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�The Hungarian Historical Review
New Series of Acta Historica
Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Volume 5
No. 4
2016
1956 and Resistance in East Central Europe
Péter Apor, Sándor Horváth
Special Editors of the Thematic Issue
Contents
Articles
Árpád von Klimó
1956 and the Collapse of Stalinist Politics of History:
Forgetting and Remembering the 1942 Újvidék/
Novi Sad Massacre and the 1944/45 Partisan
Retaliations in Hungary and Yugoslavia (1950s–1960s)
739
Jan C. Behrends
Rokossowski Coming Home: The Making and Breaking
of an (Inter-)national Hero in Stalinist Poland
(1949–1956)
767
Gábor Danyi
Phantom Voices from the Past: Memory of the 1956
Revolution and Hungarian Audiences
of Radio Free Europe
790
In the Pull of the West: Resistance, Concessions and
Showing off from the Stalinist Practice
in Hungarian Culture after 1956
814
Unspectacular Destalinization: the Case
of Slovak Writers after 1956
834
“Mainstreaming” and “Disengagement”:
The Possibilities for Resistance,
Critical Opposition and Dissent
854
Róbert Takács
Juraj Marušiak
http://www.hunghist.org
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�Contents
Book Reviews
Slavery in Árpád-era Hungary in a Comparative Context. By Cameron Sutt.
Reviewed by János M. Bak
882
Koldulórendi konfraternitások a középkori Magyarországon (1270 k. – 1530 k.)
[Mendicant confraternities in medieval Hungary (ca. 1270 – ca. 1530)].
By Marie Madeleine de Cevins. Reviewed by Beatrix F. Romhányi
885
[The Teutonic Order in Prussia: Changes in population and settlement pattern].
Reviewed by Benjámin Borbás
888
Choreographies of Shared Sacred Sites: Religion, Politics, and Resolution.
Edited by Elazar Barkan and Karen Barkey. Reviewed by Emese Muntán
892
Brokering Empire: Trans-Imperial Subjects between Venice and Istanbul.
By E. Natalie Rothman. Reviewed by Tamás Kiss
895
Setting the Precedent. By Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla.
Reviewed by Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics
898
By Robert Nemes. Reviewed by Bálint Varga
902
Globalizing Southeastern Europe: Emigrants, America, and the State since
Zionists in Interwar Czechoslovakia: Minority Nationalism and the Politics
The Invisible Jewish Budapest: Metropolitan Culture at the Fin-de-Siècle.
Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler.
By Stefan Ihrig. Reviewed by Péter Pál Kránitz
HHR2016_4.indb 2
916
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�Contents
Szálasi Ferenc: Politikai életrajz [Ferenc Szálasi: A political biography].
The State, Antisemitism, and Collaboration in the Holocaust:
The Borderlands of Romania and the Soviet Union.
By Diana Dumitru. Reviewed by Vladimir Solonari
924
By Marcin Zaremba. Reviewed by Markus Krzoska
929
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�Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881
Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism between
“Mainstreaming” and “Disengagement”: The Possibilities
for Resistance, Critical Opposition and Dissent1
Through a focus on early publications by feminist intellectuals in Yugoslavia during the
practice of women’s emancipation in the context of a state socialist (in this case selfmanaging socialist) country in East Central Europe. After a brief overview of feminist
organizing in Yugoslavia until the late 1980s, this paper looks at conferences and journal
publications, which also provides the opportunity to better understand the workings of
the Yugoslav public space and publishing processes. The text, written with a conceptual
and intellectual historical focus, analyzes the discursive interventions and reformulations
of matters related to women’s emancipation. The new Yugoslav feminist approaches
feminism in North America and Western Europe, feminists in Yugoslavia searched for
in its own context.
“Criticism of the family and marriage […] is already the criticism of the
2
This sentence reveals the essential
role of feminism in post-Second World War East Europea[n socialist states,
which, however, was an underrepresented discourse amid the variety of dissent,
dissidence and countercultural criticism. The close reading of the work of
feminists during the 1970s and 1980s in Yugoslavia, where feminism reappeared
in a semi-organized form and with a wide range of activities—from intellectual
discussion through artwork to explicit political activism—tells us a lot about the
History of Feminism in Yugoslavia in the 1970s and 1980s,” submitted and defended at the Central
European University in 2015. I also rely extensively on my articles “‘Nem osztálykérdés, nem biológiai
meghatározottság.’ A feminista ellenzék elméleti keretei a Tito alatti Jugoszláviában” and another one
entitled “New Feminist Identity and Politics through Conceptual Transfers and Activist Inspirations in
Yugoslavia in the 1970–80s” in the collective volume edited by Joachim Haeberlen and Mark Szajbel Keck
(to be published in 2017).
