odmorniji za nove
berbe.
�— Naš bataljon je nosio Nadu preko snegova Golije.
Razgovarao sam sa njom, dugo sam išao pored njenih nosila
— pam ti K ostja te tužne časove. — Na rastanku, u Gleđici,
kad smo ranjenike predali našem Trećem bataljonu, stao sam
pored Nadinih nosila da se pozdravim. Podigla je glavu sa no
sila i rekla mi »Doviđenja, Kostja«. Bio sam užasnut koliko
se istopila od ranjavanja. Onako snažna devojka i borac po
čela je naglo kopniti. »Jao, moj Kostja, teško li je na nosili
ma...« — govorila je. »Biće dobro, Nado. Strpi se« — govo
rim joj na rastanku, a znam da i sebe varam. Grlo mi se ste
že dok bataljon odlazi...
Dok brigada nastavlja m arš i odbija napade Bugara
i četnika, stiže novi udarac i za Nadu, i za Užički bataljon,
za brigadu. U dahu, u sekundi, minobacačka granata bugar
skih fašista ugasila je još dva mlada života, dve lepe devojke,
dva borca — Milenu Sitericu i Miču Đorđević. Negde tih da
na, štab brigade doneo je odluku da i njih dve izvuče iz če
ta, iz streljačkog stroja, da ih sačuva. Obadve su prekomandovane u kulturnu ekipu. I na nesreću, tog kobnog dana,
minobacačka granata pogodila je — pravo u kulturnu ekipu.
To je bio još jedan udarac za Nadu pored njenih teških
muka. N jena divna Milenica, devojče sa Uba, neće joj više
nikad nežno pričati o svojoj baki, ni o svome bratu koji je
1941. ostao u zatvoru. Neće više od nje čuti divnu pesmu par
tizansku »Teci, teci Taro, kroz kanjonske dubine...« Lunetov
»mali čvarak« ostao je na večitoj straži na Kušićima.
ODISEJA NA NOSILIMA
Nadine nevolje bile su sve veće. Rane su užasno bolele.
Kako se seća Vera Kušec, i po tri puta dnevno su je previjali,
neretko i na njen zahtev.
— Angelka, dođi molim te — govorila je Nada često
na zastanku kolone ranjenika. — Previj me, biće mi lakše.
Posle svakog previjanja bolovi bi minuli, ali za kratko.
Kad je brigada prolazila iznad Brekova, i dalje prema
obroncima Zlatibora, s ranjenicim a se, u brzom maršu, mi
moilazio i Nadin bataljon. Nada je opet pridilga glavu, za
gledala se u kolonu, prepoznala Milovana Đokanovića i poz
vala ga:
— Đokane! Zastani časak...
Đokan je prišao nosilima, a Nada mu tiho kazivala:
�— Poručila sam tvojoj majci da si živ i zdrav. Jedan
sveštenik je pitao za tebe. Rekla sam da javi tvojoj mami.
Javiće pop, budi siguran, i majka će se obradovati...
Kad je kolona nosilaca ranjenika zastala, do Nade je
stigao i brat Boško. Seo je uz nju, nežno zagrlio obadve njene
ruke i slušao njene tople, sestrinske reci. U jednom trenutku
Nada je zajecala misleći na svoje nevolje:
— Boško moj, učini mi jednu uslueu.
— Koju, Nado?
— Vidiš da od mene nema ništa! Pomozi mi da —
umrem!
— Nado, ne gubi veru. Jača si ti od svih nevolja. Ti
ćeš pobediti...
Govorio je to Boško, gledao čas u Nadu, čas bi oba
rao pogled. I tada je video da je Nada obrisala suze.
— Doviđenja, Boško. Pozdravi naše drugove i bataljon.
Pozdravi moju četu...
U noći, dok se brigada sa Zlatibora spuštala prema
pruzi Uzice — Požega, Angelka je stalno išla pored Nadinih
nosila i slušala njene reči:
— Vidiš, Angelka, koliko se drugova muči oko mene...
— Nado, ne brini se za to. Svi će tebe nositi i kad
im snage ponestane.
Nada je ćutala za časak, pa se opet tiho oglasila:
— Evo nas nadomak Užica i nešto mislim: kako će to
biti tužno ako uđemo u naš grad a ja na nosilima! Neću mo
ći da vidim one moje čarobne ulice, one divne kuće, one najlepše ljude na raskršćima moga grada. Kako će to biti ža
losno...
— Ako oslobodimo Užice — biće bolje i za ranjenike.
Znaš, tamo ima dobro uređena bolnica, i hirurgija u njoj. I
tebi će pomoć brže stići...
To su bile iskrene želje borca sa užičkih ulica. Ali,
neprijatelj je još bio suviše jak i nije puštao komunikacije i
važne gradove.
U diverziji koju su izveli proleteri na pruzi između
Užica, u poslednjem trenutku — kad je trebalo likvidirati
grupu fašista koji su se bili sakrili ispod lokomotive prevmutog voza — pao je zamenik komandanta brigade, omiljeni
Lune. Junak, ponos brigade, srednjoškolac koji je još juna
1942. godine postao zamenik komandanta Druge proleterske,
prestao je da korača ispred brigade, gotovo na pragu svoje
rodne kuće u Dobrodolu (danas Lunovo Selo). Za nekoliko
�dana otišli su i »mali čvarak« — Milenica, i njen »džin na
konju« — Lune, oboje ljubimci brigade.
Druga proleterska lomila je prepreke pred sobom. U
rano proleće, dok su u užičkom kraju cvetale jabuke i treš
nje, proleteri su prodirali prem a obroncima Maljena, nado
mak Valjeva. U gotovo neprekidnim sudarim a sa neprijate
ljem padali su borci, junaci. Na Mravinjcima, prvog maja,
u bombaškom pohodu ispred Nadinog bataljona, kako je
inače često išao i u mnogim drugim okršajima, junački je
pao i najbolji bombaš Druge proleterske Savo Jovanović Sirogojno. Poginuo je i Aleksandar Jovanović Otrov, a samo
dan kasnije i Đurađ Zrilić, krajiški junak, komandir Nadine
čete...
Ocenivši da dalje, prem a Valjevu i Šumadiji, ne može
piodreli, grupa divizija pravi novi m a n erar— izvlači se preko
Varde, Kadinjače, Tare i Zlatibora — prem a oslobođenoj te
ritoriji u Sandžaku i Crnoj Gori.
Nadina odiseja na nosilima se produžavala. Muke bi
vale sve veće. Ali njene drugarice su pored nje: i Vera, i Angcika, i Mara, i Kremićka. Previjaju je, hrabre je, a vide —
leka joj ne može biti. Dekubitis je zahvatio obadva kuka. Kad
se odmaknu od nje, zaklone se i brišu suze. Nema tih očiju
koje ne bi zasuzile za Nadom, još kad vide šta je čeka.
PROLETERSKI PODNELA MUKE
Na Tari je bolnicu Druge proleterske preuzela Četvrta
crnogorska. Uvek su te dve brigade bile čelik drugovi. Njiho
vi borci, komandiri i komesari voleli su se kao prijatelji i
najpouzdaniji drugovi u borbi, u okršaju, u nevolji. Crno
gorci su nosili ranjene proletere, među njima i Nadu, kao
svoje borce, kao najrođenije.
U oslobođenom Bijelom Polju došli su među ranjeni
ke Kostja, Vera, Angelka. Da još jednom vide Nadu. Nada je
tiho zovnula Angelku:
— Sedi pored mene, m akar časak.
Angelka je prišla i sela, želeći da se nasmeši, da obra
duje Nadu, ali nije mogla. Srce se skamenilo, samo što ne
jaukne od bola.
— Angelka, šta misliš, ali mi iskreno reci: mogu li preživeti?
— Izdrži još malo, draga Nado. ćuli smo da u Kolašinskim Poljima, u bolnici, ima jedan Italijan, hirurg...
�Vera i Kostja dugo su sedeli pored Nade. Držali njene
ruke u svojima. Vera joj je gladila kosu...
Prebacili su je u Kolašinska Polja, gde je, u partizan
skoj bolnici, bila u istoj sobi sa Mikulom Terzićem, borcem
Prvog bataljona. On će biti i jedini svedok njenog kraja. Mikula je teško ranjen na užičkoj pruzi, kad je poginuo Lune.
Kao stari ratni drugovi, Nada i on su dobro znali jedno dru
go, a sad su oboje bili na velikim mukama. Nadi je, svaka
ko, bilo teže. U nevoljama su jedno drugo hrabrili, ali i prekorevali — naročito kada bi se koje požalilo na bolove. Mikula nije mogao da izdrži užasne bolove, pa je jaukao na sav
glas. Nada bi ga tada prekorila:
— Mikula, Mikula, kakav si mi ti proleter kad ne mo
žeš da podneseš bolove!..
Mikula bi se naljutio i okrenuo na drugu stranu.
— Prošlo je najviše desetak minuta dok sam se opet
okrenuo prema Nadi i iznenadio se kad mi se učinilo da
spava — tužno priča Mikula. — Zovnem je: »Nado!« Ona se
ne pomera. Opet zovnem. Ništa. Napregnem se i pružim ru
ku. Dodirnem je, ona topla. Uhvatim da opipam puls, kad
— srce stalo...
Stanka je dvaput dolazila u bolnicu, Nadi. Zadnji
put joj je donela dva paketića: u jednom lek, u drugom ne
koliko kolača. Ali toga dana su Nadi, još pre Stankinog dola
ska — odali posmrtnu počast.
Doktorka Šaša Božović je kasnije pričala da je nad
Nadinim grobom ispaljen počasni plotun.
U istom danu, u istoj bolnici, umrla je, posle duže bo
lesti, i Slobodanka Nedeljković, bolničarka i referent sanitetta Prvog bataljona, Nadina drugarica, učenica učiteljske
škole. Krasna devojka i pouzdan drug, razbolela se u ratno
vreme i u oskudici lekova nije mogla biti izlečena. Slobodankom se ponosio njen bataljon, videći u njoj uzor — druga
ricu. Ona i Nada su umrle u istoj bolnici i u istom danu, a
da jedna za drugu i u tim poslednjim danima i časovima nisu
znale...
Tužna vest o Nadinoj smrti brzo je stigla u Drugu
proletersku, njen Užički bataljon, njenu Treću četu, njenu
bolnicu. Svi su dobro znali da je bilo malo takvih uzora ko
muniste, borca i čoveka kao što je bila Nada Matić, zbog
čega je Druga proleterska imala koga da žali.
— I mesec dana posle Nadinog odlaska u Polja, u mo
jim ušima je odzvanjao njen glas: »Angelka, dođi!..« Nikoga
�u brigadi nije bilo ko nije voleo Nadu, ko je nije od srca ža
lio — lužno kazuje Angelka.
Vera Kušec u svojim ratnim beleškama, nikom proči
tanim i nigde objavljenim, piše:
»Andrijevica, 13. juna 1944. godine.
Već smo 15 dana na odmoru. Opet sam upravnik bo
lnice. Još po dolasku u Crnu Goru um rla mi je Nada, tamo
u Poljima...
Ješo je otišao u Italiju. I Kremićka. Kažu da se tamo
nalazi oko 5.000 naših ranjenika. Kamo sreće da smo i iz
Srbije imali mogućnosti da tamo transportujem o ranjenike.
Možda bi i Nada bila živa? Ovako, umrla je daleko od nas —
kao siroče...
I nešto kasnije:
»Tara, najlepša planina preko koje smo prešli, a naj
crnji su mi to dani koje sam doživela. Zar bih ikada mogla
da zaboravim one Nadine oči što me gledaju, glas što jedva
čujem:
— Vera, ne vidim te. Ništa ne vidim... Priđi bliže da te
vidim...
A ja ne mogu da izdržim... Nikad više neću čuti njen
glas i nikad neću im ati boljeg prijatelja nego što mi je bila
Nada...«
Nada Matić, borac i komesar, bolničarka i heroj koji
je izdržao najveće muke ranjeničke ležeći na nosilima puna
dva meseca, i to bez jauka, prestala je da maršuje u bor
benoj koloni Druge proleterske. Nije stigla u svoje Užice da
zagrli mamu Lepu i malog brata Fiću, da sazna da je i tata
Vukadin um ro na putu kojim su još 1941. krenula njegova
deca: Nada, Vera i Boško; puta s kojeg se Nada i Vera neće
vratiti...
Lepa i Fića su čekali Nadu i Boška među oslobodioci
ma Beograda. Kad su saznali da se tamo bori i Druga prole
terska otrčali su u Pekov štab — da ih traže. Tamo, na žalost,
ništa nisu saznali. Onda je tetka Zora, sestra Lepina, ugledala
Boška na paradi jedinica kroz oslobođeni Beograd. I s Lepom
odjurila na Voždovac. Tamo je već Lepa izljubila Žiku Bakovca, misleći da je Boško. Uskoro, došao je Boško sa Dokom
Minićem. Divna m ajka Lepa je saznala da se Nada neće vra
titi.
Nada nije stigla u svoje Užice, grad svoje mladosti.
Da rukam a i srcem zagrli sve njegove ulice, da pogledom
miluje Poru, Zabučje, Dovarje...
�U Užice je došla sloboda. Došla je Druga proleterska.
Stigao je njen brat Boško, došli su Mirko, i Učo.
Vratile su se Stanka, Olga, Mara, Dana, Olika, Stajka,
Zina, Kremićka, Angelka, Žika, Perica, Božo, Duško, Đoko...
U Užicu i danas živi delo Nade Matić. 2ivi škola sa
njenim imenom, škola sa hiljadu đaka. Živi i ulica Nade
Matić i u njoj stotine ljudi, momaka i devojaka, dečaka i devojčica.
Živi Titovo Užice u koji je upleten i pramen Nadine
kose.
Heroj Nada Matić, zapisao je njen drug iz školskih
klupa Milenko Misailović, ostavila nam je i svoje ime: Nada...
I svoj osmeh.
Da imamo čime osvetljavati život i sebe u njemu...
95
��REC AUTORA
Priča o životnom putu narodnog heroja Jugoslavije,
borca, bolničarke i partijskog radnika Druge proleterske narodnooslobodilačke udarne brigade NADE MATIĆ nastala je,
dobrim delom, kazivanjima koja su ispričali njene školske i
ratne drugarice i drugovi:
Angelka Đurđić (Tomljenović), Olivera Vera Kremić —
Kremićka, Mara Kusturić, Vera Kušeć, Stanka Laković, Da
nica Dana Milosavliević, Milena Mirna Orlović (Potkonjak),
Ljubica Ljuba Vidojević, Nadežda Nada Vuković (Jemuovič),
Olga Živković; Milivoje Mile Antonijević, Milojko Drulović
čiča, Milovan Đokanović Đokan, Vojin Đurašinović Kost ja,
Dušan Duško Đurđić, Dragutin Maksimović Cigo, Boško Matić, Filip Matić, Milenko Misailović, Dragoslav Mitrović Učo,
Dragoslav Novaković Muto, Ljubinko Pantelić čiča, Stanislav
Piščević Grco, Mirko Popović, Rade Smiljanić, Dragoslav Spasojević, Jovo Stamaiović. i Mikula Terzić, Vladeta Tešić i Pe
tar Višnjić.
Autor se srdačno zahvaljuje na saradnji.