854
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
is relevant for the region of state-socialist Eastern Europe, while it also allows us
on the early, mostly academic, publications by feminists in Yugoslavia in order
to show some of the possibilities and actual meanings of feminist opposition
in the context of a socialist state. I argue that their activity is somewhere in
policies and self-organizing critical, external discourses and actions.3
My approach comes from intellectual and conceptual history. While
conceptual history focuses on the meanings of the texts through a contextual
reading, for feminist historiography, there is always an explicit political stake
in recovering events of the past. In my reading, the two support each other in
the sense that it is in the interest of feminist historiography to have meanings
of concepts central to certain recovered ideologies, while the contextualism
of intellectual history implicitly and often even explicitly subscribes to the
importance of the personal within the political. The strategies behind feminist
movements always necessarily involve an intervention with language and a
struggle for meanings, the reconstruction of which is the primary aim of
conceptual and intellectual history—which at the very same time respects the
importance of the role of the personal and the individual as well.
published (articles in newspapers, magazines, journals, as well as books) and
unpublished (primarily archival documentation of activist work), artworks and
videos, and also oral history interviews with the participants of the feminist groups.
I base my analysis on the work and discourse of the members of feminist groups
called
[Woman and Society] and their allies. I call the phenomenon
in focus new Yugoslav feminism. Some publications and some members of the
use the term “neofeminizam,” that is “new feminism”—a name that
not all participants, however, acknowledged. “New feminism” is also a general
name widely used to describe that version of feminism, which in its diversity
emerges in the 1960s in Western Europe and North America. This is what is
concepts of “ethical civil society” and “political society.” In that framework, which was applied to Central
European dissent by Alan Renwick, new Yugoslav feminism would be closer to political society in which
Problems
of Democratic Transition; Renwick, “Anti-Political or Just Anti-Communist?,” 287.
855
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�Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881
mostly known today as the “second wave,” another problematic term I will try
to avoid using, because it blends an at least 100-year-long complex history of
feminist movements and discourses into one “wave.”4 However, for the Yugoslav
feminists of the 1970s, the designation “new” refers to the pre-Second World
War feminist history of the country, and this conscious admittance of continuity
is important to highlight. The women and few men active in and around the
group throughout the almost 20 years in focus in this paper. The individual
stakes and life trajectories, the different intellectual approaches, the inherent
differences within the local scenes intellectually and in the actual infrastructures
make this a loose network, connected, however, by the shared fascination of a
The Return of Feminism
and a few university professors. As we can see from the interviews and from their
biographies, these women came from a rather homogeneous social background
and, with two exceptions, were from the same generation. This generation was
and were themselves very often active participants of the partisan movement.
Unlike their mothers, they were puzzled by the contradiction between the
promise of the regime and their own experience of their own emancipation.
5
about “what is happening to American women.”6 The interest, of course, was
not only in women in the United States: Europe and the “Third World” were on
the radar too, especially Italy, England, France, Germany and India.
4 Davis, Moving the Mountain, 27–28, and Hewitt, “Introduction,” 1–2.
5 Cf. Sharon Zukin about Praxis: “For several older members of this group, the collective odyssey in
dissent began in an unlikely way, in teenage heroism with the Partisans during World War II. […] They
Dissent and Nondissent in Yugoslavia,” 131.
856
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
The new feminists in Yugoslavia could explore the possibilities of a
They started with meetings in each other’s homes, which later moved
to the student centers and research institutes until they formed their own semiinstitutions with the foundation of the SOS helplines and the shelters. There
is a difference between the activities in the three major cities in which the
groups were organized. University seminars or talks took place
were
7
the
[Students’ Cultural and Art Center], was
countercultural and political groups, such the punk and green movements. The
straight or still closeted lesbian women worked together in the same group from
the beginning. In the mid-1980s, the lesbian members played an increasingly
new feminism was the SKC, the Students’ Cultural Center, where the director
of the Gallery of the SKC, later the director of the whole institution, was
conference in Yugoslavia took place in 1978. Many women joined the feminist
circles after attending this conference called
[Comradeess Woman: a New Approach].
This famous and canonical conference, however, was preceded by many
publications (already in 1972)8 and a lot of brainstorming, even feminist
presentations at the conferences organized by the state women’s organization, the
[Conference for the Social Participation of
9
In Belgrade, the SKC offered
a series of discussions, the tribine. The conferences (the 1978 international one
7 Even though most literature does not refer to Yugoslav self-managing socialism as “state socialism,” I
use the term to differentiate the political regimes in post-Second World War Eastern Europe from socialist
relevant for the entire region.
for feminist or proto-feminist discussions, though these were not related to the work of the new Yugoslav
and Dobos, “The Women’s Movement in Yugoslavia.”
857
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�Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881
in Belgrade, and then the Yugoslav feminist conferences in 1987, 1988, 1989
and 1990) and the summer schools at the Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik
beginning in 1987 were attracting the largest audiences and opened up to
women who would otherwise not have attended the feminist meetings. After
1985, the small group meetings returned: these were a space in which personal
experiences were emphasized (very similar to the consciousness-raising groups
elsewhere) and the training groups for the SOS helplines for abused women
because of the SOS helpline and the activities around it, the feminists reached
a much wider audience, which could have even served as a basis for a wider
grassroots movement had the war not broken out. The women and few men in
the three cities cooperated very closely in the creation of these helplines, sharing
knowledge and experience.
During the early phase that is the focus of this paper, journal publications
and men could participate in the conferences and editorial work of the journal
[Woman]. As we shall see and as research shows, some of the women
indeed were dedicated to the betterment of women’s position in society, to such
an extent that they were willing to give space to the feminist ideas of young
women—ideas with which they themselves did not agree. This makes
an
interesting case study of inter-generational and inter-ideological encounters.