��SADRŽAJ
Strana
Razred nazvan Kolektiv
— — — — — — — 10
Pismo drugovima iz Užica — — — — — — — 14
23 skojevca u jednom razredu — — — — — —
16
Prezir Hitlerovih vojnika — — — — — — —
18
Umesto buketa cveća — sanduk municije
— — — 20
Troje Matica u partizanima — — — — — — 22
Na paradi u čast Lenjinovog oktobra — — — — 25
Milena je umrla uspravno — — — — — — — 28
Suza za sestrom Verom — — — — — — — 30
Skojevski rukovodilac čete proletera
— —— —
33
Hrabra bolničarka na krvavom Gatu
— — — — 36
Pod ranama, na maršu za Krajinu —
— —— —
39
Šest juriša na Kupres
— — — — —— —
42
Bratska dobrodošlica borcima iz Like, Banije i Krajine
46
Sekretar partijske čelije bolnice —
— —— —
47
Petoro sa fotografije iz Drvara — — — — — —
49
Sa Titom, pod crvenom zastavom — — — — —
53
Primema bolničarka i politički radnik — — — —
54
Spašavanje drugova u Livnu — — — — — —
56
Rođena za partijski rad
— — — — —— —
59
U žarištu bitke za ranjenike — — — — — —
62
Tifusarski hod po mukama — — — — — — —
67
Škrta, ratnička ljubav
— — — — — — — — 70
Juriš preko Drine —
— — — — — — — — 72
U paklu Sutjeske, pred 250 ranjenika
— —— —
75
Kao dobra majka, ili brižna sestra — — — — —
80
Partijski sekretar čete
— — — — —— —
82
Teške rane sa prodora u Srbiju — — — — —
87
Odiseja na nosilima
— — — — — — — — 90
Proleterski podnela muke — — — — — — — 92
Reč autora
— —
— — — — — — — — 96
����
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Knjiga
Dublin Core
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Heroj Druge proleterske Priča o Nadi Matić
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Jovan Radovanović
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Savet za vaspitanje i brigu o deci i NIRO "Dečje novine" Gornji Milanovac
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1977.
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58-M
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97 str.
1977.
Heroj Druge proleterske Priča o Nadi Matić
Jovan Radovanović
Nada Matić
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/e7c5d4999bc16d723b04a7f9e618533a.pdf
bc43d81746dbe3ecc94d8f3fb0e47d59
PDF Text
Text
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of
Women in Yugoslav Cinema
Marijana Stojčić - Nađa Duhaček
Savez antifašista Srbije
Serbia
UDK: 305-055.2 : 791.43(497.1)
Prethodno priopćenje/Preliminary paper
Primljeno/Received: 06.07.2017.
Prihvaćeno/Accepted: 11.09.2017.
This paper will analyse ways in which representation of women
changed from partisans as revolutionary subjects to housewives and
consumers in the late 1960’s. This transformation is linked with sociopolitical changes in the Yugoslav context and the abandonment of women’s
emancipation as it was framed and adopted initially during and after
WWII. Namely, the partisan struggle for the liberation from Nazi
occupation, as well as the socialist revolution were two foundational myths
of Socialist Yugoslavia. Women played an active role in this struggle, both
as fighters and through their work behind the lines (as logistical support,
spying, nursing, etc.). Likewise, equality between men and women was an
important part the country’s official ideology. These narratives were later
memorialized through literature, cinema, music as well as comic books.
In our work, we will explore five tropes of femininity in Yugoslav
cinema: (1) the role of the partisan, (2) woman in the background, (3)
collaborator, (4) worker and (5) housewife, in order to map out ways in
which the representation of women between 1947 and the late 1960’s
corresponds to official emancipatory politics of the time and how these
tropes related with everyday life in this period. Finally, this will lead to an
analysis of cinema as a collection of stories Yugoslav women and men told
themselves (and others) about themselves.1 This approach has the potential
to indicate the antagonisms within the social context in which these films
were produced, by highlighting the unattained ideals of freedom and
emancipation. Simultaneously, the goal of this analysis is not to merely
open up another space for a more complex exploration of the past, but also
to reconsider the emancipatory potential this exploration offers us today.
1 Even though cinematography was considered a powerful tool of propaganda, which was most common during
the first decade following the end of the Second World War, storytelling was not relieved of state intervention.
This was done either through the removal of films that were considered to transgress from socialist moral or
through financing the filming of films that were considered to contribute to the upbringing of “new socialist man.”
69
�Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, XI./11., 2016.
Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
Keywords: woman, gender, socialism, Yugoslavia, film, representation
Introduction
In this text, the ways in which representation of woman in Yugoslav
film up until the end of 1960s corresponds with, on the one side, ideological
frames of socialist Yugoslavia and its politics of emancipation; and on the other
side with social reality and social practices of Yugoslav society and its changes
in different time periods, will be analysed. In theory it relies on the tradition of
women studies and cultural studies. Cultural studies consider representations2
as a place on which, through interaction with the audience which adds its own
interpretation to the discourse, social relations, including gender relations are
established, regulated and normalized. In such way the existing social relations
in a specific social context start to become self-understanding and “natural”,
which leads to blurring of their connections with the social structure, and
the division of power inside the society. Gender regime is a fundamental part
of the structure of every society.3 It also implies certain ideal model types of
“manhood” and “womanhood” which are perceived as normal, natural and
desirable and in relation to which members of society interpret their own
gender experience. Gender regimes are not simply relations between men
and women, but systems of power, expectations, roles, behaviour, attitudes
and displays of gender differences between which a hierarchy is inscribed. It
regulates relations between men and women, forms individual expectations
and behaviours which are in unison with the social context. Gender is
produced, practiced and affirmed on the level of everyday life. Patriarchy as
well, as is defined by British sociologist Sylvia Walby, represents a system of
social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit
women, whereby Walby emphasizes that patriarchy must be conceptualized
via different levels of abstraction. On the most abstract level, patriarchy exists
as a system of social relations, while on a less abstract level it encompasses
six basic dimensions regarding the way of production, paid work, state, male
violence, sexuality and cultural institutions.4 Cultural forms of patriarchy
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
and gender (in)equality also refer to their representation in media texts.
Construction of gender representations in a society most often reflects gender
structure of that society, at the same time constituting and reproducing gender
(in)equalities. Gender asymmetry in a patriarchal society, as a rule, positions
women in a place of passive subjects whose social role is covered by biological,
“natural” role. And representations of her are most often stereotypic images
of women, conveyed to her social status (repressed, accentuation of sexual
attractiveness, secondary position and role, motherhood, dependent position,
emotionality, frivolity). As Gofman notices, although representations are often
experienced as natural (which is why he uses the syntagm “doctrine of natural
expression”), the substance is that not only that they reflect gender differences,
but also constitute them through the very ability of persons to interpret, learn
and adopt those representations of masculinity and femininity.5 As films
are created in concrete social frameworks and are exposed to different social
influences, the assumption is that dominant social tendencies will inevitably,
more or less (un)consciously and (un)intentionally, diffract through film. In
that sense, films will be approached as forms of myths of contemporary society
who deal with “telling tales”, and are at the same time being “more than the
tales they tell”. 6 They represent symbolic constructions which offer a compass
for the social world and contain claims which people create about themselves
and others, about the ways in which they imagine themselves and others, the
ways they think and feel.7 At the same time, as Ana Banić Grubišić states,
in contemporary films are “key cultural contradictions being expressed, or
imaginary solutions to socio-cultural tensions being offered’”.8
The films that were chosen, as a starting point for the research, were the
films that were awarded in different categories at the Pula Film Festival. At the
beginning, the films that were not dealing with socialist present in Yugoslavia
or The Peoples’ Liberation Struggle (Narodno-oslobodilačka borba - NOB) were
excluded from the sample. More incisive film examples, such as illustration of
observed tendentious regularities were chosen as part of the second step with
conscious awareness that it carries a certain level of reduction. The illustrations
had to fulfill at least one of the two criteria (best if both were fulfilled): that the
film had received a social recognition and/or had high ratings. The analysis, in
the third step, was focused on the certain existing representations in the films
which corresponded with contradictions and changes that the society was
experiencing at the time. The focus of this analysis will be the ways in which
specific forms of film representation of gender correspond with the social
(ideological, political, cultural) context of socialist Yugoslavia in periods from
2 About representations as forms of selection and construction of meaning, see: Stuart HALL,
”,Representation, meaning, and language”, In: Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying
Practices, (ed.) Stuart HALL, London: Sage Publications, 1997, 13-75.
3 Here, term gender regime is used in a sense of relatively structured relations between men and women, in
institutional and non-institutional environment, on the level of discourse and on the level of practices which
are materialized in different gender roles, different identities and different gender representations (including
different gender performance). Marina BLAGOJEVIĆ, “Žene i muškarci u Srbiji 1990-2000. Urodnjavanje cene
haosa”, in Srbija krajem milenijuma, razaranje društva, promene i svakodnevni život, (eds.) Silvano BOLČIĆ,
Anđelka MILIĆ, Beograd: Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, 2002, 311.
4 Sylvia Walby, Theorizing Patriarchy, Oxford: Blackwell, 1990, 20. This author also differentiates
between two basic forms of patriarchy, private and public, where the first refers to work in household and
is characterized by patriarchal strategy of exclusion and direct control, while the second form refers to the
domain of paid work and state, and is characterized by segregation and oppression. Ibid, 24, 178.
5 Erving GOFFMAN, Gender Advertisements, New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1979, 8.
6 Hortense POWDERMAKER, Hollywood: The Dream Factory. An Anthropologist Looksat the Movie
Makers. London: Secker & Warburg, 1951, 3.
7 Louise KRASNIEWICZ, “Round up the Usual Suspects”: Anthropology goes to the Movies. Expedition
48 (1)/ 2006, 10.
8 Ana BANIĆ GRUBIŠIĆ, “Antropološki pristup medijima – kratak pregled (sa posebnim osvrtom na igrani
film)”, Antropologija 13 (2)/ 2013, 143.
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
1945 to 1952 and from 1952 to 1965. Darko Suvin names the 1945-1965 period
les vingt glorieuses (twenty glorious years) of Yugoslav history, during which
Yugoslavia records great progress from undeveloped agricultural to middle
developed industrial society, good international reputation and important step
toward the economic welfare of wide social strata, but also progress in direction
of achieving social justice and human emancipation.9 At the same time, this
is a period of considerable influence and great popularity of film, after which,
from the mid-1960s, that place is gradually taken over by television. Films
used as the basis of the analysis are those which deal with WWII in Yugoslavia
or the socialist present. It needs to be said that this analysis does not intend
to be comprehensive in its presentation of different levels, dimensions and
complexities of social processes (and interactions) which deal with the way in
which representations of women in Yugoslav film correspond with the changes
in socio-cultural context of Yugoslavia. It represents setting out of basis for
critical thinking on Yugoslav film heritage, which is today necessary not only
to establish a more complex look on the past but also because of emancipatory
potential which that rethinking can have.
One day it shall be wonderful...
War, Revolution, Restructuring and Reconstructing
It is important to keep in mind the complexity of a creation such as
Yugoslavia, which went through significant changes from its inception and
throughout its socialist history depending on social, political and economic
processes which did not merely take place within the Yugoslav context, but also
internationally. The founding myths of the new state were the war of liberation
from fascist occupiers and the socialist revolution. The socialist order, as it
was established after WWII, was based on equality, as well as brotherhood and
unity of the Yugoslav peoples10. The basis of the identity and the legitimacy of
the New Yugoslavia were sought in the kinship of the south Slavic peoples on
the one hand and the more-or-less autochthonous national movement for the
liberation of the country on the other. For Yugoslav communists, The Peoples’
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
Liberation Struggle (Narodno-oslobodilačka borba - NOB) legitimized and
provided a basis for the socialist revolution, while the Peoples’ Liberation Army
(Narodno-oslobodilačka vojska - NOV) and the Partisan Units of Yugoslavia
(Partizanski odredi Jugoslavije -POJ), were institutions which embodied the
ideal of brotherhood and unity.11 In addition to being the political leader
of NOB, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, also played an active and
decisive role in shaping a new consciousness about the state, its character
and its historical significance. The identity of the new state was not only
promoted through official historiography and its “operationalized” version in
the form history textbooks, but also through popular culture. The dominant
narrative in post-war Yugoslavia brought the idea that the national (peoples’)
liberation war was fought by the partisan movement, which included men
and women of all nationalities (ethnic groups). The cohesion factor was the
heroic guerilla struggle against a more powerful occupiers from German,
Italy, Hungary and Bulgaria together with their local collaborators. Cinema
played an important role in this process from the very beginning, because of
its potential for communication and propaganda. Soon after liberation, each
republic founded a central film studio. This period from 1945 to 1950, also
known as the administrative period of centralized Soviet-style governance, was
marked by the founding of state-owned production company “Zvezda” (which
grew out of the propaganda department of the High Command of NOV, of
the Federative National Republic of Yugoslavia - FNRY, as it was called at
the time). During this period, a monumental film studio “Košutnjak” was
built in Belgrade, while the “Avala film” production company was founded
in Belgrade as well as “Jadran film” in Zagreb, “Triglav film” in Ljubljana,
“Vardar film” in Skopje and “Bosna film” in Sarajevo and “Lovćen film” in
Budva.12 The mission of these state-owned cinema production companies
was to document war-time destruction, crimes and trials against the enemy,
reconstruction of the country and feature films. During this stage, the studios
were staffed by personnel from NOB, while the cameras and other technology
came from reparations and the executives were high-ranking military or party
9 Darko Suvin, SAMO JEDNOM SE LJUBI. Radiografija SFR Jugoslavije, 1945.-72. Uz hipoteze o početku,
kraju i suštini, Beograd: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, 2014, 319.
10 According to Dejan Jović, the constitutive concept known as brotherhood and unity establishes the new
Yugoslav identity and bases it on two elements - ethnic kinship of South Slavic nations and the socialist social
order. Jović names a total of four different constitutive concepts which define different periods starting from
initial unification in 1918, until the definitive collapse in 1992: 1) The concept of national unity(narodno
jedinstvo); 2) The concept of contractual Yugoslavhood (sporazumsko jugoslovenstvo); 3) The concept of
brotherhood and unity (bratstvo i jedinstvo) and 4) The concept of unity of Yugoslav nations and nationalities
((zajedništvo jugoslovenskih naroda i narodnosti). The first two concepts belong to interwar Yugoslavia;
while the second two constitute social relations in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on this understanding, we can
make a distinction between the Third and the Fourth Yugoslavia. The Fourth refers to the period from 1974,
until the dissolution of the Alliance of Communists of Yugoslavia (Savez komunista Jugoslavije) in 1992. See
more, Dejan JOVIĆ, Jugoslavija- država koja je odumrla. Uspon, kriza i pad Četvrte Jugoslavije, Zagreb:
Prometej i Beograd: Samizdat B92, 2003, 103-154.
11 Mari-Žanin ČALIĆ, Istorija Jugoslavije u 20. veku, Beograd: Clio, 2013, 205-209.
12 Richard TAYLOR at al., The BFI Companion to Eastern European and Russian Cinema, London:
British Film Institute, 2008, 268. The development of Yugoslav cinema is most often described in relation to
production models, ie ways of financing films; administrative period (1947-1951), period of free film workers
(1952-1956), producer’s period (1957-1962), and finally a cinema that included the first works of the directors
of the so-called Black wave movement, followed by the works of the members of the so-called Czech film
school. On the other hand, Tomislav Šakić states that, regardless of the changes in production models, the
period from 1945 to the beginning of the 1960s in the poetic and aesthetic sense should have been considered
as a unique period which he calls “the classic period”, ie “the period of predominantly narrative style”. See:
Tomislav ŠAKIĆ, „Hrvatski film klasičnoga razdoblja: Ideologizirani filmski diskurz i modeli otklona“,
Hrvatski filmski ljetopis 38/ 2004, 6–34. According to Šakić’s changes in the aesthetic sense only started
taking place after 1961, when the first modernistic performances such as Dance in the Rain/ Ples v dežju
(Boštjan Hladnik, 1961), And Love Has Vanished / Dvoje (Aleksandar Saša Petrovic, 1961) or omnibus Drops,
Water, Warriors / Kapi, vode, ratnici appeared in the Yugoslav film (Marko Babac, Živojin Žika Pavlović,
Vojislav Kokan Rakonjac, 1962). See: Tomislav ŠAKIĆ, „Filmski svijet Veljka Bulajića: poprište susreta
kolektivnog i privatnog“, Hrvatski filmski ljetopis 57-58/ 2009, 14-16.