Meanwhile, the array of journals accepting feminist articles was extended
such as Pitanja [Questions],
[Our topics], Argumenti [Arguments], Ideje
[Ideas], Socijalizam u svetu [Socialism in the World], Republika [Republic], etc., and
in the 1980s Problemi [Problems] in Slovenia. The student journals Mladina in
Student and Vidici [Views] in Belgrade also provided important
forums for new feminist discussions, which is not by accident: the youth
organizations enjoyed relative freedom from state control in their activities.10
With time, the feminist articles reached a wider audience through newspapers and
weeklies, such as Danas [Today] and Start, as well as women’s magazines, such as
11
Bazar published in Belgrade, Svijet [World] in Zagreb and Jana
10 The reasons and explanations behind this widely repeated statement are explored in detail in the work
of Zubak, “The Yugoslav Youth Press (1968–1980).”
were: Svijet (published in Zagreb from 1953 to 1992);
(Belgrade, 1956 to 1993); Bazar
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
on the spectrum between the more serious
, which still followed the party
of which, such as Bazar and Svijet, occasionally did publish feminist articles). The
full picture of the feminist discussions, however, includes art, literature, as well
as literary and art theory, besides the academic discussions and the activist work.
Because of the curators at the SKC, art and literature were extensively present
among others.
The history of the new Yugoslav feminism has its own periodization, while it
was running parallel with the new or second wave feminisms in the “West” after
the beginnings in the early 1970s, which was characterised by private (kitchen
table) conversations and academic publishing, there was a turn around the years
1985–86, called a “second wave” by many, when group members wanted a
change in the work of the groups that would serve to focus more on activism
and consciousness-raising in small, women-only groups. The next phase in their
story started around 1990, when more and more new and much more diverse
groups were born out of the
circles and went in different directions.
These directions ranged from political and anti-war activism through a more
of feminist knowledge through the creation of women’s studies or gender
studies centers and departments at universities or parallel to them.12
is hard to compare to any other form of opposition in the region at the time.
While there is a temptation to attribute the phenomenon to the exceptionality
of Yugoslav self-managing socialism,13 the situation is more complex than that.
as the journals and magazines (those in various constellations) were working
under the umbrella of the SSRNJ [
–
(Belgrade, 1964 to 1990); Nada (Belgrade, 1975 to 1993 and re-launched in 2001); and Una (Sarajevo, 1974
, 78.
12 With regard to wartime, cf. eg.: Mladjenovic and Hughes, “Feminist Resistance to War and Violence
The Body of War
We Were Gasping for Air
Resisting the Evil;
Helms, Innocence and Victimhood; Miškovska-Kajevska, Taking a Stand in Times of Violent Societal Changes.
13 From the abundant literature on Yugoslav self-management, cf. Pavlowitch, Yugoslavia (esp. from p.
175); Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia; Mezei, et al. Samoupravni socijalizam.
859
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�Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881
Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia].14 This, as I explain later
in this paper was, however, far from a complete freedom of the press, but
there were just enough cracks in the wall that a wide selection ideas, including
feminist ones, could reach the public. In addition to the legal and infrastructural
circumstances, there is a crucial source of historical inspiration that is also
part of the explanation: the large numbers of women involved in the partisan
movement,15
the basis this gave to the extensive emancipation of women after the Second
World War, which indeed did entail substantial societal change.16 (Although it
is beyond the scope of this paper, there is important current research on the
state violence exerted against women in Yugoslavia in addition to the literature
on women’s emancipation.)17 Besides these two factors, I would emphasize the
importance of contingency: that these women in the
groups met,
decided to like each other, decided to focus on feminism, decided to organize
the women-only discussion forums and made smaller- and larger-scale decisions
liberalism, deconstruction, Marxist revisionism, nationalism, to mention a few
despite the prevailing censorship, despite the lack of a partisan tradition and
despite the closed borders.18
Dissent, Resistance, Mainstreaming and Disengagement
The new Yugoslav feminists held a position vis-à-vis the state that was between
world’ and ‘second world’,” thus ignoring the ethical and aesthetic complexities
14 Thompson, Forging War, 13.
15 Wiesinger, Partisaninnen; Jancar-Webster, Women & Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941–1945
and Yugoslav Partisans.
Women
.
Jugoslovenski feminizma.
Dom i svijet.
Political Thought and Falk, The Dilemmas of Dissidence.
860
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
of socialist life.19 For various reasons, new Yugoslav feminism is a case par
excellence of the productive encounter of discourses. Engaging in a dialogue
feminists do not directly oppose the Yugoslav state, but see the place of women
there as constant opposition. The disappointment of this new generation of
young women is similar to the experience of the feminists in the United States
and Western Europe and this aspect should be constantly kept in mind when
we discuss the difference between the so-called East and the so-called West.