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
officials.13 These early films were technically modest and lacking in terms of
cinematic craft. The directors were war veterans, partisans, such as Vjekoslav
Afrić, Vojislav Voja Nanović, Vatroslav Mimica, Žorž Skrigin, Nikola Popović,
Radoš Novaković, Vicko Raspor and Stole Janković. Cinema historians Mira
and Antonjin Lim vividly described this phase of Yugoslav cinema “from
mountains to film studios.”14 Andrew Horton succinctly said that Yugoslav
national identity was similarly tied to war and cinema, while partisan films
(red western) as a genre played a similar role to western movies in American
cinema.15 Early partisan films share an essential characteristic with their (early)
western counterparts: narratives of national genesis. They served to “take a
group of settlers of various nationalities, languages, religions and ethics [...]
and create an integrated society, a new nation, a new order.”16 Yugoslav cinema
was a dominant part of the cultural production which supported and affirmed
the narrative of Yugoslavhood as a supranational phenomenon, achievable in a
new social order seeking to establish a classless society, communism. Women’s’
active role in this struggle, both as fighters and through their work behind the
lines (as logistical support, spying, nursing, etc.), was an important part of that
rhetoric, while, equality between men and women represented an important
part the country’s official ideology. As such, these narratives had their place in
Yugoslav cinema.
The context in which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia finds itself at the
beginning of WWII is best described as an industrially weak capitalist country
with an overwhelmingly agrarian economic structure. For example, in 1931,
76% of all economically active persons worked in agriculture, forestry or
fishing, while only 11% were involved in industrial or craft jobs.17 According
to the same census, 44,6 % of the population was illiterate, while this rate
was 56,4% among women over the age of 10, compared to 32% of illiterate
men.18 Most women live in rural areas where physical labour is combined with
reproductive work and various forms of violence.19 Although women’s lives were
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
vastly different depending on their ethnicity, religion and country in which they
lived prior to the creation of the new state, they shared a position of subjugation
in a legal20 and social21 sense. According to Jelena Petrović, this economic and
political inequality could be seen through “deprived political and civil rights
(the right to vote, to own property, to inherit, etc.), limited choice of profession
( teachers, lower ranking clerks in civil service - typists, telephone operators,
cashiers - professions which were available to only a small number of women,
or textile workers, workers in the tobacco industry and, of course, housewives),
exploitation (significantly lower wages compared to men doing the same jobs, as
well as the worst jobs, while simultaneously performing all the household work,
and difficult seasonal work in rural areas), ownership of women (ownership of
the father, then husband, especially in rural areas where 76% of population lives
according to the 1931 census), cultural and public exclusion of women (with
few exceptions, whose “femininity” in public space was tolerated as a handicap),
etc.”22 In spite of all of this, a number of women’s organizations and magazines
was active during the interwar period, ranging in ideological conviction, form
socialist to clero-fascist, and, for the most part, they worked legally.23
Women’s organizations stopped their work when WWII started, but
a significant number of women joined and actively participated in the armed
resistance, and through providing support behind the lines.24 Women’s Antifascist
Front (Antifašistički Front Žena - AFŽ) grew out of a network of women’s
organizations which were formed in most of the liberated territories and was
officially formed in 1942. Josip Broz Tito attended the first Congress of AFŽ
(from 5. to 7. of December), which is symbolically significant. He remarked
on the historical importance of the even for women’s struggle for equality and
emphasized women’s contribution to the liberation struggle: “ Everything that
is done by our army today is 90% the achievement of our heroic women of
Yugoslavia.” Also, he spoke of the goals of AFŽ, beyond winning against the
13 This is period of emphasized ideological control over film making. in Yugoslavia, official censorship
was introduced immediately after WWII, in 1945. The Official Gazette of (then) Democratic Federative
Yugoslavia (DFY) published a “Directive on censorship of cinematographic films.” Commissions were made
of party and state officials, and military and police officers. See more on this topic at Goran MILORADOVIĆ,
“Lica u tami. Društveni profil filmskih cenzora u Jugoslaviji 1945-1955”, Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju, XI
(2-3)/2004, 101-122. Also see, Goran MILORADOVIĆ, Lepota pod nadzorom : sovjetski kulturni uticaji u
Jugoslaviji : 1945-1955, Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2012.
14 Antonjin LIM i Mira LIM, Najvažnija umetnost: Istočnoevropski film u dvadesetom veku, Beograd:
CLIO, 2006, 124.
15 Andrew Horton in Stephanie BARIC, „Yugoslav War Cinema: Shooting a Nation that No Longer Exists“,
MA thesis, Concordia University, Montreal, 2001, 33. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/1507/1/MQ64011.
pdf (20.5.2017).
16 Hrvoje TURKOVIĆ, Filmska opredjeljenja, Zagreb: Meandar, 1985, 140.
17 О privrednoj aktivnost žепа Jugoslavije od 1918. do 1953. according to Lydia SKELVICKY, Konji, žene,
ratovi, Zagreb: Druga - Ženska infoteka, 1996, 93.
18 For a detailed overview of population structure in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, see Ibid, 93-96 i 103-107.
19 Regarding the position of women in the interwar period, see more, Vera ST. ERLICH, Jugoslavenska
porodica u transformaciji, studija u tristotine sela, Zagreb: Liber, 1971.
20 Kingdom of Yugoslavia throughout its existence never had a unified Civic code, there were six different
legal areas strongly influenced by official religious organizations instead, and those were, amongst other
things, determining laws regarding marriage, divorce and annulment of marriage. Women were given no
rights in any of these legal system, they were not recognized as legal subjects at all. The only exception was
criminal law, where it was recognized that women are capable of committing crimes and that they can be held
legally responsible for those same way the men could. SKELVICKY, Konji, žene, ratovi, 88, 90.
21 On status of women in the lands that entered Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (that became
Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929), see more, Neda BOŽINOVIĆ, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku,
Beograd: Devedesetčetvrta: Žene u crnom, 1996, 91- 103.
22 Jelena PETROVIĆ, „Društveno-političke paradigme prvog talasa jugoslovenskih feminizama“,
ProFemina, 2/ 2011, 63.
23 Ibid, str. 59-80. Regarding the history of women organizing between the wars in Yugoslavia, also see,
BOŽINOVIć, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku, 104-133; SKELVICKY, Konji, žene, ratovi, 79-81.
24 Quoting Jere Vodušek-Starič, Mari Žanin Čalić claims that PLA has 800 000 men and women under
arms. ČALIĆ, Istorija Jugoslavije u 20. veku, 207. During the war 305 000 fighters lost their lives, with
another 425 000 wounded. Ibid, 209. It has been estimated that there were over 100 000 female fighters in
Yugoslavia during WWII, 25 000 of whom got killed, 40 000 wounded, and 3 000 survived with some sort
of heavy disability. 90 women have been awarded with People’s Hero medal. Žena u privredi i društvu SFR
Jugoslavije, osnovni pokazatelji, Beograd: Savezni zavod za statistiku, 1975, 3.
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
occupiers, but as a struggle for the final liberation of women.25 Considering the
role of AFŽ, Lydia Sklevicky maintains that there were two large interconnected
groups of tasks. The first involved the people’s liberation movement in general,
such as providing aid to the army (gathering food, material goods, charity work,
etc.) and organizing life behind the lines, ensuring that normal life continued in
liberated territories, including social policies (such as care for the children, the
sick and the ill). The second group of tasks of AFŽ encompassed political and
cultural emancipation of women and their equal inclusion into the liberation
struggle and the reconstruction of postwar society.26 Even during the Fifth State
Congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Komunistička partija Jugoslavije
- KPJ) in 1940, two women were voted as members of the Central Committee,
Spasenija Babović and Vida Tomšič, who later went on to serve as presidents of
AFŽ. As Tomšič demanded in her speech, “all party organizations need to devote
utmost attention to working with women”, and these efforts should actively
include men.27 She repeated previous demands of women’s civil and workers’
movements, which had not been accomplished by this point, and added them
to the Communist Party program, “protection of motherhood, elimination
of duplicitous morality in public and private life, economic equality and the
right to vote.”28 Education was a particularly important condition for achieving
equality. According to Sklevicky “AFŽ directed many of their activities in that
direction, and we can see multiple levels at which this task was accomplished.
The basic level consisted of literacy courses and general education, which later
continued into political education - as upbringing for politics, while writing
for women’s magazines and propaganda to read it, signified a call to create a
new activist identity for women.29 AFŽ press played an important role in this
process. According to Gordana Stojaković, around 30 women’s magazines were
published from time to time between 1942 and 1945 within AFŽ and KPJ, in
parts of Yugoslavia where the people’s liberation movement (NOP) was active.30
25 „Drug Tito nama i o nama“, Žena danas, 31/ 1943. br. 3 according BOŽINOVIĆ, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji
u XIX i XX veku, 147.
26 SKELVICKY, Žene, konji, ratovi, 25-28.
27 Ljubinka ČIRIĆ-BOGETIĆ, „Odluke Pete zemaljske konferencije KPJ o radu među ženama i njihova realizacija u
periodu 1940-1941. godine“, in Peta zemaljska konferencija KPJ: zbornik radova, (eds.) Zlatko ČEPO, Ivan JELIĆ, Zagreb:
Institut za historiju radničkog pokreta Hrvatske: Školska knjiga, 1972, 94. http://www.znaci.net/00003/661.pdf (19. 5. 2017)
28 PETROVIĆ, „Društveno-političke paradigme prvog talasa jugoslovenskih feminizama”, 76.
29 SKELVICKY, Konji, žene, ratovi, 30.
30 Gordana STOJAKOVIĆ, Rodna perspektiva novina Antifašističkog fronta žena (1945-1953), Novi Sad: Zavod
za ravnopravnost polova, 2012, str. 37- 38. System of AFŽ press was based on the kind of hierarchy in which Žena
danas (Woman today) was a monthly issue which transmitted the axiomatic messages to the leaders of the middle and
lower class AFŽ boards, and all other papers would then, as per the matrix thus created, convey their vision of reality
on both macro (political plan) as well as micro (everyday life) level. At the same time, they were creating a whole
new reality based on those new roles that women were supposed to take on. Women being portrayed as active actors
in the transformation of social and political context in factories, on the fields, farmers unions but also in Peoples
Liberation Boards (narodno-oslobodilački odbori - NOO) where they partake in government is highly characteristic
for the post-war papers in 1946-1950 period. At the same time, role of women in care and nutrition economy, as well
as the role of a mother (whether it be to its own or adopted, war orphaned children) is still very important. Ibid, 169173. See also, Ksenija VIDMAR-HORVAT, Imaginarna majka – Rod i nacionalizam u kulturi 20. stoljeća, Zagreb:
Sandorf i Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 2017, 45-58.
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Women’s Antifascist Front provided a channel for women to articulate their
demands for equality with men across all segments of society. For many women,
participation in antifascist resistance and the movement to liberate their country,
as well as participation in “organs of people’s government” („organi narodne
vlasti“) (where they had the right to vote and to be voted for, even during the
war) signaled they started to be politicized and to become political subjects.
In addition to the numerous tasks AFŽ took on in the post- war
rebuilding and construction of the state, their focus was on legislation which
would embody and ensure equality between women and men. Yugoslav women
took part in the election for a Constitutional parliament for the first time in
1945. Turnout for women was exceptionally high, which can be seen from
the report at the Third Congress of Yugoslav AFŽ, which stated that 88%
of women voted.31 The Constitution from 1946 affirmed equality between
women and men in spheres of social and political life. It is important to note
that this Constitution did not introduce a practice of equality between men
and women regarding voting rights, rather, these Constitutional principles
came out of a previously established practice. All the legislation that followed
strictly adhered to this principle.32 It was promoted as one of the central
principles on which the new state was to be based, and it reflected the radical
revolutionary attitudes that all inequalities based on class, nationality and
gender should be abolished. In addition to education, women’s economic
independence was seen as a key prerequisite for women’s emancipation.
Women and men were becoming equal, first and foremost, as members of
the working class. As Gordana Stojaković states, “Socialist ideology did not
consider women’s emancipation outside of its (working)class framework which
dictated the measure of women’s emancipation in relation to the sphere of
labor.33 Immediately after the war, due to the urgent need for construction and
rapid modernization, ingrained attitudes regarding women’s inferiority came
to be treated as a measure of political and social backwardness. This in turn
meant made the issue of women’s equality a political question whose solution
became necessary if society was going to transform in the new revolutionary
direction. At the same time, the so-called women’s issue, although insecure and
partial, possessed a singular and autonomous status through AFŽ . In this
31 “Politika”, 28. oktobar 1950. prema Vera GUDAC – DODIĆ, „Položaj žene u Srbiji (1945–2000)“, in Žene
i deca - Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XIX i XX veka, (ed.) Latinka Perović, Beograd: Helsinški odbor
za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2006, 35.
32 Through marriage law (1946) position of women and men in marriage has been made equal, and the family
law legislation introduced in 1947 made rights of children born out of wedlock the same as those of legitimate
children. Insurance against all risks has been introduced through legislation on social security, which included
paid maternity leave as well as pension rights which are same for both men and women (although women
would retire earlier). Law introduced in 1951 guaranteed the right to abortion. 1974 Constitution made sure
women are guaranteed a full right to free birth, and since 1977 there were no limitations on abortions within
first 10 weeks of pregnancy. Ibid, 33; BOŽINOVIĆ, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku, 161-163.
33 Gordana STOJAKOVIĆ, „Antifašistički front žena Jugoslavije (AFŽ) 1946–1953: pogled kroz AFŽ
štampu“, u Rod i levica, (ed.) Lidija VASILJEVIĆ, Beograd: Ženski informaciono-dokumentacioni trening
centar (ŽINDOK), 2012, 13.
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
organization, women took charge of their own emancipation as active subjects
playing their part in building the new socialist society.
Films that were produced immediately after the war featured a
prototypical revolutionary female subjectivity whose key references were
women’s active participation in the armed struggle and their work behind
the lines. A good example can be found in the film Živjeće ovaj narod/ This
people Shall Live written by Branko Ćopić ad directed by Nikola Popović made
in 1947.34 The above mentioned revolutionary female subjectivity is clearly
located as exclusively proletarian and rural, while gender and class are also
closely intertwined. The story takes place in Bosanska krajina, under the
mountain Grmeč during an early uprising against German occupiers and the
Ustaša in 1941. Jagoda (Vera Ilić) , who happens to be a young Serbian peasant
women, falls in love with Ivan (Siniša Ravasi), a Croatian young partisan
Commissar and specialist in mining railways, who comes from a nearby town.
The opening of the film shows Jagoda speaking to a soldier of the Yugoslav
army which just capitulated, in order to hint to the audience that there is
still resistance. As she gives him water, she inquires why he is still carrying
rifles if the army capitulated, and his response is “Who else will defend you?
We will wage war again”. [“A ko će vas braniti? Mi ćemo tek ratovati.“] The
film follows the process of preparing for the uprising. which involves most
of the other peasants. A dialogue between Jagoda and her grandfather Ilija
(Fran Novaković) in which she asks “Grandpa, how does one overthrow the
state?”[„Đede, kako se ruši država?“] and he responds “Oh no, since when
do you care for the state?” [„Zar i ti vodiš brigu o državi, jadan sam ti ja?”]
early in the film indicates that she does not accept limitations based on gender
which would keep women out of politics and major historical events such as
the war. Similarly, in the scene where her grandfather asks her about dressing
up nicely, Jagoda replies “I am going to the Committee. I will drive food
to the army” [„Idem do odbora. Voziću hranu vojsci.“] and Ilija maintains
“You? What is woman doing with the army?” [„Ama, zar ti? Šta ima žensko s
vojskom?“]. The grandmother (Milica-Carka Jovanović) who is baking bread,
joins the conversation, “Oh, my crazy granddaughter, they’re shooting there.
You might pay with your life” [„E, moja luda unuko, pa tamo se puca. Možeš
glavom platiti“] and adds that it would be better if her younger brother (a boy)
went than “her, lass!” [„nego ona, curetina!“]. Another way in which Jagoda
steps out of her traditional patriarchal role is her thirst for knowledge. After
she finds out that the recently liberated older men is a university professor and
scholar, she asks him to teach her to read. In return, she offers to mend and
wash his clothes, which allows her to establish a relationship based on equality
and exchange, rather than a relation in which she is begging for charity. Later
in the film, the teacher gives a speech on the occasion of the end of the literacy
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
34 For more detailed analysis of this film, see, Nebojša JOVANOVIĆ, „Gender and Sexuality in the Classical
Yugoslav Cinema, 1947-1962“, PhD dissertation, Central European University Department of Gender Studies
Budapest, 2014, 94-99.
course, and we see an audience full of women with joy on their faces. There is a
wide range of female characters, from more traditional women (usually older)
to younger women who are becoming emancipated and politicized through
their involvement in the struggle. Jagoda is the symbolic representation of
women’s emancipation as a herald of the present and the future. Another
reason why we chose this film (instead of for example, Slavica by Vjekoslav
Afrić, made in the same year) is the representation of women as a collective,
peasant women as a revolutionary force, whose capacity for enacting change
comes from their oppressed position in a rural patriarchal context. Women
are the ones who cross ethnic boundaries. During a village meeting, one of
the peasants (man) expresses doubts that Ivan is probably ustaša, but Jagoda,
who is already falling in love with him, is not the only one to defend him.
Other women rebel against this assumption, and they do so as a group. Their
involvement and contribution to the whole struggle is more heart-felt that men,
who let their habitual ethnic distrust and dispiritedness guide their doubts.
Women’s massive involvement in the rebellion can be seen in a series of scenes,
in which the peasant organize to transport wheat to the partisans. A village
meeting where peasants (men and women) discuss this, precedes these scenes.
The men, both peasants and the partisans in the mountains, express doubt
about the feasibility of this endeavour, because there is a blizzard and “neither
the sled, nor the horses can pass across the mountain” [“ni saonice, ni konji ne
mogu prijeći preko planine”]. Jagoda is the first to react: “Neither the sled, nor
the horses, but a person can! We will break through to Drvar!” [“Ni saonice,
ni konji, ali može čovjek! Mi ćemo se probiti do Drvara!”]. She is immediately
joined by other women. And what follows is a memorable scene. A long scene
depicting the blizzard, in which we see dark skirts in the wind against the
backdrop of the white snow in the storm, as the women walk in line and carry
the wheat. The other memorable scene is the battle against Germans. Peasants
join the partisans in battle, and women are on the frontlines again, at first with
agricultural tools, and then, as they progress, they take weapons from dead
soldiers. These images combine the representation of the nation in rebellion
and the revolutionary femininity. It is abundantly clear after the battle, that
victory was not possible without the women.
Later films very rarely depict women as a collective revolutionary
subject, but still, the trope of the individual partisan/female fighter persists
in the representation of women in NOB. At this point, it is important to
differentiate between the first phase of partisan films (1947-1960), which is
dominated by narratives about the beginning of the revolution and relatively
modest tasks. While the second phase (1960-1990) of partisan films already
represents a genre in its own right, and the narratives are larger-than-life
mythologies about spectacular battles and impressive action scenes. Women
remain in these narratives, as partisans and fighters, which later contributes
as a factor of their emancipation. This kind of adventurous crossing of
boundaries only serves to further show social mobility and a release from
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
patriarchal shekels.35 This trope is most clearly seen in films depicting
military offensives, which is a sub-genre of partisan films. In other words, “the
seven largest military operations of the German army and its collaborators
against Yugoslav partisans during World War II”36 were made into epic films
which took a significant place in the official ideological discourse of Yugoslav
socialism. Also, these were state projects which took up considerable material
and human resources.37 According to Nemanja Zvijer, over time, narrating
the seven offensives38 became a “significant place of memory and one of the
important segments through which the complexity of WWII in Yugoslavia
could be reduced and simplified.”39
In this text, we are briefly going to consider the character of Danica
(Sylvia Koscina) from the partisan spectacle Battle on the Neretva / Bitka na
Neretvi (1969), directed by Veljko Bulajić, which according to Zvijer, can be
seen as “an blatant example of film-making practice of war spectacle in socialist
Yugoslavia.”40 The movie portrays a series of military operations aimed at
destroying partisan forces which were undertaken by German, Italian, Ustaša
and Četnik armed forces in the beginning of 1943 throughout the territory
of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina. Socialist historiography named this The
Fourth Enemy Offensive or The Battle for the Wounded because the partisan
army retreated with around 4000 wounded and sick (mainly from typhoid).
As in many other films (especially filmed offensives), the main character is
the collective, in other words, the partisan army. Various fictional characters
and their personal dramatic stories are combined into a mosaic which serves
to paint the true hero, the multiethnic multitude which is fighting for their
freedom and their future. The partisan army, which includes the typhoid
sufferers and refugees, actually constitutes the image of “nation in rebellion.”
This army is made up of both men and women. In the film, one can see women
in traditional roles, as peasant-women carrying their children as they flee,
also as nurses and doctors, but more importantly in new roles as uniformed
and armed fighters, taking an active role in the struggle. This comes across
most expressively in one of the first images in the beginning of the film,
when Danica is taking a picture with her brothers Novak (Ljubiša Samardžić)
and Vuk (Radko Polič). All three of them are wearing uniforms. Another
memorable scene takes place during a particularly strong attack from German,
35 Comp. Renata JAMBREŠIĆ KIRIN, ”Moderne vestalke u kulturi pamćenja Drugog svjetskog rata”, in
Dom i svijet, (ed.) Sandra PRLENDA, Zagreb: Centar za ženske studije, 2008, 27.
36 Nemanja ZVIJER, „Koncept neprijatelja u filmovanim ofanzivama – Prilog sociološkoj analizi filma”,
Sociološki pregled, XLIV (3)/ 2010, 419.
37 Ibid, 421.
38 The offensives were made into films in the following order: Kozara (1962), Raid on Drvar / Desant na
Drvar (1963), The Battle on the Neretva / Bitka na Neretvi (1969), Sutjeska (1973), The Republic of Užice /
Užička Republika (1974), The Fall of Italy / Pad Italije (1981) and The March on Igman / Igmanski marš (1983).
39 ZVIJER, „Koncept neprijatelja u filmovanim ofanzivama”, 421 i dalje;
40 Nemanja ZVIJER, „Ideologija i vrednosti u jugoslovenskom ratnom spektaklu: prilog sociološkoj analizi
filma na primeru Bitke na Neretvi Veljka Bulajića“, in Hrvatski filmski ljetopis 57-58/ 2009, 27. For more
detailed analysis of this film, Ibid, 27-40.
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Italian, Ustaša and Četnik forces. The sound of the song “Fall, oh force and
injustice” [Padaj silo i nepravdo] is mixed with the sound of artillery canon
fire and the sound of Church bells, until the sounds become indistinguishable.
With this sound, we see images of partisans and wounded, intertwined with
fight scenes against an overwhelmingly more powerful enemy. Danica is on
the front line in the battle. We want to draw attention to her face, and to the
tears running down her cheeks as she shoots from the machine gun. A second
later, we see her charge into battle and shout “Charge!” Having in mind that
tears are traditionally associated with weakness which is a constitutive part of
stereotypical femininity, it is possible to read this scene as a hint at overcoming
the traditional hierarchical male/female and strength/weakness dichotomy.
Although there are multiple ways to read this, cinematic representations
of femininity in WWII offer a contrast the partisan woman as an embodiment
of the female revolutionary subject on the one hand, and the decadent femininity
which is often directly linked with female collaborators.41 In this context gender
is closely linked to class. The film Abeceda straha / Alphabet of Fear (1961),
directed by Fadil Hadžić is a good example. It follows one episode in the life of
partisan undercover operative Vera (Vesna Bojanić), who poses as Katica and
gets a job as maid in the household of the banker Molnar (Josip Zappalorto),
a high ranking sympathizer of the Ustaša government in Zagreb in 1943.
Vera/Katica’s job is to get a list of planted Ustaša informants. Alphabet of fear
continues a trend of urban guerrilla movies, which begin with Don’t Look Back,
My Son / Ne okreći se sine (1956), directed by Branko Bauer. As a character, Vera
represents an emancipated young woman who participates in planning and
carrying out actions equally with her male comrades. This film is interesting
because the number of female and male characters is almost equal (thirteen male
compared to ten female characters). Additionally, the (“bourgeois”) women are
portrayed more negatively than Molnar, even though he is an Ustaša officer
who actively collaborates with the Ustaša for ten years, as the movie reveals.
Molnar lives with his wife and two daughters, the younger one being fifteen.
Throughout the whole film, a clear contrast is drawn between Vera and the
other female characters, and it is constituted on (at least) two levels: concerning
gender and concerning class. The world of the bourgeois wife is delineated by
marriage as a business agreement. She organizes social occasions that can help
her husband’s career, she chooses dresses, spends time with other wives, in trivial
conversation (usually about other men) and gossip. The representation of the
bourgeois woman corresponds with the traditional negative female stereotypes.
This representation includes superficiality, selfishness, focus on fulfilling their
own desires, lack of political consciousness and moral considerations and an
inability to understand a larger picture.42 In this sense, their collaboration can
be understood as a consequence of a lack of intellectual and moral capacity. An
41 See more JOVANOVIĆ, „Gender and Sexuality in the Classical Yugoslav Cinema, 1947-1962“,100- 108.
42 At one point, Molnar describes his wife by saying the way “she gossips is a form of political work” [„da
se bavi tračem kao jedinim političkim radom“].
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
example of this can be seen in Mrs. Molnar’s (Nada Kasapić) tea party, which
she organizes for the wives of the other Ustaša officers. One of the guests asks
about news, and then begins by her own “You should see the Jewish set that I
have received” [„Imaš li šta novo? Da vidiš kakvu sam ja židovsku garnituru
dobila“] and then continues with a mixture of gossip about sexual adventures
of one of the husbands, mocking, discussing servants and information about
an absent friends who is “higher up now”[“sada visoko odskočila”] because
“her Victor just burned fifty villages and became an important person over
night”[“njen Viktor je zapalio pedeset sela i preko noći postao velika ličnost”].
This does not imply anything about the nature of femininity, but rather only
about socially constructed pressures of bourgeois society in which these women
were socialized. The best example for this is the representation of Saša (Jasenka
Kodrnja), Molnar’s younger daughter. Unlike Elza (Tatjana Beljakova), the
elder daughter, whom we see in an Ustaša uniform as she is getting ready for
work one morning, Saša is still young, spoiled and has not had a chance to
be corrupted. As she speaks to Katica/Vera, she mentions she would like to
meet partisans, because “there are young women among them” [“kažu da ima
i devojaka među njima”]. Although her daydreams revolve around love and
young men, she shows a curiosity about the world and issues outside the narrow
life of her family, her social circle and a fate that is intended for her.
Here it should be kept in mind that the idea of woman´s economic
independence, as the primary condition of her emancipation, is in the basis
of the socialist ideology of women’s emancipation; therefore the question of
change of women´s position was primarily linked with the women´s already
implemented right to work. After the war, this did not simply emanate from
the ideology of the newly established government, but also from the need to
engage as many people as possible in the restoration of the war-torn country,
and later from the ambitious demands of the five-year plan´s realization.
Hence the state´s and AFŽ´s efforts to employ as many women as possible and
integrate them into different economic activities, including those in which, in
pre-war Yugoslavia, only or mainly men had been employed. The time period
immediately after the war is defined by intense social restructuring and the
struggle for the meanings of the new social (and gender) order, whereas the war
heroism was replaced by work heroism. Socialism needed to be stabilized and
a destroyed country rebuilt. Almost 400 000 people were left homeless and
the damage was measured to around 2,3 billion US dollars. The first period
which in economic terms represented a period of centralized administrative
government (1945-1952), was marked by a complex system of savings measures
(coupons for consumption rationing) and planned production (first five year
plan 1947-1951). Right after the war, UN and the United Nations Relief and
Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) donated 416 million worth of
goods (mainly food) to Yugoslavia.43 For women in the first decade of post-
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
war restoration of society the place among workers-udarniks/shock workers
was reserved, and they needed to participate on the same level as men in every
form of collective activity. On the one hand poverty and rationing additionally
motivated women to compete for the status of udarnik/shock worker in order
to secure additional food, clothes and textile coupons44; on the other hand the
intense agitation of AFŽ, primarily through the press, worked on construing a
woman-worker as a key protagonist in the successful realization of the socialist
project. The struggle did not only signify the struggle for emancipation but
also the struggle for implementation of the five year plan (from 1947 to 1951).
Women were mobilized on several levels: through work actions, analphabetic
courses, as well as tailoring and sewing courses, as workers and udarniks, but
were all the while also expected to take care of the household. State politics
used the New woman as a symbolic bearer of modernization45, and women’s
visibility in socio-cultural sphere of the new state should have marked the
accomplished progress in this new reality. As Ksenija Vidmar-Horvat states,
for understanding complex socialist gender politics and the definition of
woman´s role in socialism three basic fields of establishment of woman´s
position are important: work domain, marital-family life, and in relation to
children. And the socialist project called for a radical shift from bourgeois
oppression of women on all three fields.46 Vladimir Pogačić´s film “Priča o
fabrici” (The Factory Story) shows that this was not a simple task.47 The story
is set in a textile factory in Zagreb shortly after the liberation of the country.
The problems which the factory faces include not only deficiency, difficulties
in production, work with the machines and procurement of materials, but
also the plan of its former pre-war owner Gartner (Tito Stroci) to sabotage the
factory. Two parallel strands shape the narrative. One follows the dilemmas
of the engineer Branimir Vrtar (Strahinja Petrović) whom Gartner plans to
draw in in his sabotage plans, which meets the approval of Vrtar´s wife who
cannot reconcile with their losing of pre-war privileges. The protagonist of
the other strand of the story is Marija Mlinarić (Marija Crnobori), a textile
worker, who wants to solve the production problems by showing that one
female worker can work on six machines simultaneously. The one thing in
common is the unhappy marriages of the two protagonists. Vrtar´s wife,
a glamorous beauty, cannot find a way to make peace with losing pre-war
privileges and therefore pressures Branimir to take part in the sabotage of
43 Igor DUDA, ”Uhodavanje socijalizma”,Refleksije vremena 1945. – 1955. 10–40. Zagreb: Galerija
Klovićevi dvori, 2013, 25.
44 Coupons r1 and r2 for workers and coupon 0 for all others, while peasants had no right to coupons. Also,
r1 coupons could have been used in different stores in relation to r2 coupons. Renata JAMBREŠIĆ KIRIN,
”Žene u formativnom socijalizmu”, Refleksije vremena 1945. – 1955. (ed.) Jasmina Bavoljak, Zagreb: Galerija
Klovićevi dvori, 2012, 193.
45 Comp. JAMBREŠIČ-KIRIN, ”Moderne vestalke u kulturi pamćenja Drugog svjetskog rata”, 19-54.
46 VIDMAR HORVAT, Imaginarna majka – Rod i nacionalizam u kulturi 20. stoljeća, 46. On the politics
of representation of motherhood in socialism, see: ibid, 46-67 . On the politics of motherhood, see: Rada
DREZGIĆ, “Bela kuga“ među “Srbima“. O naciji, rodu i rađanju na prelazu vekova, Beograd: Albatros Plus:
Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, 2010, 17-51.