Despite the differences in the economic and political systems, the new feminist
movement and ideology was born out of a disappointment with the promises
of left politics, that is, with the socialist regime in Yugoslavia and the new left,
the civil rights movements and the anti-war movements in Western Europe and
North America.20
The new Yugoslav feminists learned about the situation of women in the West
and the criticism of existing democracies through the inner, feminist dissidence,21
thus they were inspired and critical of Western capitalist democracies at the same
time, unlike, for example, the liberal dissident groups in Central Europe. The
new Yugoslav feminism, as we shall see, voiced strict criticism through pointing
out the systemic nature of the oppression of women, thematizing women’s
women endure without the intervention of the system. Their claim is that the
state did not change the status quo, one of their conclusions being that once the
regime was built on patriarchy it became ideologically impossible for women to
I call the new feminist discourse in Yugoslavia a critical one, more similar
in its attempt to engage the state in a dialogue than refusing it per se as most
dissidence does. In the meantime, it makes sense to look at this new feminism
in light of dissenting discourses because of the dissenting status of feminism
elsewhere and because of the windows the dissidents themselves offer for
this.22 The new feminists in Yugoslavia did not publish in samizdat nor were
they imprisoned for their writings. However, they were in search of critical
19 Yurchak, Everything Was Forever, 9.
20 Cf. e.g., Hartmann, “The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism” and Sargent, ed., Women
and Revolution
i feminizma.”
21 Sparks, “Dissident Citizenship”; Graycar, ed., Dissenting Opinions. Also, cf. Crow, The Rise of the Sixties.
22 The political scientist Tihomir Cipek and the historian Katarina Spehnjak provide a list of all the
non-researched possible forms of “opposition,” “dissent,” “antipolitics” and “resistance” in the former
861
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�Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881
or oppositional positions within the state’s mainstream. They created a micro
space in which nonconformist ideas could be discussed and critical thoughts
done despite the resistance of the institutions.
Sharon Zukin, looking at “possibilities of dissent” in Yugoslavia, argues
that “[i]n states that claim to operate on the basis of a Marxist ideology, there
is an enormous vulnerability to dissent because of the gap between theory and
practice. In capitalist states, dissent arises in more limited institutional contexts,
notably over the excesses of administrative agencies or the dishonesty of
executive authorities.”23 Zukin claims that due to the framework, the activity of
to East European dissidence. In the meantime, she also debates the “liberalism”
of the Yugoslav state, suggesting rather discussing different strategies of control,
such as creating a controlled space within the state: “neither self-management
nor market socialism is as central to Yugoslav development as the relatively
non-coercive strategies of labor mobilization and capital accumulation that the
leadership established in response to internal and external pressures beginning
in 1947 and 1948. And it is wrong to characterize these strategies as liberalism.”24
Even for critical intellectual positions, a publication in a scholarly journal or
25
Editors of journals
could also be dismissed by the “publisher” of the journal, i.e., the associations,
companies, social, political, educational and other specialized professional
institutions26 that were working under the umbrella of the SSRNJ.27
Besides the organizational aspect, according to the data provided by
Pedro (Sabrina) Ramet, 80 per cent of journalists were party members and the
regarding “freedom of criticism in various Yugoslav elites,” journalists tend to
Yugoslav member state of Croatia, and in their categorization, new Yugoslav feminism belongs under these
labels. Cipek and Spehnjak, “Croatia.”
23 Zukin, “Sources of Dissent and Nondissent,” 119.
24 Ibid., 120.
25 Cf. the dismissal of the Praxis professors, and in 1971, during the era of the so-called liberalization,
Saviours of the Nation; Miller, The
Nonconformists; and Gállos, Szlovéniai változások.
26 Zukin, “Sources of Dissent and Nondissent,” 122.
27 Thompson, Forging War, 13.
862
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
be less critical than other groups of the Yugoslav decision-making élite.28 Part
of the explanation for this tendency lies in the highly political process of their
selection. Furthermore, there were annual reviews of the media products and
the supervising body, like the publisher’s councils under the authority of the
SSRNJ, which could issue warnings, impose penalties on editors, or even dismiss
them and the journalists who wrote articles the council found unacceptable. In
In the case of those newspapers, journals or magazines that were funded by the
SKJ or the SSRNJ, the end of funding meant the end of the medium as well, the
most famous example being the journal Praxis.29
The new Yugoslav feminists, therefore, did not face the same level of
persecution that the dissidents of Central European countries or the Soviet
Union did.30 On the other hand, there is barely any talk about the situation
of women in the work of dissidence in Central Europe and the Soviet Union:
they overlook the shortcomings of state socialism in this regard, which largely
East Central Europe have been raised by many authors.31 In countries that offer
a rich and compelling discussion of human rights, freedom of speech and social
justice, the violation of women in the private sphere and exclusion of women
from the public gets little attention, an issue that, with few exceptions, has not
been examined by existing scholarship until very recently. The new Yugoslav
feminist criticism of the state, although it was not a dissident group per se, but
something between cooperation and dissidence, helps us to understand what
would have been the opportunities in other East European countries to develop
a feminist dissidence. The case of new Yugoslav feminism explains to us how
the ambivalent emancipation offered by the state socialist regimes made it
impossible for dissidents who by the 1980s almost entirely gave up on Marxism
28 Robinson, Tito’s Maverick Media, 125.
29 Ramet, “The Yugoslav Press in Flux,” 110.
30 Falk, The Dilemmas of Dissidence; Csizmadia, A magyar demokratikus ellenzék; Ost, Solidarity and the Politics
of Anti-Politics; Pollack and Wielgohs, eds., Dissent and Opposition in Communist Eastern Europe; Skilling,
Samizdat and an Independent Society; Satterwhite, Varieties of Marxist Humanism; Shore, Caviar and Ashes.