47 For a more detailed anayisis, see: JOVANOVIĆ, “Gender and Sexuality in the Classical Yugoslav
Cinema, 1947-1962“, 138-141.
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
the factory. On the other side, Marija’s marital problems are in connection to
the refusal of her husband Ferd (Branko Pleša), a model worker himself, to
accept Marija’s dedication to work. During her testimony at the Gartner´s and
his accomplices´ trial about the circumstances which preceded the sabotage,
she starts to talk about Ferd’s behaviour. On the reaction of one of the jurors
that Marija is disclosing details of her personal life “which have nothing to do
with the subject of the trial” [koji nemaju veze sa predmetom rasprave] Marija
replies: “Private life? Do you really think that life can be divided?“ [“Privatni
život? Zar vi zbilja mislite da se život može dijeliti?”]. In one of the scenes we
are shown how Ferd accuses her of neglecting the marriage in order to work.
While she is doing the laundry, in his complaints the anger (“I’ve had enough
of your conferences, your jobs outside the house. Do I have a wife?...Is this
a home? Is this a marriage?” [“Meni je već preko glave tvojih konferencija,
tvojih poslova izvan kuće. Imam li ja ženu? ... Zar je ovo kuća? Zar je ovo
brak?”]) and pleas (”Am I a bad worker? But who can demand from me to
renounce everything? Listen, for my love, you are going to leave those damned
six machines” [“Zar sam ja loš radnik? Ali tko može od mene zahtjevati da
se odreknem baš svega? Slušaj, meni za ljubav, ti ćeš ostaviti tih prokletih šest
strojeva”]) take turns. We are here able to see directly the conflict between
revolutionary emancipation and patriarchal woman’s gender role. Through the
expectation that woman’s primary responsibility lies in the private domain,
marriage and family, patriarchy survives the revolution. Woman’s exit from
the private domain (which traditionally belongs to women) into the public
domain, the possibility to work and economic independence are not enough
for a complete transformation of woman’s position – the patriarchal order
continues to live in the private and family domain.48
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
broke traditional stereotypes of how woman should look and behave with
their endeavours in industry and restoration of the country.49On the other
side, the split-up with Soviet Union, made the management of the country
turn for help (loans and commerce) to their ideological counterparts – the
capitalist West.50An adequate model, which was far enough from the countries
of the so called real socialism but also not threatening for the reputation in
international workers movement, was needed. The new identity of the state
was developing on the idea of diversity, the search for the “third way” in regard
to SSSR and the Soviet bloc, and to pre-war Yugoslavia and liberal democracy
in general (where liberal democracy and capitalism were used as synonyms).
On the international plane, the specifics of that Yugoslav “third way” built
in conditions of bloc division, were manifested through the Non-Aligned
Movement51, on the interior plane it was manifested through the invention of
socialist self-management (as a counterpoint to state planned economy of the
countries of the East, but also to the free market of the West).52At the beginning
of the 1950 the government had already tested the first self-managing units in
production, and in the summer of the same year came the first confirmation of
the foreign help. It seemed as the situation had normalized. Mass mobilizations
were switched for the gradual introduction of self-management units from the
start of the 1950s.53The state started the process of decentralization on all
levels, first in the economy, and then in the whole society. Companies were
managed by workers councils, although in practice in the most part, especially
in the beginning, only notionally. The main decisions on companies business
conduct were still made by the state.54Parallel with the growing independence
of economic organizations as the bearers of economic growth, the autonomy
48 Although it factually marks the end of her marriage, Marija chooses work. The end of the film is also very
interesting. Instead of exhausted from work and sadness as we see her in the most part of the film, Marija is
represented in a new dress and exudes freshness and optimism. To be without a man does not automatically
mean to be miserable.
49 GUDAC-DODIĆ, “Položaj žene u Srbiji (1945–2000)“, 60.
50 About the relations with the USA and the Soviet Union in 1948-1963 period, see: Tvrtko JAKOVINA,
Socijalizam na američkoj pšenici: (1948-1963), Zagreb: Matica hrvatska, 2002.
51 During the meeting of Tito, Egyptian president Nasser and India’s prime-minister Nehru in Brioni in
1956, the draft was made of what is to become the official declaration of the Non-Aligned Movement after the
Belgrade conference in 1961. The declaration states: condemnation of the bloc division of the world, complete
removal of the causes of wars, support for the disarmament, need for nuclear energy used for peaceful
purposes, economic help for underdeveloped countries and mutual cooperation. Ibid, 121-124.
52 Todor Kuljić has succinctly formulated in an interview: “The whole Yugoslav ideology of selfmanagement was a sort of a “third way“, which Yugoslav socialist officials always highlighted. It wasn’t
planned socialism, but also not capitalism. We are somewhere in-between these opposites; we do not represent
the extremes; we are the real self-managing democracy. Exactly this ideology of the “third way“ enabled very
flexible foreign policy, which was useful to the eastern and the western bloc.“ Todor KULJIĆ, “Jugoslovensko
radničko samoupravljanje”, 2003, http://eipcp.net/transversal/0805/kuljic/sr (30.05. 2017).
53 First, in June 1950 with the enactment of the “Basic law on the management of the state companies and
higher business associations by the working collectives“, which was later confirmed by the “Constitutional
law on the basis of social and political organization of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia and
federal authorities“ from January 1953. In his speech in the Parliament on the occasion of the enactment
of the “Self-management law“, Josip Broz Tito highlighted three key moments in future development of
Yugoslavia: process of “withering away of the state“, distancing of the Party (KPJ) from the state apparatus
and transformation of state into social property, which will be governed by the direct manufacturers. Dušan
BILANDŽIĆ, Hrvatska moderna povijest, Zagreb: Golden marketing, 1999, 321-334.
54 The “Law on planned managment of national economy“ was adopted already in 1951. Ibid, 327.
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Do you really think that life can be divided?…
The Big Turn Over
The event which, in the long run, has set the course of development of
Yugoslavia and announced a radical transformation of all spheres of Yugoslav
society is the conflict with the Cominform in 1948. It was one of the hardest
periods in the socialist history of Yugoslavia. Economic blockade in the East,
strong political pressure from the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist
bloc, the danger of the occupation of Yugoslavia, made the government reach
for mass mobilizations and employment of all available hands. This kind
of government initiative was supported by the official press, which in that
period especially highlighted the role of female udarniks and women who
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
of the local authorities as the bearers of social growth was strengthened.55
Socialist democracy was in the case of Yugoslavia first of all understood
as economic democracy based on national equality and social parity. The
personal contribution to the development of the country, the ability to govern
the process of production, and thereby the process of social modernization
meant to be an actor, autonomous subject of your own development. The
role of the worker was central to the construction of the “cosmopolitan,
international, modern and supranational identity of the citizen of Yugoslavia
in the time of socialism”56.When it comes to women’s socialist ideology, it did
not contemplate emancipation of the women outside the work system (working
class). As Ksenija Vidmar-Horvat states, as “friends” they were an integral
part of the proletariat and it was considered that they have no other special
rights which would be separate from the rights and demands of the working
class. Gender discourse in SFRY was mainly focused on the role of women
in national industry, while in the aspect of private and family life (marriage,
motherhood, and gender roles) the traditional model was considerably kept.
In the socialist model an attempt was made on harmonization and integration
of working functions and functions which women perform in the private
domain, with the emphasis on motherhood. Although the state had introduced
measures which should have facilitated women in connecting public (the
domain of work and political engagement) and private (primarily linked to
motherhood, like paid maternal leave, almost free kindergarten, hot meals for
children in school etc.57) domains, the attitude that women as a social group
were not different from men prevailed.58 “Self-cancellation” of the Women’s
Antifascist Front in 195359 also marks the abolition of the independence of the
55 Regarding this the most important was “The Law on people’s committee’s“, which was adopted in 1952.
Ibid, 334-339.
56 Tanja PETROVIĆ, Yuropa – Jugoslovensko nasleđe i politike budućnosti u postjugoslovenskim
društvima, Beograd: Fabrika knjiga, 2012, 158 (u fusnoti).
57 According to the Regulation on the protection of employed pregnant women and breastfeeding mothers,
the 90 day maternal leave was predicted, and in some cases shorter, four hour work day was provided, until the
child was three years of age. For the employed breastfeeding mothers interruption of work in every three hours
was provided, due to feeding of the child, and that right was available until sixth month after the birth. During
the maternal leave full cash compensation was provided. Mothers (single parent or those whose children
needed additional care) who worked shorter, four hours shifts after the cessation of that leave, had a right to
monthly pay in amount of 75% of the income. In later stages of social development, in Yugoslavia the duration
of paid maternal leave was extended on several occasions, until the child was one year old. GUDAC-DODIĆ,
“Položaj žene u Srbiji (1945-2000)“, 37.
58 VIDMAR HORVAT, Imaginarna majka – Rod i nacionalizam u kulturi 20. stoljeća, 47-49.
59 Women’s Antifascist Front (AFŽ), as a separate women’s organisation was abolished on the IV congress
in 1953. Different organisations and associations which dealt with the questions of interest to women united
in the Alliance of women’s associations of Yugoslavia, from which the Conference for social activity of
women of Yugoslavia arose (established in Zagreb in 1961.). It acted within SSRNJ – Alliance of socialist
working people of Yugoslavia (Savez socijalističkog radnog naroda Jugoslavije). Neda Božinović, former
partisan (bearer of the Commemorative Medal of the Partisans of 1941.) and active member of AFŽ after
the war, states that “conclusion on abolition of AFŽ, and on the establishment of Alliance of women’s
associations, was experienced as degradation of women’s organisations and women themselves by a great
number of delegates. And many AFŽ activists stopped working as a response“. BOŽINOVIĆ, Žensko pitanje
u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku, 174.
86
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so called women’s question, the way to the gradual return of the women to the
household, political passivation for a great number of women60 and an end to
the intense interest for the change of gender relations in the family and society.
The women’s question from that point on is treated as integral part of the class
question, which is presented as a key social problem on which all others can be
reduced to. Somewhat simplified, starting from the viewpoint that the essence
of the social injustice is in the unfair economic distribution (and its typical
example is class inequality), the solution to the class question is simultaneously
the solution to the “women’s question.” A little differently formulated: “Starting
from the Marxist standpoint that women’s liberation can be achieved only on
the realization of the ‘association of the free manufacturers’, women’s question
is a component of the class question”. As the class question in Yugoslavia had
been considered as solved, it was possible to claim “that the woman today is
actually and formally equal in our society”.61
In general, the period from the year 1950 to the year 1970 is the period
of economic prosperity and growth of the standard of living in SFRY; and
from the 1960s the period of opening of the borders and total liberalization
of the society. Specifics of the Yugoslav “third way” after the conflict with
Stalin in 1948, in first line partial democracy (institutionalised in the form
of “self-managing socialism”), a relatively wide space for creative freedom in
arts and sciences62 and relative openness of the country to the West (which
secured continual circulation of goods, people and ideas), painted one
peculiar landscape. The period from 1953 and especially from 1957 to 1961
was marked by high rate of industrial and agricultural production and the
rise of the number of people employed, with strong transfer of people from
agricultural to non-agricultural sector and mass migrations to the cities.
Not equally fast, but in those years the standard of living also rises, first of
all because of significantly larger total production, the rise of the national
income, larger employment and productivity of work, the rise of net personal
incomes in the social economic sector, real purchasing power of the population
and available consumer goods. A significant change in structure of personal
consumption occurred, in food, clothing, habitation, education, satisfaction of
cultural and health needs, improvement of social security and others. Changes
were moving in the direction of a reduction of costs of nutrition, and a rise
of costs of industrial consumer goods and other services. Lowering of the
60 Participation of women in the decision-making bodies constantly diminished from the end of the war. In
the year 1949/50 in elections for national committees there were two thirds more women than in the elections
two years later. Already in 1963 in the Federal Parliament percentage of women was only 15,2. Six years later
the number fell to 6,3%. Žena u privredi i društvu SFR Jugoslavije, osnovni pokazatelji, 4; BOŽINOVIĆ,
Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u 19 i 20 veku, 249.
61 Vjekoslav KOPRIVNJAK, “Uvodnik u temat“, Žena, 4–5/ 1980, 10.
62 Under the assumption that some central system and ideological categories are not to be questioned,
like: general historically progressive character of socialism in relation to capitalism, personality and work
of Josip Broz Tito, one party system and absolutely positive role of the partisan movement during the
Second World War. Mladen LAZIĆ, Promenei otpori - Srbija u transformacijskim procesima, Beograd:
Filip Višnjić, 2005, 66-70.
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nutrition costs is the basic reason for the raising of costs for other purposes
which are the characteristics of the structure of personal consumption of a
higher standard.63Because of the economic model of self-management which
in itself contained elements of capitalism (autonomy of the company) and
of ethatism (centralized planning), Yugoslavia did not only get out of the
crisis but also entered the most prosperous period of its existence. The 1950s
were also a period of intensive social transformation from the imperative of
production towards the imperative of consumption64, and the transformation
of Yugoslavia to a consumerist society with the elements of a market economy.
Social values in Yugoslavia became increasingly determined by purchasing
power and material property, and new and modern became the goals to strive
for. The trend of growth of citizens’ purchasing power from the 1950s on,
and with it of total quality of life was followed by a growing belief that it is
a need of the modern times, but also a human’s right.65Except for opening to
the economic influences from the West, the split-up with Stalin and the East
bloc lead to the increasing openness to the cultural influences and products of
western popular culture (like film, magazines, literature, music and fashion)
which often promoted values different from those of the socialism. Janjetović
visually describes this change as jumping “out of Stalin’s overcoat into Elvis’s
jacket“ [“iz Staljinovog šinjela u Elvisovu jaknu”], and explains: “The split
with the Soviet Union and a gradual closeness to the West, in connection
with the economic success during the 1950s, finally made conditions for
popular culture to not only develop but gradually gain its independence as
an autonomous cultural segment which, as time passed by, had less and less
in common with the official cultural politic and more with the free market of
entertainment – still remaining in one part tied to the social system and its
values“.66 According to the same author, a big role in spreading the influence
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of popular culture was (in particular) by the entertainment press whose
content looked increasingly like the content of the western press.67 From the
early 1950s comic books with American heroes are being published, while
in the 1960s titles from popular literature, like westerns, love, crime and
detective novels had huge circulation.68. Practically everything from the US
literal and fine art scene, including works of top contemporary authors and
artists were also available for the people of Yugoslavia. During the 1950s so
called popular music is being developed, and jazz, not long ago considered “a
product of degeneration of USA bourgeois culture” and according to Maksim
Gorki “music of the greasy and fat capitalists”, also arrives.69 And at the end
of the decade also rock’n’roll.70 Radio broadcasts of western music (from
the beginning of the 1960s also rock’n’roll), and the production of records
grows, and gramophone houses like RTB and Jugoton are publishing foreign
musicians’ hits (singers and bands). A domestic music scene is being developed,
first through the covers of foreign hits and later through original works. The
development of television71 in the 1960s, when due to weak technical and
insufficient personnel the lack of content was compensated with live Italian
programs and transmission of entertainment and revue TV shows (like San
Remo music festival), introduced pictures of abundance and glamour in
growing number of homes across the country and served for copying of music
and fashion styles. Frames of new consumerist ambient, and new consumerist
imaginarium, are drawn by openings of supermarkets, organizations of fairs
in which goods of wide consumption were being presented (wash machines,
refrigerators, TVs, electrical stoves…), and by the end of the 1960s products of
brands such as Coca cola, Nestle, Dr. Oetker, Nivea, Dior, Helena Rubinsein and
others have long been available. The number of foreign tourists rapidly grows.
And the interest for learning English language grows year after year. The
1960s are also the time of total domination, and great popularity of foreign,
63 BILANDŽIĆ, Hrvatska moderna povijest, 383-396; Takođe, Ibrahim LATIFIĆ, JUGOSLAVIJA 19451990 (razvoj privrede i društvenih djelatnosti), 22-23. http://www.znaci.net/00001/120.htm (15. 05. 2017).
64 As Jambrešić Kirin and Blagaić formulate, one macro social change when it comes to the turn from “the
world of production“ to “the world of consumption“. Renata JAMBREŠIĆ KIRIN, Marina Blagaić, “The
Ambivalence of Socialist Working Women’s Heritage: a Case Study of the Jugoplastika Factory“, Narodna
umjetnost 50/ 2013, 59.
65 “New economic policy which would be more oriented toward consumption“ and that it is time for a
generation that carried out the revolution to “enjoy life“ and to improve its “quality of life“, was announced
by Josip Broz Tito in 1955:“Today’s generation invested much effort into rebuilding of the country, now
it deserves to live better and some tasks need to be given to future generations“. According to: Ivana
DOBRIVOJEVIĆ, “Industrijalizacija“, in Nikad im bolje nije bilo? Modernizacija svakodnevnog života u
socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji, (ed.) Ana PANIĆ, Beograd: MIJ, 2015, 35. Igor Duda states that Program of the
League of Communists of Yugoslavia from 1958 foresees “more comfortable life“, property “over various
products of consumption“, achieving “better servicing of consumers with goods“ and care for their “everyday
needs and supply, for their relaxation and entertainment“. Igor DUDA, Pronađeno blagostanje: Svakodnevni
život i potrošačka kultura u Hrvatskoj 70-ih i 80-ih, Zagreb: Srednja Evropa, 2010, 18.
66 Zoran JANJETOVIĆ, Od ,,Internacionale“ do komercijale: Popularna kultura u Jugoslaviji 1945–
1991, Beograd: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2011, 17. This process as the process of americanisation of
Yugoslav society in detail analyses Radina Vučetić in her book Koka-kola socijalizam. Amerikanizacija
jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih godina XX veka.Videti: Radina VUČETIĆ, Koka-kola socijalizam.
Amerikanizacija jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih godina XX veka, Beograd: Službeni glasnik, 2012.
67 Ibid, 77-84. It needs to be said that this didn’t go without resistance. Intellectual public and official
instances often labelled these contents as worthless, decadent, but also justified it by commercial reasons,
as the ground for the survival of journalist-publishing houses. More: Reana SENJKOVIĆ, Izgubljeno u
prijenosu: pop iskustvo soc kulture, Zagreb: institut za etnologiju i fokloristiku, 2008, 51-82.
68 For example, crime and detective novels were printed in millions. Predrag Marković states that only daily
newspaper Politika published around 150 of such titles yearly, during the mid-1960s. Predrag MARKOVIĆ,
Beograd između Istoka i Zapada, 1948-1965, Beograd: Službeni list SRJ, 1996, 483.
69 VUČETIĆ, Koka-kola socijalizam. Amerikanizacija jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih godina
XX veka, 166. See also JANJETOVIĆ, Od ,,Internacionale“ do komercijale: Popularna kultura u Jugoslaviji
1945–1991, 112-137.
70 In regard to Elvis Presley, it is interesting that he becomes popular already in the 1950s, and in 1956
Borba prints an article about him. In the same year Ivo Robić tries himself in the new genre. VUČETIĆ,
Koka-kola socijalizam. Amerikanizacija jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih godina XX veka, 187188 i 194-195. Se also, JANJETOVIĆ, Od ,,Internacionale“ do komercijale: Popularna kultura u Jugoslaviji
1945–1991, 138–171.
71 On development of television in Yugoslavia, see: Ildiko ERDEI, “Novi život na “malom ekranu“ i oko
njega: počeci televizije u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji (1955–1970)“, in Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology,
10 (2)/ 2015, http://www.anthroserbia.org/Content/PDF/Articles/93969b31c0d740bf96f851e5aca9ecea.pdf.
(12. 05. 2017.)
88
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most of all US TV shows and films, Disney characters, cowboys, and Indians,
of stories and pictures which played a big part in acceptance of new values
and views on life of all generations of Yugoslav society, by daily introduction
of Yugoslav citizens to the American dream. In particular a large role in the
reception of those influences, without a doubt, was film.
As it was already mentioned, almost right after the war central movie
studios were being established, so that in 1951 in each of six republics there
was one film centre, and the number of movie theatres doubled to up to
around 920.72 Watching movies was a favourite entertainment after the war
and the number of movie goers has continuously rose – from 31 520 000 in
1946 to almost double - 67 926 000 at the end of 1950.73After a conflict with
Cominform (Information Department of Communist and Working Parties)
in 1948 instead of Soviet films which dominated by then, importation of
movies from the West starts, enabled by the financial aid from the USA.74
Introduction of socialist self-management for the young film industry meant
dissolution of the Committee for Cinematography which was built after the
war and establishment of Association of Film Workers of Yugoslavia. Since
then the production groups of the Association had, in theory, the ability to
establish their own financial means through distribution contracts, renting
and leasing, income from co-production and alike. Even though due to a lack
of development in the film industry that did not come to life up to 1956 when
Basic Law on Film was adopted, which changed state subventions with tax
on cinema tickets (17-20%)75 that also influenced the larger commerciality
of domestic film production. The taste of the audience and the marketability
of the movies either filmed or imported became an increasingly important
factor. One of the most symbolic milestones when it comes to film, represents
the screening of the American musical “Bathing Beauty“ in 1950. “Bathing
Beauty“, from 1944, by the director George Sidney with Esther Williams in
the main role, was for Yugoslavs the representation of opulence and material
wealth which was a far cry from the life in general destitution in which the
people still lived. With this film, its pretty girls in bathing suits and jazz
music, first pictures of western consumerist world entered Yugoslav everyday
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life. The film had enormous popularity. People waited in lines for a movie
ticket and many have seen it multiple times. It can be assumed that for the
most of the viewers it represented, even for a short while, an escape from
the dreaded reality of the post-war poverty and memories of war that were
still fresh. Evaluating the reasons of the popularity of this film in Belgrade,
Bogdan Tirnanić says: “(....) in that heroic time during which only one colour
existed, when everything was uniformed, poor, without softness, time of epic
greyness, ’Bathing Beauty’ introduced the element that was just devastating.
The first strike of that film, which was some kind of spirit atomic bomb that
absolutely devastated everything “.76 Along with the large viewership of the
movies imported from the west77, with Vesna by František Čap in 1953 as one
of the first films of “easy genre”, the production of domestic movies whose
primary goal was to entertain the audience also starts.
Hider Petterson, speaks of Yugoslavia, from the end of the 1950s, as
unique among “communist” countries in the time of the Cold War and its
openness to mix cultural elements of socialism and capitalism. He highlights
the meaning of liberal visa arrangements, travel and Yugoslavs leaving to work
temporarily into western countries, but also the significance of western media
in creating a consumer society, and evaluates the 1960s and 1970s as its golden
era, when the economic miracle happened, though, at the expense of large debt
and loans by the country, for the purpose of sustaining the living standard.78That
economic miracle had its other face. The introduction of self-management
demanded profitability from the companies, and the companies had to rely on
income, from the subventions and from the market sales.79After tax deduction,
the income stayed within the company, without interference from the state
(except from abiding by the rule on minimal personal income according to
level of education), but with strong participation from the municipalities.80
During the other half of the 1950s comes a change in payment politics, so after
1955 a system of centralized salary determination is left behind, and in 1958 a
system of payment according to performance was introduced, and the level of
salaries of individual workers became dependant on the “success of the working
place at the market“ and incitement for competition among self-managers was
provided „not only inside, but between working positions“.81In the beginning
72 Dejvid A. KUK, Istorija filma II, Beograd: Clio, 2007, 526.
73 Ibid.
74 Ljubodrag DIMIĆ, Agitprop kultura. Agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji 1945-1952, Beograd:
Rad, 1988, 179.
75 Ibid, 527; Even though the workers in the film industry had a legal freelance status from the fifties, hence
the directors had to always look for new projects and were responsible for the economic success of the film,
they were not completely left to the market. They used social infrastructure of the studio and laboratories,
institutions funded art movies, not only entertainment. Some movie directors have established independent
film companies during the sixties, which provided them with economic independence (for example Neoplanta)
and became source of income, so we can talk about the establishment of some king of public-private
partnership that produces and distributed films across Yugoslavia. Gal KIRN, “Crni talas kao umjetnički
izraz ‘Praxisa’?“, in Praxis : društvena kritika i humanistički socijalizam : zbornik radova sa Međunarodne
konferencije o jugoslavenskoj ljevici: Praxis-filozofija i Korčulanska ljetna škola (1963-1974), (eds.) Dragomir
Olujić Oluja, Krunoslav Stojaković, Beograd: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, 2012, 252-253.
76 According to DIMIĆ, Agitprop kultura. Agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji 1945-1952, 179.
77 See more in VUČETIĆ, Koka-kola socijalizam. Amerikanizacija jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih
godina XX veka, 79-144. Radina Vučetić cites another and not meaningless information: defined in numbers,
American movie was four to five cheaper than Soviet, and brought about twenty times more profit. Ibid, 103-104;
Videti i JANJETOVIĆ, Od ,,Internacionale“ do komercijale: Popularna kultura u Jugoslaviji 1945–1991, 172.–218.
78 Patrick Hyder PATTERSON, Brought and Sold: Living and Losing the Good Life in Socialist Yugoslavia,
Ithaca, United States: Cornell University Press, 2011, 134.
79 Darko SUVIN, SAMO JEDNOM SE LJUBI. Radiografija SFR Jugoslavije, 1945.-72. Uz hipoteze o
početku, kraju i suštini, Beograd: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, 2014, 231.
80 Ibid, 232.
81 Vladimir UNKOVSKI- KORICA, “Jugoslovensko samoupravljanje: upravljanje radništva ili upravljanje
radništvom?“, in E-zbornik: Nasleđe jugoslavenskog socijalizma. Promišljanje. Razgovor. Rasprava. Kritika,
(eds.) Marijana STOJČIĆ, Dragomir OLUJIĆ, Beograd: Forum za primenjenu istoriju, 2014. no longer available.
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of the 1960s, after a decade of continuous economic growth, there was a
crisis.82 The solution was sought in the economic reforms in 1963 and 1965
in the direction of further weakening of the state’s role, its decentralization
and liberation of the market.83 Gal Kirn cites that socialist companies entered
into fierce competition which reflected increasing inter-regional differences.
Yugoslavia faces, among other things, increasing dependence on foreign loans,
a significant rise of social differences and increasing inequalities in society, an
enormous rise of unemployment and from the middle of the 1960s occurrence
of “workers temporarily working abroad” (i.e.Gastarbeiter).84According to
Suvin, unemployment, if counting the number of workers abroad and persons
looking for job, from 1960 when it was 10%, up to 1969, has risen to 13.5 %.
Considering that the Yugoslav community was imagined as the community
bound by work, unemployment meant exclusion from the full membership and
social right, moral and material marginalization. The work force encompassed
two large groups of workers: those who had a steady job and “those who from
then on we started recognizing as ‘precariat?’”: “people trapped for a long time
between unemployment and staying at home from one side and from the other
trapped by the insecure and unsteady jobs, paid poorly and poorly supervised,
hence the places of the more cruel exploitation”.85
Socio-economic, political and cultural processes through which the
Yugoslav society went through inevitably reflected on the position of women.
As mentioned previously, paid work and education for women (followed by
very advanced legal regulation) were seen as the most important factors of
women’s emancipation. Yugoslav legislature gave guarantees of gender equality
and within it were built all international conventions which regarded the
position of women, and after WWII the number of women who were entering
the work market constantly rose.86 Mass penetration of women into the
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economy of socialist Yugoslavia brought with it a new situation, where women
were active in regular jobs, as socio-political workers and active at home. On
the other side, social and political engagement of women started to decrease
already from the 1950s. Already then activists of the AFŽ started to record
an increase in attitudes about how “we developed socialism in such great
measure that woman can go back home and raise children”87, and weakening
of ideological enthusiasm in combating patriarchal attitudes which were
earlier harshly judged as backwards and counter-revolutionary.88According
to Stojaković’s opinion, some of the reasons could be found in the lack of
need for major work force engagement. Also, with the introduction of selfmanagement, pressure on companies to show positive results influenced a
reduction of subventions for social standard institutions (kindergartens and
nurseries)and a discharge of the work force with lower qualifications (which
were dominated by women).89Along with that, mass migrations into the cities
were not followed by adequate measures which would make women from
the rural places employable in urban areas90, which made them structurally
excluded from the public domain, and left them without a possibility to
acquire economic independence and burdened with children care. While until
then realized social care for children and mothers91 becomes too expensive,
leaving work for one part of women also meant liberation from double burden
– in the work place and in household. Although some attempts were made on
socializing of jobs which are done at home through opening of services for
women, their services were used by a very low number of women.92A similar
situation was with the restaurants of social nutrition which were mainly used
by single men.93 In a survey conducted by the magazine “Practical woman”
(Praktična žena) in June 1956 one of the questioned women describes the
situation like this: “You say that my work day lasts 13 hours. Thank you a
lot! For me it lasts almost 18. I’m exaggerating? I would like you were in my
place… First, I’m on my feet for 8 hours, on the counter. Then there’s cooking,
washing, darning, cleaning. Double shifts, four times going to work and back.
And my husband won’t even take the laundry to wash or to go to the market
when he has time”. Another statement is also very illustrative: “I often listen
82 Videti više, SUVIN, SAMO JEDNOM SE LJUBI. Radiografija SFR Jugoslavije, 1945.-72. Uz hipoteze o
početku, kraju i suštini, 235-238.
83 Market reform of 1965 included so called 4D policy: decentralisation, removal of state control
(“deetatizacija”), depolitisation and democratization. See, Gal KIRN, “Klasne borbe u socijalističkoj
Jugoslaviji“, http://tclinija.net/klasne-borbe-u-socijalistickoj-jugoslaviji/ (17. 05. 2017). On goals of Economic
Reform, see also MILENKOVICH in GANSCHOW, Thomas, BERTSCH, Gary (eds.), Comparative
Communism: The Soviet, Yugoslav, and Chinese Models, San Francisko, CA: Freeman, 1976, 352-362. Also,
SUVIN, SAMO JEDNOM SE LJUBI...,238-239.
84 See more: Gal KIRN, “Klasne borbe u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji“, http://tclinija.net/klasne-borbe-usocijalistickoj-jugoslaviji/ (17. 05. 2017). On phenomenon of Gastarbeiter see: Boris BUDEN, ”Gastarbajteri,
glasnici budućnosti”, http://www.slobodnifilozofski.com/2012/08/boris-buden-gastarbajteri-glasnici.html (10.
05. 2017). On educational structure of migrant workers in that period see SUVIN, Samo jednom se ljubi, 293.
85 Ibid, 294.
86 From the mid-1950s, the average rate of women employment growth was higher than the average rate of
employment growth of all people. The percentage of women participating in total employment in Yugoslavia in 1954
was 24,8%, in 1964 it was 29,2% ad in 1974 – 33,9%. In the late 1960s and early 1970s the highest percentage of women
employed were of a lower education, followed by middle level education, and as a third category women with higher
education. At the beginning of the 1970s this category grew the fastest. Total employment rate in former Yugoslavia
from the 1950s to 1990s increased 4,5 times. However, participation of women in total number of employed people
is very diverse when different parts of the country are considered. The biggest percentage of women employed was in
Slovenia (45,7%), while the lowest was in Kosovo (22,9). GUDAC-DODIĆ, “Položaj žene u Srbiji (1945–2000)“, 66.