We All Fought for
Freedom and Penn, Solidarity’s Secret.
863
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�Hungarian Historical Review 5, no. 4 (2016): 854–881
to relate to a feminism that had to at least partly acknowledge some of the
improvements in the situation of women in socialist countries.32
Investigating Possibilities of a Feminist Critique of Marxian Thought and
Yugoslav Socialism
Through their textual interventions, the new Yugoslav feminists not only
opposed the state, they also stretched the boundaries of the ways academia
thinks of itself and the ways the state presents the position of women in
Yugoslavia. Through the reading of new feminist texts from the United States
and Western Europe as well as critical Marxist texts from different schools of
thought and sometimes even through philosophy from India, the new feminist
discourse in Yugoslavia attributes new meanings to the concept of feminism
itself. Their political action in academic discussions is rather a discursive one:
balancing between disengagement and mainstreaming,33 they try to create a new
language to talk about women’s emancipation and the relations between men
feminism means, but also
the reconceptualization of consciousness, women’s universal experience, patriarchy, family,
work, “homosexuality,”34 the relationship between the private and the public as well
as the introduction of the concept of gender.
The theme of the relations between the communists and the women’s
movement is paradigmatic for the focus of the discourse, inasmuch that
leftist, Marxist and socialist feminisms from all over the world prevail in the
new Yugoslav feminist intertexts. This always linked the feminist discussions
to the broader frame of Yugoslav state socialist ideology. Both the context and
the audience, i.e., the community of the text’s implied readers (including the
fellow authors in this very issue of the journal Dometi [Throw], mostly from
32
About Marxism and what happens to it, cf. Miller, “Where Was the Serbian Havel”; Judt, “The
33
Briskin, “Feminist Practice,” 26, 29.
Probably no one even dreamed that the movement of people with a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual/
name. In the research material, the most advanced texts make mention of gej [gay] and lezbejka [lesbian]
people, although the most common is homoseksualci [homosexuals]. Since the current position of the
864
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
the
group), support this interpretation. There is a debate about a
new approach (novi pristup
) in Yugoslavia,
which for the protagonists of my text is more or less explicitly the new feminism,
neofeminizam. In several introductions of journal special issues, the editors openly
it the negative examples that teach about paths not to be taken. Therefore, it is
Student in 1976
(cf. below), but also several articles in
and other journals, such as Argumenti
(publishing a documentation of the legendary 1978
conference)
Dometi “that
even today, in all societies to a smaller or greater extent, women are ‘second rate
citizens.’”35
pitanje), investigations of the ideas of the new feminism bring along a conceptual
replacement of the former with the latter. Texts started to emerge only in the
early 1970s: reports on the new feminist movement in the United States and
various countries of Western Europe, from time to time even South America and
emancipation in Yugoslavia, there are at least two parallel stories about feminisms
“elsewhere” with emphasis on the “new feminism.” Telling the story of new
feminisms in the world involves evaluation and therefore reveals the opinion of
the authors, in the manner of which these can be read as manifestos on behalf
of the authors. Especially in case of those Yugoslav new feminists who, either as
competing ideology for which the innocent-looking informative introductions to
the currents of “new feminism” in other countries proved to be a good strategy.
In exploring the different strategies aimed at gaining a place in the discourse
review on Italian feminism as an implicit programmatic text for the new
endeavors to understand the new feminist phenomena, the time being mature
36
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feminism is presented through the history of the Italian communists, which
bears many similarities to the history of Yugoslav communists. What makes
the text programmatic is the way the author makes an attempt to reconcile the
relationship between the women’s movement and the communists – in Italy.
the relationship of feminism and the communist party should take shape in
Yugoslavia. It does tell the story without explicitly pointing out the similarities,
though these similarities nevertheless stand out.
The article begins with the emphasis on the proletarian roots of the women’s
movement, which outweigh the traditions of the civil-rights-based bourgeois
Party of Italy (SPI), which in 1911 severed the ties with the bourgeois women’s
was otherwise also supported by the revolutionary feminists. The SPI’s argument
was that this issue did not concern either the class struggle or the working class
and thus the paths of the communists and the women’s movement parted for
along the recognition that there was need for a separate proletarian women’s
movement, because the working class is ruled by conservative prejudice against
women. However, not much changed in the interwar period, when the major
issue was the struggle against fascism and women’s emancipation was present
only as a remnant from the previous century (“instead of the swing of the
After the overview of the changes after the Second World War, including
the laws having been changed “in bourgeois society,” the patriarchal mentality
prevailed, proving to be the main barrier to women’s liberation (37). This
conclusion is followed by a positive evaluation of the appearance of neofeminizam
in Italy in the years 1968–69, which stemmed from the new left movements and
student protests, from the experience that even within the student movement
women face the same marginalization and discrimination. Feminism in Italy,
oppositional movement in relation to the
existing social order” as “masses of women, mostly young ones, cannot identify
with a single existing political party, not even in the left” (39, emphasis mine).
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
in other texts I analyze below, addressing the juxtaposition of “good” and “bad”
feminisms.
neofeminizam in Italy lay in highlighting
various topics, which repeatedly return as central concepts of the new Yugoslav
feminist discourse: women’s creativity in the arts and the humanities, the debates
about sexuality (in Italy mostly with regard to the right to contraception and
abortion), consciousness-raising – and through this, the relations between the
public and the private, domestic violence and sexual violence. The article ends
with the optimistic conclusion: “It is encouraging [to see] that all women with a
leftist orientation in Italy are in accord in their struggle, regardless of whether
they belong or do not belong to regular parties. Because they all belong to the
women’s movement in a broad sense. This way, today even communist women
with the closure about the success of the feminists, makes the reader think of
this as a path to follow.
The implied conclusions for the new Yugoslav feminism are manifold. The
argument that the roots of the women’s movement, both in the late nineteenth
in the worker’s movement and the in the political left in general addresses both
the state establishment and those who want to join the new groups and share
the ideas. Further elements of the analysis, which can be directly translated into
the current Yugoslav context, are those of the relations between the SPI and
the women’s movements in the interwar period and during the Second World
War, highlighting the parallel between the NOB (
–
[Alliance of the
Women’s Movements] and the feminist examination of the reasons for which
terms women’s movement and feminism throughout the article, here she makes a
distinction. To her, the two concepts are synonymous—women’s movements
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new feminism
along themes and concepts that are recurrently present in the Yugoslav case as
well.
The recognition of different women’s movements and, therefore, feminisms
leads to the description of the different currents of feminism through opposing
pairs in the early Yugoslav publications. These texts categorize feminism
according to the distinction between radical revolutionary women’s movements
(Marxist) and bourgeois movements, on the one hand, and extremist (radical,
hyper-feminist) movements as opposed to the moderate (socialist, Marxist)
movements on the other hand. The two oppositions are clearly contradict one
another and represent a certain socialist conservatism when it comes to selfexpression.
who lived both
joined the feminist group
, initiated a series of articles introducing
American feminism. The “series” ended after two articles and feminism as a
topic returns on the pages of
only in 1975 with the United Nations’ “Year
of Women” in 1975, which was followed by the “Decade of Women”, lasting
Happening to the American Woman?”37 Her claim is that she wants to demystify
the way this “socially-ideationally relevant phenomenon” (57) had been presented
in the media up to then. She emphasizes that new feminism is not only relevant
in the society in which it originates, alluding to the Yugoslav situation, and adds
that her aim is not to judge, rather to represent based on the work of other
researchers. Using analyses from economics and sociology, the author shows the
economic and social problems American women face, including employment
communist and capitalist modernized societies legitimizes feminist claims.
women in which the new Yugoslav feminists participated, Gordana Cerjanto information about new feminism in Yugoslavia. To her, this is the reason for
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
feminist movement.”38 In this other publication from the same year, Cerjanin feminism.39 Summarizing the past ten years of American new feminism, she
politicize “the most human and most hidden spheres of human life–such as the
family, marriage, sexuality”(8).
Other authors approached American radical feminists with much more
caution. A selection of texts by the members of the
group was
published in a 1978 issue of Pitanja entitled “Women, or about Freedom.” The
issue claims to be about the
and not feminism, while most of the
provoking new theoretical-methodological framework based on a critical reading
Yugoslavia. The selection of authors is colorful and while she is dismissive
of Shulamith Firestone for her “extremeness,” “overvaluation of women’s
characteristics” and for overemphasizing “women’s nature,”40 she is appreciative
of Betty Friedan. Whereas Friedan is often criticized by left-wing feminists
feminist Firestone more problematic: authors like Firestone are “mistakenly”
called “radical,” reclaiming “radicalism” as a synonym for “revolutionary” (21).
Jasna Tkalec also welcomed “radical legislative change,” in this case in
France. She embraced the French “new feminism” born in the aftermath of May
sexual morals for men and women, loudly seeking rehabilitation from a Freudian
position of women’s erotica, the sexuality of children and adolescents and even
of homosexuality.”41 This text, inspired by Edgar Morin’s essay in the volume La
Femme majeure42 interprets the new French feminism as a human-rights movement
(1162), whereas it realizes that, despite the similarities between the feminist
discourse and those of Marxism and “decolonialism,” women cannot be treated
39
Idem, “Feminizam – na tragu radikalizma,” 6–8.
La Femme majeure.
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either as a class or as an ethnic group. Tkalec suggests looking at women as a
“bio-social class” and valorizes the potential of the radical demands within the
revolution to the West (1167). The radical demand of the new feminism involves
“a reanalysis of the entire social system with regard to the past and future as well.
and rephrases them in a completely new way” (1167).
A colorful image of feminism unfolds from this range of highly different
texts. Revolution in feminism has the appreciation of the authors, while
radicalism is already ambiguous. The attributed meanings vary from positive,
for example in the sense of “revolutionary,” to problematic as much as it is
“bourgeois.” Bourgeois feminism is unanimously criticized by all authors.