87 Ibid, 64.
88 Karl KAZER, Porodica i srodstvo na Balkanu, Analiza jedne kulture koja nestaje, Beograd: Udruženje
za društvenu istoriju, 2002, 441.
89 STOJAKOVIĆ, Rodna perspektiva novina Antifašističkog fronta žena (1945-1953), 69.
90 Anđelka MILIĆ, , “Preobražaj srodničkog sastava porodice i položaj članova“, in Domaćinstvo porodica
i brak u Jugoslaviji: društveno-kulturni, ekonomski i demografski aspekti promene porodične organizacije,
Anđelka MILIĆ, Eva BERKOVIĆ, Ruža PETROVIĆ (eds.), Beograd: Institut za sociološka istraživanja
Filozofskog fakulteta, 1981,, 157.
91 Videti: Sanja PETROVIĆ-TODOSIJEVIĆ, “Analiza rada ustanova za brigu o majkama i deci na primeru
rada jaslica u FNRJ”, in Žene i deca - Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XIX i XX veka, (ed.) Latinka
Perović, Beograd: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2006, 176-187.
92 Vera GUDAC DODIĆ, Žena u socijalizmu - Položaj žene u Srbiji u drugoj polovini XX veka, Beograd:
Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2006, 107.
93 Ibid, 108.
92
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to a customer on the counter but I don’t hear them… I wasn’t on a syndicate
meeting for four years. I am approximately on the same level (or even lower) on
which I was when my first child was born…” For many of them the exit was
going back home to the place which “naturally” belongs to them. Or in one
of the survey’s participant’s words: “Now it’s like this: if she wants to be good
at work she needs to neglect her family; If she does a good job at home than
she’s not good at work. Therefore it is better for her to go back to the family.
Or that we men take over that duty. But we are really not good at that. Just
to be clear! I am not generalizing, but in my case it will be exactly like that.
Though she does protest, but I doubt that it will help her.”94 Mitra Mitrović,
among other, a pre-war communist and one of the prominent members of
later abolished AFŽ, writes about this with exasperation: “And maybe as in
no other question – suddenly one great span: from full civilization to full
discrimination. Nothing unusual. Like from great fortune to total misery, or
from completely developed country to total backwardness. But it seems like
here, regarding this problem, almost more than in the racial and class issue,
enslaving is more obvious, more complex, because it doesn’t depend only on
the powerful, it doesn’t depend on distant and foreign, rich or white, but also
on those closest, man, individual, father and brother, even son, who themselves
cannot brake the chains of prejudices and attitudes, which are imposed on
them too, understandably sometimes long ago, but which became an integral
part of life and customs and house rules”.95
Already from the 1950s the occurrence of a trend different from
one during and after the war can also be identified in the press. While the
subjects of magazines during and after the war were mainly in connection to
the people’s liberation struggle, political situation, but also to a new role and
equal contribution of women first in the war, and then in the restoration of
the country, from the 1950s the cult of femininity and beauty, the culture of
dressing and fashion, rejected after the war, are starting to revive. Domestic
illustrated and fashion magazines, which share images and news from the
fashion world, are starting to be published, imitating their foreign role
models.96 Daily newspapers gradually introduce their women pages, women
columns which contain mainly advices for managing household, hygiene,
and fashion and care. Representation of women as subjects, young and old,
from the cities and villages, educated and just newly literate who with their
personal effort do something for themselves in the domain of women’s rights
and common good (whether they are in active women roles or roles from
economy of care) which was dominant after the war, is changed with gradual
reaffirmation of traditional women roles. Basic subjects of the women’s press
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
in the late 1950s are home as a paradigm of bliss and body as a paradigm of
a more open sexuality and more direct seduction.97 This process can also be
followed through the representation of women on film, especially in films that
were made for wide audiences. Exactly because they interpreted contemporary
reality in an easy and unpretentious way with the main goal to entertain, they
simultaneously illustrated and followed the changes of Yugoslav society and
changes in its orientation and values. Nebojša Jovanović notes that already in
the early 1950s the figure of proletarian woman is gradually being changed
with the figure of a housewife. As he states, that change is announced by the
film “Lake” (Jezero, 1950) from the author Radivoj “Lola” Đukić. This film
has a specific narrative which varies in future films98. For the purpose of this
text, we will simplyfie this narrative thus: male protagonist is a social-realist
hero who through devoted work gives his contribution to the restoration of
the country and its bright future. In most cases he comes from the city to the
village or to another backward part of the state which was not yet touched
by the blessing of industrialization and socialist modernization. That mission
requests sacrifices which his partner (wife or girlfriend) does not understand
and/or is resisting them. Contrast between him and her (devoted only to
realization of her own demands and trivial wishes, without a conscience and
responsibility to the society, often spoiled, “hysterical” and demanding), are
the base of this pattern. Image of women/housewives completely relying on
men was no longer reserved for “bourgeois” women, but spreads on women
in general. Image of marriage is in the spirit of conservative, monogamous
model: man remains a worker and a provider for the family, and woman can
be happy only with her man – she is no longer put in relation to work. She is
a housewife with the entire burden that this stereotype traditionally bares.99
From the mid-1950s, image of a woman is ever more similar to western
consumerist representation of femininity in which the level of beauty and
attractiveness plays dominant role. From that standpoint is the analysis of the
film “Love and Fashion” (Ljubav i moda, 1960) from the author Ljubomir
Radičević very interesting.100 Heroine of the film is Sonja Ilić (Beba Lončar) a
modern student from a big city whom we see in the introductory scenes of the
94 For all cited statements from the survey “Kako da se pomogne zaposlenoj ženi“ (Praktična žena, jun,
1956) we owe our gratitude to Jelena Tešija who turned our attention to them.
95 Mitra MITROVIĆ, Položaj žene u savremenom svetu, Beograd: Narodna knjiga, 1960, 8.
96 VUČETIĆ, Koka-kola socijalizam. Amerikanizacija jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih godina
XX veka, 32-40.
97 Neda TODOROVIĆ-UZELAC, Ženska štampa i kultura ženstvenosti, Beograd: Naučna knjiga,
1987, 113-133.
98 Like films “Zenica” (Zenica) from 1957 from the authors Miloš Stefanović and Jovan Živanović, “It Was
Not in Vain” (Nije bilo uzalud, 1957) from the author Nikola Tanhofer, “Only People” (Samo ljudi, 1957) from
the author Branko Bauer and “On That Night” (Te noći, 1958) from the author Jovan Živanović.
99 For more, see: Nebojša JOVANOVIĆ, “Gender and Sexuality in the Classical Yugoslav Cinema, 19471962“, Chapter 4: “How the love was tempered: Labour, romance, and gender asymmetry in the construction
cycle 1948-1958“, 131-179.
100 Here only a short review of this film will be made, first of all because of cult status which it almost
immediately acquired. For a more detailed analysis, see: Maša MALEŠEVIĆ, “Iskušenja socijalističkog
raja – refleksije konzumerističkog društva u jugoslovenskom filmu 60-ih godina XX veka”, Glasnik
Etnografskoginstituta SANU 57(2)/ 2012114-115; Takođe, Branko Dimitrijević, Potrošeni socijalizam
– Kultura, konzumerizam i društvena imaginacija u Jugoslaviji (1950-1974), Beograd: Fabrika knjiga:
Peščanik, 2017, 104-113.
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film as she drives her Vespa through Belgrade’s downtown in her pepito dress
with a petticoat. In this film, Belgrade looks like any other western metropolis
as presented in tourist promotional videos. Displays of wide streets with a
picture of airport from which Belgraders fly to Rome and other destinations,
young people dressed in the latest fashion and pictures of Kalemegdan terrace
on which dances are being organized take turns. It is a modern carefree city
of joy, music and glamour. The story has two narrative streamlines. First one
describes Sonja’s and her friends’ efforts to get money for summer vacation,
because aero club to which they belong cannot provide it for them. Second
narrative line follows the effort of Belgrade fashion house Jugošik to organize in
a short time a fashion show before their completion - fashion house Jugomoda
which has betrayed their agreement on working together. Chief designer of
Jugošik, Bora (Rade Bulajić) has a creative block. Inspired by his love for Sonja,
he manages to design models for the show. And due to the web of circumstances,
Jugošik is going to hire a group of young people from the aero club to present
fashion collection to the audience instead of fashion models who did not arrive
from Italy. In the final of the film we see a spectacular fashion show on the
ship, with fireworks and contemporary top stars of Yugoslav popular music.
As Maša Malešević states: “The subject of the film itself – fashion, as one of
the most explicit products of consumer culture, and practically everything
else, from the competition of two companies, or market business, to the
complete omission of any reference to political organization of the country
and its symbols (only indication is addressing with “friend” (“druže” and
“drugarice”)), clearly shows to which measure has the idea of consumer society
in socialist conditions become acceptable and affirmed practically without
restraint”.101When we think about representation/s of women, the question
which should be asked is: what is the place of women in the world whose
image this film offers? In this framework, the world of work is a man’s world.
Although, through the film, we find out that the girls are studying, the fields
in which they study are, at least colloquially, connected to aesthetics, like
architecture or art history. Studying in this context is not in the function of
work, but in “getting a degree”. (Or how young men in the film formulate it:
“Oh, come on, please don’t, Žizabel! Like it’s a real science – art history.” “I’m
telling you a tale. Frescoes, monasteries, Sponza [gothic-renaissance palace
in Dubrovnik (comment by M. S.)]… and a degree” [“Ma, nemoj, molim te,
Žizabel! K’o da je to sad neka nauka - istorija umetnosti.“ “Pričam ti priču.
Freske, manastiri, Sponza [gotičko-renesansna palača u Dubrovniku prim.
M.S.]... i diploma“]). If a stewardess and a secretary were excluded, whose
vocations are in big part a continuation of traditional woman gender role from
the private domain, there are no female characters in the movie who are in
a relation to work. The secretary, whom we only see in the work place, is
presented in situations where she technically assists men in their work, paints
her nails, is making herself pretty or takes out food. Main female character,
Sonja, is beautiful, young and nourished, dressed by the latest fashion, object
of male desire, inspiration and a muse. Her world is framed by her romance
with Bora, her hobby and social events. She is a personification of a woman of
the new age and very fast becomes a model to strive to.
It should be mentioned again that this process of reaffirmation of
traditional gender stereotypes has developed gradually and it is not singular
in its meaning. It is characterized by various contradictions and oscillations
between efforts for women emancipation and perpetuating of gender
essentialism and it reflected ambivalence of Yugoslav socialism when it comes
to women’s position. Due to circumstances, entering the Second World War,
and after that the participation in rebuilding the country for significant number
of women represented the path of politicization and political subjectivization.
Their participation was necessary for those activities. The official stance during
all the time of the existence of Yugoslav Socialism was that women right to
work and to participate in political life is non-questionable attainment of war
and revolution. At the same time, representation of the woman’s double role as
worker and mother, as the one who is primarily responsible for reproduction and
family, was never actually questioned. That inevitably led to double burden for
women. With the development of “market socialism”102 and consumer society,
one of the results of these processes in the 1960s is that we can talk about two
parallel representations of woman being sustained and connected – a woman
as a “socialist working human” in public domain, i.e. official discourse with
western consumerist representation of femininity in private domain. Dominant
ideology of the everyday life is consumerist. Woman-role model is the one who
successfully balances between caring mother, homemaker, wife and working
woman, at the same time not questioning her own beauty, sexual attraction
and femininity. Deep conflicts between the demand for equality of men and
women in theory and implicitly encouraged deep gender asymmetries, can be
recognized in popular culture of that time. Interesting illustration of this in
film can be found in an unpretentious comedy, “Men – yesterday, today and…”,
directed by Milo Đukanović in 1963 which deals with marital life and malefemale relations. Mira (Olivera Marković) is a medical doctor who struggles
with constant balancing between her job and household care, her addle-headed
husband Žika (Slobodan Perović) and their four children. Outlines of the life
of one “average Yugoslav family” can already be seen in opening credits which
lead us into the place of events. It is a big, modern residential building on whose
terraces we see women shaking carpets, spreading laundry, washing windows
and taking children away from the fence. While she’s getting ready for work,
Mira simultaneously prepares breakfast, tries to prepare two youngest kids for
the kindergarten, makes beds and assists Žika in his preparations. While she’s
taking the kids to the kindergarten, Žika notices that she has no make-up and
101 Maša MALEŠEVIĆ, “Iskušenja socijalističkog raja...”, 115.
102 About „market socialism“, see more: Gal KIRN, „Klasne borbe u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji“, http://
tclinija.net/klasne-borbe-u-socijalistickoj-jugoslaviji/ (17. 05. 2017)
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no nail polish and adds that it wasn’t like that when “they got married” [“kad
su se uzeli”], that she used to “sleep on the mirror” [“spavala na ogledalu”] in
those days. Mira’s response is that she “didn’t have four children” [“nije imala
četvoro dece”] when they got married. She takes her kids to the kindergarten
where we see other women too giving their children to the kindergarten
teacher (who is also a woman). In her office, after an exam she yawns weary.
Žika’s work place is an office in which we see secretaries diligently typing and
managers who are, without exception, all men. On her way home, Mira goes
to pick up her children and to the groceries store. While she’s preparing lunch,
she simultaneously explains to her boss that she is certain that “the records
remained in the chamber” [“snimci ostali u komori”] because, unfortunately,
she had to hurry home to “make lunch” [“spremi ručak”]. After the lunch
with which Žika is not satisfied, Mira vacuums the apartment while Žika
reads the papers. Under the excuse that he needs to go to a meeting, in the
evening Žika goes to a pub with his colleagues who are all men. On his way
back, tipsy Žika hugs his wife who is already asleep in their bed, and says that
he would like another kid which Mira refuses with the words: “Žika, please,
leave me alone, I am sleepy and tired” [“Žiko, pusti me, molim te. Spava mi
se, umorna sam”]. Rest of the film develops in the same direction. Among
other things, with the humorous miniatures like the one where Žika tries to
explain to his son the difference between his mother and a maid, when the
boy notices that his mother does all the tasks which usually does the maid.
Or through the dialogue: “How can’t you make a lunch when you’ve eaten so
many times?” “I don’t know.” “But how does mom know?””She’s a woman”
[“Kako ne znaš da spremiš ručak, a toliko puta si jeo?“ “Ne znam“ “A kako
mama zna?“ “Ona je žena”].These humorous dialogues outline the horizon of
the world in which household care is a “natural” woman’s responsibility. After
a failed attempt to hire a maid and a quarrel (in which Mira explains to Žika
that she is dead-tired, and he complains that she is acting like a “martyr”),
Žika makes a suggestion that he takes a month off on sick leave and take
care of the house and children. Shortly after this event the tables turn: Žika
is no longer interested in nights out because he is too tired in the evening,
he spends his time exclusively with the neighbours with whom he exchanges
advices concerning household and marital life, and Mira completely overtakes
his earlier (”male”) behaviour.103After many complications in which we see a
marital crisis and a social pressure on Žika to behave as “a man should” [“kako
se ponaša muškarac”] (a ridicule of the neighbours, threats of being fired,
because he “will ruin them all” [“sve će ih upropastiti”]104), the denouement
which film gives is very interesting. The solution is not in going back, but in a
different division of tasks where work in a household will be a responsibility of
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
men and women. In the final of the movie, colleagues from the beginning of
the film can be seen as they wash dishes or make desserts, and on the buildings
terraces man and women working together.