Another characteristic of the early steps the new feminists in Yugoslavia took
is the strategy of suggesting that at the new manifestations of feminism be
regarded as relevant due to the “universal experience” of women from the
perspective of the ideas presented and from the perspective of “our still
patriarchal environment.”43 Universality is useful not only as a “disguise” of the
dissenting ideas, but as a category countering the idea that the solution to the
One of the early examples appears in an issue of Student
presented in translation). It includes texts from Robin Morgan’s edited volume
Sisterhood is Powerful by Zoe Moss and Pat Mainardi (from the Redstockings group,
La Nouvelle Critique, one text by Marie-Thérèse Baudrillard from Politique Hebdo
and an excerpt from Shulamith Firestone’s The Dialectic of Sex. What they state in
the introduction may not look extremely complicated:
“problem” of women, her speech (govor), agency (delanje) and living (
), and
this through a mosaic of broad elements, from analytical-theoretical approaches
to personal statements. Though here it is seemingly only about “foreign
experience,” a lot of this experience of women is universal.44
44
Ibid.
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The introduction does not identify the selection of texts as feminist, but it
also avoids the term
through use of “the ‘problem’ of women,”
who consider women a “problem.” The terms agency and speech point toward
the language of the new feminism as does the selection from the more avantgarde or radical texts, which, by other authors in the Yugoslav publications,
are dismissed for various reasons. The reasons for this can be well organized
around the evaluation of and reservation to a stream of feminism as radical,
revolutionary or extremist on the one hand, and reactionary-bourgeois on the
rather divergent and needs to be treated in the “revolutionary Yugoslav” context.
stream of American feminism as well as of the more theoretical, but rather
Western feminists and thus legitimate the introduction of these ideas into the
local context prevails in the Yugoslav new feminist context, however, in this
case there is also an attempt to reconcile the complex theoretical approach of
Irigaray (and elsewhere, Hélène Cixous and Julia Kristeva) with an expectation
that writing about society serves the revolutionary change in that very society.
The cross-reading of radical feminism with French post-structuralism is an
“invention” of the Yugoslav feminists and here is made explicit by the choice
of an interview with Irigaray, conducted by Catherine Clément, instead of an
excerpt from her Speculum de l’autre femme45 with regard to which the interview
was made.46 For discussing the social use of theories, writings and artworks,
Clément returns to the concept of struggle (borba in Serbo-Croatian and lutte/
combat in French). Clément’s choice of the word has a new relevance in the
managing socialism.
Clément contextualizes Irigaray within 1968 as a movement: “Where, what
all the more important since your book was not a book which we would usually
45
46
Irigaray, Speculum de l’autre femme.
Irigaray’s texts are later also published in translation, in thematic journal issues, accompanied by
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call as one designed for struggles?”47 Irigaray explains her position, which she
begins with the assertion that to her, all philosophical discussions have political
implications:
Maybe we should go that far that we say there is no “politics” of women
that does not take shape either in the form of apolitical statements
or disavowal of the political, this is already a demand (zahtjev) which
struggle (borba) is simply to get to the steering wheel of power, then
women wanted what they don’t [want] to be subordinated to the phallic
order. […] However, we need to be constantly and without mistakes
alert. Phallocracy most probably still has not exhausted all its resources.
(
)? It is important for them to be able to keep the initiative
within the[ir] discourse.48
What Irigaray does in her Speculum is political and radical. Her radicalism is
read into a Yugoslav context in which radicalism is read as revolutionary struggle.
Through this reading in Student, Irigaray is brought into a dialogue with American
second-wave radicalism (even though radicalism assumes different meanings in
the need for radical (down to the roots) change in the discourse conveying power
relations. Getting positions in the existing phallic [phallogocentric] order does
not change the discourse and the place of women within that discourse. The
into the existing order; Irigaray does not spell it out here, however—her train
of thought reminds of the dichotomy between the use of the concept of the
of the patriarchal context, it means taking the initiative and means intervention
into the discourse.
change of meanings in translation.
translation because my interest lays in the language (in the sense of discourse) the Yugoslav readers were
presented with.
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Radicalism, and in relation to that, revolution and the revolutionary nature
of an ideology or movement, is a recurrent theme in the new Yugoslav feminist
writings of the 1970s and early 1980s and is a crucial factor in their selfpositioning within the Yugoslav discursive space, simultaneously adjusting to
of Italian feminism as progressive and points it out as exemplary; however, she
refrains from calling it “radical.” One of the articles in the hereby analyzed issue
of Student, from Sisterhood is Powerful by Pat Mainardi, discusses the “politics of
housework,” which is not only relevant from the point of the relations between
liberation movement” as “revolution.”49
distinction between radical revolutionary women’s movements and bourgeois
women’s movements, on the one hand, and extremist (radical) ones as opposed
to the moderate (socialist) ones on the other.
Clément and Irigaray agree on the need for a radical change of discourse and
Irigaray points out that this is exactly the reason for which radical change is
around and suggests that class be translated into “men and women” and then
adds: “Or, we should admit that today’s praxis of Marxism is not willing to
acknowledge this difference and this exploitation of women.”50 This takes us
Year of Women, when the problems women faced were thematized, or the
, which treat the work
of Marx, Engels and the early Marxists as not very detailed, but in principle
the
back to the realization of
.