Regarding the position of women in Yugoslavia it is important to
understand that the chasm between centre and the periphery is one of the key
matters for understanding their position. Position of a woman in Yugoslavia
varied considerably in relation to, not only their education and ability to travel,
but also on the part of Yugoslavia in which they lived in and was it an urban
centre or not. Simultaneously there were significant differences in the level
of development of different Yugoslav republics, in possibilities and quality
of life in developed and undeveloped, rural and urban areas of the country.
Representation of a Yugoslav woman as “emancipated” and “westernized”
illustrates the experience only of middle and higher middle class women from
urban centres. Experience of most of the people (men and women) from rural
and people living between rural and urban areas, as a rule, did not find its
place in mythologized image of social progress in socialist Yugoslavia. Image
of people on the margins of Yugoslav socialism was introduced in a significant
measure by directors of the New Yugoslav Film (so called Black Wave).105. While
on the one hand, Black Wave expanded the repertoire of male characters and
the ways in which they were presented, there is an impression106 that in the
representation of women stereotypical characters of women-victims dominated.
Even when female characters are presented through various radical strategies
in relation to representation of female body and sex, they do not go too far
from stereotype displays of femininity, remaining in the frames of patriarchal
pattern where female attempts on resistance are punished with violence, death
and insanity. In a sense, anticipating the decades which were to come.
Summary and concluding remarks
The purpose of this essay was the analyses of the ways in which change
in film representation of women from partisan as a revolutionary subject into
house keepers and consumerists at the end of the 60s, related to changes in the
socio-political context of socialist Yugoslavia and to abandonment of the issue
of the emancipation of women as a social and political issue. It started from
the simple assumptions that films occur in a certain socio-political context
and that some value orientations are necessarily transcoded107into specific
103 Which can be interpreted as a sort of acknowledgement that male and female roles (as expected
behaviour) are closely connected to, in this case, gender division of labour.
104 Colleague Rade (Bata Živojinović) warns Žika to get himself streight: “If our wives see this, we are
bound to wear an apron“ [“Ako ovo vide naše žene, ne ginu nam kecelje“].
105 New Yugoslav Film (for which later the name Black Wave was established) is regarding films created from
1961 to 1972. As an expression of rebellion against unachieved ideals of Yugoslav socialism it points to the cracks
in an idealized image of socialist system: drawing attention to unemployment, juvenile delinquency, prostitution,
economic poverty, marginalization of different social groups and similar. For a short review, see: KUK, Istorija filma
II, 530-537.Videti više na primer: Greg DE CUIR, Jugoslovenski crni talas, Beograd: Filmski centar Srbije, 2011.
106 Any real conclusion demands deeper research.
107 Here the expression transcoding is used as determined by Douglas Kellner as processes and ways of
transmitting social discourses into media texts. Daglas KELNER, Medijska kultura, Beograd: Clio, 2004, 95.
98
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films. From that perspective, film representations of women also provide the
space for evaluating success but also the limits of the emancipatory politics of
the socialist Yugoslavia when it comes to achieving full equality between men
and women. At the same time, in the limited domains of female emancipation
during socialism, the weaknesses of the Yugoslavian emancipatory project in
general are being interloped.
An important part of the socialist project of modernization whose
goal should have been freeing the work and the man and society based on
solidarity, the value of work itself and autonomy of individual and society
on the whole, was the liberation of women. Accomplishing gender equality
in all segments of social life on one side, should have been the confirmation
of surpassing traditional (patriarchal) society and the successful overcoming
of all the barriers on the road to modernization of Yugoslavian society; on
the other side, the evidence of the righteousness of the Yugoslav road into
socialism. Mass participation of women in the war and in the revolution and
ideological framework of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia created a political
environment where formal and legal equality of women became part of the
general principles of the party state. Paid labour and education of women
(followed by very advanced legal regulations) were seen as the most important
factors of women´s emancipation and it should have continued to be developed
and to encompass all aspects of the social life. At the same time, women’s
primary responsibility for reproduction and care for the family and household
was never questioned. In the situation where most women worked outside the
home as well, that resulted in double burden for women and consequently
their passivity, as well focusing on lesser paid positions with small social power.
Abolishing Women Anti Fascistic Front (AFŽ) and making the issue of female
equality into a “common social issue... the issue of a general fight, the strength
of socialism which is led by the Communist Association and Social Association
of the Working People, the bearer of the socialist education of masses“108,is
coinciding with times of the introduction of market elements into the Yugoslav
economy, sharper competition between companies and gradual development
of the consumer society. The already achieved level of what was imagined
as the “infrastructure of female liberation”(nurseries, kindergartens, public
kitchens, cheap self-serving restaurants and alike) becomes too expensive. In
the decades to come we witness the process of reaffirmation of patriarchal
women gender stereotypes, accompanying roles and the area of social life.
The primary domain of a woman is the sphere of private, family and home,
house work, care for children, the old and weak. Her character is sexualized or
transformed into a home angel who seeks its self-fulfilment in love, marriage
and a perfectly equipped home. A homemaker is again discovered as a repressed
subject whose unrecognized and unpaid (physical and affective) work enables
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From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
family functioning, but also the functioning of society as a whole. Already
in the middle of the sixties we can locate the beginning of the period which
Darko Suvinnames names as les vingtminablesand finally even as déshonorantes
(twenty inglorious and finally even despicable years).109According to him, in
this period, the turn toward the market without planning and toward party
territorially divided polyarchy represents a basic withdrawal from building
a society based on justice, solidarity and human emancipation.110 Instead,
already in the seventies, turning toward traditional sentiments, from national
to cultural traditionalism, in short, turning toward conservative cultural values
and their political expression, nationalism, is visible.111
In that sense, in spite of huge steps that were made during the socialist
Yugoslavia when it comes to improvement of women’s rights, very early
withdrawal from achieving full equality and equity between men and women,
can be treated as anticipation of the giving up that came later. Inclusion into
the fight to free the country as a fighter and worker in the background, then
into building the country after the Second World War was for a lot of women
a process of politicization and political subjectivation. Apart from realizing
their own oppression, part of that process was realizing that for a change of
their own position it was necessary to fight not only against occupiers, but
often against the prejudices of comrades and their own friends (during and
after the war). Transformation of the relatively autonomous AFŽ into mere
transmission of the party’s will and then its abolishment in 1953 is the sign of
what remained the constant for the duration of the existence of the socialist
Yugoslavia – lack of readiness of the paternalistic state-party structures to truly
submit levers of control over society and incite more intensive development of
the democracy from below in which the women would be the actors of their
own freedom. The control of the women’s organized activities and defining its
activities from the party and state, has basically led to depoliticisation of women
and so called women issues. Consequently, nominal social egalitarianism and
patriarchal conscious which is built on hierarchies could co-exist without
interference. Repressing the issue of equality and equity as second class in
relation to the class issue, represented a lack of understanding that existence of
appropriate institutional and normative framework and appropriate politics is
necessary but not enough. Possibilities of creating a society based on equality
and solidarity are in direct relation with the change of cultural patterns and
108 From the Resolution on creation of Yugoslav Women Association, umbrella organisation which was
to replace AFŽ, quoted according to Ivana PANTELIĆ, Partizanke kao građanke. Društvena emancipacija
partizanki u Srbiji 1945–1953, Beograd: ISI and Evoluta, 2011, 127.
109 Darko SUVIN, SAMO JEDNOM SE LJUBI. Radiografija SFR Jugoslavije, 1945.-72. Uz hipoteze o
početku, kraju i suštini, 319.
110 Ibid. Todor Kuljić thought that inside Yugoslavia decentralization and removal of state control and
transmitting jurisdiction to republics instead of socializing of the state (“podruštvljavanje države”) has led
to essential strengthening of the republic bureaucracies which represent themselves as the protectors of the
republic, and in time, of the national interests. In the decades to come the republic borders become ethnical,
and the first carriers of these processes are the republic party oligarchies. Todor KULJIĆ, “TITO-sociološko
istorijska studija“, Zrenjanin: Gradska narodna biblioteka “Žarko Zrenjanin”, 2004, 108-126.
111 See more: Boris BUDEN, Želimir ŽILNIK, Uvod u prošlost, Novi Sad: kuda.org, 2013, 103-111. http://
www.kuda.org/sites/default/files/Uvod%20u%20proslost_web.pdf (12.05.2017).
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values whose basis is the belief in hierarchy between human beings of unequal
characteristics and unequal possibilities for access to social power. Power
inequality between men and women is the first relationship of domination
and exclusion with which the persons during socialisation encounter. In that
sense, it is a model for accepting as “natural” other systems of domination and
diverse hierarchies of power112 which share the same cultural basis – belief that
superiors should control the inferiors.
Re-examining the socialist project of women’s emancipation and its
reach offers important lessons for rethinking today’s emancipatory projects.
The issue of social justice is more relevant than ever. Every re-examination
of possible alternatives demands the need to analyse the ways in which social
structures reproduce the relationships between domination and exploitation,
limiting the life chances of whole categories of people and keeping them in
a repressed position. In addition, no less important, cultural patterns and
narratives which justify such relationships, strengthen them and reproduce
them continuously. Such re-examination would have to include various levels
on which the structures of privilege and oppression are being reproduced,
because they are complementary and inter-dependant.It is important to
recognize the complexity of how class, gender, nation and lack of agreement to
choose between injustices are interloped. Only then it is possible to open the
space for political projects which aim for radical society change, revolutionary
political movements that will transform the whole society which is not crossed
with lines of class but also gender, racial and heterosexual and every other
form of repression and exploitation. Only when approaching phenomena
in their whole complexity, recognizing the ways the oppression is built into
institutional and social structures, as well as the aspects of culture that make it
possible and acceptable, the alternatives to hegemonic model based on the logic
of profit, capital and nation, become possible – with the understanding that
without creating a society of active citizens, who take and carry responsibility
for political processes and solving social issues, that will just stay another
unfulfilled promise.
Marijana STOJČIĆ - Nađa DUHAČEK
From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of Women in Yugoslav Cinema
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
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FILMOGRAPHY
Živjeće ovaj narod / This people Shall Live
1947, Jadran Film (Zagreb)
D. Nikola Popović, s. Branko Ćopić. Cast: Vera Ilić-Djukić, Fran Novaković,
Milica-Carka Jovanović, Siniša Ravasi, Nikola Popović, etc. https://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=jya4VQQPRCc (03.05. 2017)
Priča o fabrici / Story of a Factory
1949, Zvezda Film (Belgrade). D/c. Vladimir Pogačić. Cast: Marija Crnobori,
Strahinja Petrović, Ljubisa Jovanović, Tito Strozzi, Ksenija Jovanovic, etc.
Ljubav i moda / Love and Fashion
1960, Avala Film (Belgrade). D. Ljubomir Radičević, s. Nenad Jovičić, Ljubomir
Radičević. Cast: Beba Lončar, Dušan Bulajić, Mija Aleksić, Miodrag PetrovićČkalja, etc.
Abeceda straha / Alphabet of Fear
1961, Jadran Film (Zagreb). D. Fadil Hadžić, s. Fadil Hadžić, Fedor Vidas. Cast: Vesna
Bojanić, Josip Zappalorto, Nada Kasapić, Tatjana Beljakova, Tatjana Beljakova, Maks
Furijan, Jasenka Kodrnja, etc. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zD6yHKILHgE
(12. 04. 2017)
Muškarci: juče, danas i... / Men – yesterday, today and…
1963, Lovćen Film (Budva). D. Milo Đukanović, s. Miroslav Milovanović,
Julija Najman. Cast: Olivera Marković, Slobodan Perović, Mija Aleksić, Jelena
Žigon, Velimir Bata Živojinović, etc. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vlve_
ln1tl8&t=462s (03. 05. 2017)
Bitka na Neretvi / The Battle of Neretva
1969, Bosna Film (Sarajevo), Jadran Film (Zagreb), Eichberg Film (Munich),
Commonwealth United Entertainment (London – New York), etc. D. Veljko Bulajić,
s. Stevan Bulajić, Ratko Djurović. Cast: Lojze Rozman, Sylva Kosćina, Ljubiša
Samardžić, Velimir ‘Bata’ Živojinović, Milena Dravić, etc. https://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=WDyNOLU7Yuc (11. 05. 2017).
107
�Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske, XI./11., 2016.
Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
Sažetak
OD PARTIZANKI DO DOMAĆICA: PREDSTAVLJANJE ŽENA U
JUGOSLAVENSKOM FILMU
Marijana STOJČIĆ – Nađa DUHAČEK
Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo
od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim
60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene
u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja
je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za
oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna
mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao
borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje
i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment
službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj
memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove.
U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u
jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4)
radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena
između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te
na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje,
ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski
muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na
antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali,
tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj
ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također
ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža
danas.
108
�
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Istraživački radovi
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From Partisans to Housewives: Representation of
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Časopis za povijest Zapadne Hrvatske
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Revolutions and revolutionaries: from the gender perspective
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Ovaj rad analizira načine na koje se predstavljanje žena promijenilo od partizanki kao revolucionarnih tema, do kućanica i potrošačica u kasnim 60tim godinama. Ova je promjena vezana uz društveno-političke promjene u jugoslavenskom kontekstu i uz napuštanje ideje ženske emancipacije koja je osmišljena i prihvaćena tijekom i nakon rata. Naime, partizanska borba za oslobađanje od nacističke okupacije te socijalistička revolucija dva su temeljna mita Socijalističke Jugoslavije. Žene su igrale aktivne uloge u toj borbi, kao borci ali i daleko od borbenih linija (logistička podrška, špijuniranje, liječenje i dr.). Također, jednakost između muškaraca i žena je bio važan segment službene ideologije države. Ovi su se narativi kasnije i zabilježili u kolektivnoj memoriji kroz književnost, film, glazbu i stripove. U našem radu istražujemo pet načina prikazivanja ženstvenosti u jugoslavenskom filmu: (1) partizanka, (2) žena u pozadini, (3) suradnica, (4) radnica i (5) domaćica, kako bi prikazali načine na koje predstavljanje žena između 1947. i kasnih 60tih korespondira službenoj politici emancipacije te na koji način ovi prikazi korespondiraju svakodnevici tog vremena. Nadalje, ovo predstavlja analizu filma sagledanog kao skup priča koje su jugoslavenski
muškarci i žene sami iznosili o sebi. Ovakav pristup ima potencijal ukazati na antagonizme unutar društvenog konteksta u kojem su ovi filmovi nastajali, tako što naglašava nedostižne ideala slobode i emancipacije. Istovremeno, cilj ove analize nije samo otvoriti još jedan vid istraživanja prošlosti, već također ponovno razmotriti emacipacijski potencijal kojeg ovakvo istraživanja pruža danas.
film
Gender
representation
socialism
woman
Yugoslavia
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Dokumenti iz arhiva
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
A
Dokument
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Izvještaj prosvjetne sekcije
Subject
The topic of the resource
Izvještaj Glavnom odboru AFŽ-a BiH, prosvjetna sekcija
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Sreski odbor AFŽ-a Zavidovići
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
02.06.1947.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine; Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
PDF
Language
A language of the resource
SH
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
168-A
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
1 str.
1947
analfabetski tečajevi
narodno prosvjećivanje
prosvjetna sekcija
Sreski odbor AFŽ-a Zavidovići
-
http://afzarhiv.org/files/original/c3c470ec92a685d2764026112b50decc.pdf
afb181017afde5644cf35ae80c7351bb
PDF Text
Text
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Dokumenti iz arhiva
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
A
Dokument
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Sreski odbor AFŽ-a Zvornik, zbrinjavanje ratne siročadi
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Sreski odbor AFŽ-a Zvornik
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
04.01.1947.
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine; Udruženje za kulturu i umjetnost CRVENA
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
PDF
Language
A language of the resource
SH
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
125-A
Coverage
The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant
1 str.
1947
ratna siročad
Sreski odbor AFŽ-a Zvornik