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not hold the same place as 1978, looking at the documentation of the debate we
51
At
conference. Members of the editorial board apparently had to explain themselves
for the appearance of the
at the meeting, offering a variety
of understandings of what feminism is: “it is important to differentiate between
against the male sex and the […] progressive movement of women who search
for a way for their own action […] for the political, economic, cultural and other
forms of development in their own country.”52 The introduction, however,
emphasizes the importance of the Marxist stakes in the issue of women and the
family, especially the contributions of Vranicki and Šoljan to the conference. So
one hand, many of the demands of the Western feminists have been provided
to women in Yugoslavia and, on the other hand, that if feminists want to achieve
their goals, they have to return to Marx.53 This happens only to a certain extent:
there is a left-wing, most often Marxist, inclination in the feminist theories
written by the new Yugoslav feminists, but they almost unanimously refuse to
feminist participants, they claim the legitimacy of new feminism. Sklevický, in
highlighting the importance of the “history of forgotten sisters,” describes the
transition from the “old” feminism to the new wave, which realizes that basic
gender roles through various actions.54 The English-language new or secondargued for the alignment of feminism with socialism: “the goal of a nonrepressive civilization is there within all heterogeneous left-wing movements,”
54
Sklevický, “Od borbe za prava do prave borbe.”
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�Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism
while refusing to treat women as a class.55 This, in her reading, makes feminism
explosive—it may even be accused of theoretical incoherence; “however, if we
approach it as a manifestation of one broad, global theory, we will much more
easily get the dimension of the universality it contains. In other words, even if
it is not a theory in itself, it presents a manifestation and is integral part of one
broad theory of social change and dialectical development of society.”56
By the time the 1978 conference took place in Belgrade, the new Yugoslav
feminists became more and more conscious of radical feminism being closer to
their own vision of feminism, revaluation what “radical” and “military” means,
with reference to the revolutionary partisan tradition as a source of legitimacy.
Start is to compare the
feminist movement to the workers’ movement. The comparison is triggered
epitheton ornans of all feminisms in all
times, also present in the state representatives’ discussion of feminism. While
here is a “re-vindication of one’s rights.”57 Clearly, a political system supporting
the workers in all places to stand up for their rights and heralding the workers
cannot afford labelling women voicing the exact same “militant” demands. In
challenges of feminism “as a revolutionary movement.”58
even reclaims “radical” for those revolutionary leftist ideas she agrees with: due
to its essentialism, she suggests that Shulamith Firestone’s The Dialectic of Sex
from 1970 is incorrectly categorized as “radical” and that it is rather “extreme”
feminism.59
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Conclusion
ideas for change—slow and transitional or radical change—in the position of
women in Yugoslavia lies behind the early intellectual endeavors of the new
Yugoslav feminists. Whether looking at Italian feminism in historical perspective
or investigating recent feminist theories and movements, the aim is always to
see the relevance of these for the Yugoslav case. The theoretical criticisms shed
light on the contradictions within the emancipation project promised by the
socialist state and its implementation. It is, however, this promise on behalf of
the state that makes the relationship with the feminist groups multi-layered and
instead of being dissident (which many radical feminist groups become in other
countries),60 the position of the new Yugoslav feminists vis-à-vis the state is
Yugoslav regime as much as the access to institutions and publication possibilities
is concerned. The systematic reading of theories, especially their discussion and
their publication, was made possible at least in part by these infrastructures and
the discursive practices and linguistic interventions paved the way for activism.
group could. Thus they reformulated the relevance of feminism in the region
and by challenging the policies and institutions introduced by the socialist
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Istraživački radovi
Ostalo
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Socialist-Era New Yugoslav Feminism between “Mainstreaming” and “Disengagement”: The Possibilities for Resistance, Critical Opposition and Dissent - Zsofia Lorand
Description
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Through a focus on early publications by feminist intellectuals in Yugoslavia in the 1970s, this paper aims at showing ways of feminist critiques of the theory and practice of women’s emancipation in the context of a state socialist (in this case, self-managing socialist) country in East Central Europe. After a brief overview of feminist organising in YU till the late 1980s, the paper looks at conferences and journal publications, which also gives a chance to understand a bit better the workings of the Yugoslav public space and publishing processes. The text, written with a conceptual and intellectual historical focus, analyses the discursive interventions and reformulations of matters related to women’s emancipation. The new Yugoslav feminist approaches rethink and reformulate the “women’s question”. Reading the recent currents of feminisms in North America and Western Europe, the feminists in Yugoslavia are in a search for ways to reframe this question into a critique that is constructive as well as innovative in their own context.
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Zsofia Lorand
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https://www.academia.edu
The Hungarian Historical Review
New Series of Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Volume 5 No. 4 2016
1956 and Resistance in East Central Europe
Péter Apor, Sándor Horváth Special Editors of the Thematic Issue
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2016.
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https://www.academia.edu
The Hungarian Historical Review
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PDF
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English
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11-IR
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pages 854-881
Central and Eastern Europe
dissent
Eastern European Studies
Feminism
Feminist political theory
Gender
History of Political Thought
Marxism
sisterhood
socialism
women’s question
Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia (History)